10.

MACHINE VERSUS HORSE

FORT RILEY, KANSAS,

AUGUST 10, 1941

Under the wide blue Kansas skies, fifty coal-black chargers lined up at parade rest, resplendent in white bridles that set off their shiny dark coats. Each soldier had curried his charger to a high gloss, daubed blacking on his hooves, and oiled and soaped his mount’s tack until it glowed, yet the spit and polish of the men’s own neatly creased uniforms showed not a trace of their toil.

At Fort Riley, the army’s premier equestrian training center, a hundred-thousand-acre complex in the Flint Hills of northeastern Kansas, an increasing urgency filled the air. Ace equestrian Major Hank Reed and his men were training hard for a war that seemed more and more likely. Just three years ago, Reed had crossed paths with Gustav Rau during the Reich equestrians’ visit to Fort Leavenworth. At that time, the young officer was in charge of mounting the ceremonial color guard for the visiting dignitaries. Now the world had changed dramatically. Earlier in the year, Franklin Delano Roosevelt had been sworn in for his third term in office. The United States was still at peace, but the world beyond American shores was aflame. An outright German invasion of Great Britain seemed imminent. On February 9, during a radio speech, Prime Minister Winston Churchill made a direct plea to Roosevelt: “Give us the tools and we’ll finish the job.” No doubt Churchill was referring to tools constructed with blowtorches, rivets, and steel. He knew that America had the ability to gear up for mass production of ships, tankers, bombers, and armored vehicles, Britain’s best hope to compete with the industrial powerhouse of Germany. Still, each part of the armed forces had its specialized job, and in 1941, the United States Cavalry’s job was horses.

While Alois Podhajsky was building up the Spanish Riding School in Nazi-occupied Vienna, and Gustav Rau was expanding his network of stud farms in occupied Poland, the United States Cavalry was training its soldiers on horseback. The U.S. Army Remount Service, the U.S. counterpart to Gustav Rau’s horse-breeding operations, was increasing breeding and acquisition of warhorses in anticipation of entering the European war. These horses were known as “remounts,” because soldiers’ horses were so frequently incapacitated or killed that they needed a constant supply of fresh mounts to sustain them. A group of Americans led by cereal magnate W. K. Kellogg had donated a number of priceless Arabian stallions to the war effort, some of which shared distant bloodlines with Witez and his brothers. A short while later, Kellogg made another extraordinary gift to the army—his Pomona, California, ranch. The Kellogg ranch, home to America’s finest Arabian horses, had been used often as a backdrop for western movies. The ranch was renamed the Pomona Remount Depot, and it took up the job of breeding horses for the army. As America geared up for war, horses were included in the mix.

The epicenter of mounted cavalry training remained at the force’s most prestigious equestrian center, Fort Riley. On August 10, 1941, the men of the 10th Cavalry, one of America’s oldest all-African-American cavalry regiments, stood at attention. In the center of the formation, mounted on four white horses, the color guard sat tall in their saddles, holding the flags of their regiment and the American flag upright. The Stars and Stripes stirred in the slight warm breeze that fluttered across the parade grounds. Today was an unusual day for the 10th, who interrupted their rigorous training routines to celebrate. Founded in 1866 to help guard the westward-extending railroad from Native Americans, the 10th, known as the Buffalo Soldiers, had planned a full range of festivities, from a parade to a picnic to a theater performance in the evening. Hank Reed was justifiably proud. After years of being largely ceremonial, his regiment had been swept up in the energy revitalizing the army as world events seemed to be carrying the country toward the inevitability of war.

The mercury was climbing and would reach 102 degrees by the afternoon, the sky was cloudless and pale blue, and the men in their uniforms had no shelter from the sun. The brand-new barracks at Camp Funston, west of the center of Fort Riley, sat in barren rows. Beyond them stretched miles of waving grasslands, and rising in the distance, the sheer walls of the base’s distinctive landmark, the Rim Rock, a steep line of cliffs accented by a pale white line of limestone that ran across their length. The Camp Funston area of Fort Riley, originally a staging center for World War I, had been torn down after that war, but with the army swelling in 1941, a new base had been hastily thrown up on the silty plain just four miles west of Fort Riley’s central grounds. The Union Pacific Railroad hugged the curve of the bluffs along the Kansas River until it disgorged masses of newly minted recruits at the Junction City station. Here, where a sign near the officers’ quarters still commanded them not to shoot buffalo from the window, and where General Custer’s house still stood, the Wild West past seemed closer than the problems in Europe and Asia.

Major Hank Reed was operations officer of the 10th Cavalry, a white officer leading an all-black regiment. He had been out west for four years—first at Fort Leavenworth and now Fort Riley. His face had leathered from hours in the bright Kansas sun, but his good nature showed in his open expression and prairie-wide smile.

Hank was born on a gentleman’s farm near Richmond, Virginia, son of a wealthy textile merchant. He moved easily in the army’s high society, but he was equally at home—probably more so—out on a dusty parade field. Born into a new century on Christmas Day 1900, he had reached his fourth decade still hopeful. His eyes were accustomed to looking out over vast distances between two ears at a gallop, the wind rushing past, whispering that the world was full of possibilities. Hank and his wife, Janice, had no children of their own, which made him only more devoted to his animals, his horses, and, most of all, his men. Sure, it was hard to see how what he did every day would make a difference, but he insisted on perfection, trusting that duty had its own rewards. However, as world events grew tense and more attention turned to the military, Reed knew that he and his squadron were on the sidelines—far from the main event. The real action was happening out at Fort Knox, where the cavalry was experimenting with switching some of its regiments from riding horses to mounting tanks and armored cars.

When Reed entered West Point in 1918, the Great War, the world’s first technological conflict, had just come to an end. That war definitively proved that horses were no match for the modern mechanisms of war: machine guns, airpower, and chemical warfare. But on the banks of the Hudson, the cadets spent hours on the parade grounds, honing the techniques of mounted combat that recent history had already proved outmoded. The War Department continued to pour resources into its mounted force, in part because skeptics believed that motorized vehicles would never be as mobile cross-country as horses, but also because the cavalry had a rich ceremonial and sporting tradition that no one wanted to let go of. Between the two wars, the army had invested tremendous resources in its training manual for horsemanship, combing the world for the most advanced and effective horseback-riding techniques. In the 1920s, it sent a young cavalry officer, Harry Chamberlin, to Italy, France, and Russia, where he studied at their cavalry schools, importing from Italy the technique known as the “forward seat,” an innovation where the rider, instead of leaning back at a gallop and over jumps, rode in balance with the horse’s motion, which led to a great increase in a horse’s ability to jump well. Cavalrymen were taught to ride horses in a systematic manner leading to a high degree of uniformity and an easily recognizable style. To be one of the best riders in the American cavalry meant that you were one of the best riders in the world.

Hank Reed was one of this elite cadre. At West Point, his fellow cadets had teased him about his way with women and horses, calling him “a good judge of horses and the fairer sex.” On June 13, 1922, the day that Reed graduated, the skies had been a clear sunny blue. As a student, he was average, graduating in the exact middle of his class. His prowess on horseback was where he had won the admiration of his instructors and peers. But as he stood at attention in his gray cadet’s uniform, he must have wondered at some level whether the army was a good career choice. Two years after the Armistice, many thought that America did not need a standing army any longer. Nonetheless, Reed was proud of his choice to serve his country. The West Point superintendent, Brigadier General Douglas MacArthur, handed him his diploma, then the newly minted second lieutenant quickly changed into an olive-drab uniform and Sam Browne belt and hurried off to the train station. He and the other young graduates would enjoy a three-month leave before they reported for duty. Reed would be heading for his first assignment with the 8th Cavalry at Fort Bliss, Texas, one of the force’s many dusty western outposts—relics from the days of the Indian Wars. His future in a peacetime army promised endless exigencies: training, drills, more training, more drills, preparing for a moment that might never come.

Since that day, Hank Reed had spent a third of all his waking hours on horseback. Reed was the best of the best, a crack rider, an ace. In 1930 and 1931, he showed off his skills at jumping and equitation as a member of the army’s Horse Show Team and was an alternate for the 1932 Olympic Equestrian Team. That year, he was also selected to join the elite twelve: the army’s Advanced Equitation Course, the most coveted spot for its equestrians—a horsey boot camp designed to create the army’s future equestrian leaders. At the beginning of the year, these twelve officers were each assigned four horses to train: a remount army-bred horse that might have arrived bucking and kicking from a nearby ranch and was not even halter-broken; an untrained polo pony; an experienced jumper; and a green, untrained jumper. These twelve officers had no other responsibilities throughout the year. All they did was ride, often eight straight hours in the saddle, Monday through Friday. On weekends, they played polo and participated in jumping competitions. Hank Reed and his companions could train a horse from the ground up to be a polo pony, a competitive jumper, or a steady soldier’s mount.

The cavalry’s skill in training riders was without equal. They could take one of the greenhorns who arrived at Fort Riley without a whit of riding knowledge and turn him into an experienced soldier who could take a horse off the picket line, fully tack him up, and mount in under ten minutes. He could be taught to gallop at full speed in formation, often ponying another horse (leading a horse while riding) alongside or carrying a flag. He and his fellow soldiers would hurl out cavalry hooahs as they slid their horses off steep embankments, flew over fence gates, and soared over ravines. Even with intensive training, men were sometimes hurt or killed. If not hurt too badly, a soldier was required to climb back on his horse. Lessons on fording rivers on horseback included advice on how to hold on to the horse’s neck, and to grab the tail if a soldier came unseated in a strong current (a period training film intoned that the latter method was less desirable, as being towed by a horse’s tail allowed “no control over the horse”). The cavalry training manual also described how to handle a falling horse: In the split second when he realized he was going down, the rider should “push with the arms and legs at the instant of leaving the horse to clear him as there is not so much danger of being struck by the animal’s feet when he struggles to regain his footing.” No obstacle should deter the soldier and his mount from their destination. The cavalry’s informal motto was “Over, under, and through.”

A cavalry soldier was trained to be versatile. He drilled on proper technique for mounting and dismounting, and for riding at the walk, trot, and canter. He knew how to ride in formation in the small confines of an indoor riding hall, following precise commands; he also could function in ceremonial formation on the parade field, or at a fast gallop cross-country, navigating natural obstructions in his path. He knew the name of each part of a horse’s anatomy, its ailments and possible remedies. He could handle the kick of an M1 rifle while balancing on horseback. A young African-American recruit to the 10th in 1941 at Fort Riley remembered the challenge of taking up riding from scratch, noting that on the first day, three quarters of the men fell off their mounts. He recalled that “you had a ten minute break and you spent eight minutes taking care of your horse and then you had a two minute break for yourself…but your horse was important, cause if you didn’t take care of him, you didn’t get to ride.” Men are not born knowing how to ride horses. Equitation, defined by the army as a secure and correct seat that would allow a soldier to “control his horse under the normal conditions in which he is used,” was drilled into cavalry recruits with the efficiency of a production line.

Fundamental to the whole process was the relationship between man and horse. Training included instruction in animal-human communication, in areas such as “equestrian tact” and “the moral intelligence of a horse.” As described by a journalist from Life magazine, “An American cavalry man must know everything an infantry man knows….He must be a bit of a motor mechanic, a good tank and armored car driver, a motorcyclist. Beyond all that he must know how to care for and feed a horse, to love and to cherish it in sickness and in health, till death does them part.” This was the doctrine that Hank had been living by for twenty years, and he taught his men to care for and love and cherish their horses. In the twentieth-century American cavalry, morale, camaraderie, and esprit de corps included the four-footed soldiers.

Everything that mattered in Hank Reed’s life, outside of his family, revolved around horses. Starting with his days as a cadet, he had lived in a world that could measure everything—honor, kindliness, discipline, sporting spirit, diligence, and, most of all, courage—in equestrian terms. His brain was crammed with the nomenclature of horses: cantle, withers, curb chain, bran mash, fetlock, stock tie, near side, picket line. He knew the aids for a flying lead change, the correct attire for a foxhunt, the thunder of charging by platoon, and the serenity of riding alone on a quiet path, with only his mount’s breaths and cadenced footsteps for company. The rhythm of a horse’s strides was like music to him—the walk a ballad in four/four time, the trot a rousing two-beat march, the canter a smooth three-beat waltz. Reed knew the scent of fresh straw in the stable, the tickle of a horse’s whiskers as it nuzzled up a carrot. He knew that endless moment when a fall was inevitable and then the sudden breathless smack of landing hard on packed dirt. He knew what the end of a day on horseback felt like, salty with sweat, dirt under his fingernails, and a mind whitewashed from all worry. More than anything, Hank Reed understood what was unspoken among all of these horse soldiers. Sunburned, brusque, tough, accustomed to giving and taking orders, they knew that if you live, eat, sleep, and breathe horses for long enough, they become part of you, and your soul is forever altered. Hank walked and talked and moved and stood still like a cavalryman—you’d have known him from an infantryman at a distance of a country mile. This was an art, and Hank Reed, age forty-one, was master of it. The only problem was that it was a dying art.

Throughout the 1920s and ’30s, the army cavalry had been immersed in an argument about what to do with the horses: One group, the die-hard horse folk (called “mossbacks” for their resistance to change), argued that the cavalry meant mounted soldiers, and the cavalry and the horse were inseparable. The other group, equally adamant, insisted that the force’s traditional tactics—surveillance, reconnaissance, and mobility—were the hallmarks of cavalry forces, and horses were simply a means to become mobile that could be augmented or replaced with machines such as armored cars and tanks. In 1936, the 7th Brigade of the 1st Cavalry was the first to be mechanized, trading in horses for armor. In some branches of the force, this change was considered heresy; in others, it was thought to be the wave of the future. In the year 1940, the United States produced 4,280,000 cars. The transition from horsepower to motorized vehicles was largely complete in the civilian domain.

REED RIDING TEA KETTLE, 1942.

In 1939, a new chief of cavalry was appointed. Major General John K. Herr, a mossback, wanted people to choose sides—you were either a tank man or a horse man. Herr’s appointment raised eyebrows. He was described in the contemporary press as “a grey horseman, a one-time top-flight polo player who hates the smell of gasoline. Does what he can to brake the trend toward mechanization from horse units.” His great brainchild was the mechanized horse unit, in which horses, tanks, and armored cars worked alongside one another. Herr and his fellow mossbacks called the men whose cavalry units had been fully mechanized “cushion pushers.”

On April 21, 1941, a handsome cavalry soldier and his charger appeared on the cover of Life magazine. Inside, the periodical’s photojournalists documented the vigorous training of the recruits—one showed a trooper lying on the ground with several broken bones sustained in a fall. The article opened, “In an age of twenty-five-ton tanks, warfare on horseback seem[s] hopelessly antiquated,” but went on to extol the virtues of what was called “horse-mechanized” cavalry. Horse trailers, called portees, could transport up to eight men and eight horses. A trained soldier could get his charger from the stables and load him onto the portee, along with all of his equipment, in only four minutes. From there, the portees would carry the men and horses to the field of battle. In spite of the article’s positive spin, the mounted men riding alongside armored vehicles looked absurd.

To a career officer like Hank Reed, it made no difference that opinion was turning away from mounted cavalry. His job was to maintain the level of training and skill that the force demanded. Riding horses took constant practice and drill; caring for the horses was a morning-to-night routine. In addition, skilled craftsmen were needed to tend to the horseshoeing and equipment. Soon, his troops would be traveling by train with their horses to participate in war games. This would be a time to prove the horse’s utility even in the era of tanks, armored cars, and jeeps.

ON THE GLORIOUS SUNNY DAY of the 10th Cavalry’s seventy-fifth anniversary, after the morning mounted parade, the men were not just ready but champing at the bit as they gathered at Camp Funston’s parade ground—known as the “Buffalo Stomp Grounds”—to hear their commanding officer, Colonel Paul R. Davison, give a rousing speech from the dais. The men listened attentively, their faces shaded by broad-brimmed campaign hats. Reed sat nearby with the other officers, intent on his commanding officer’s words.

Looking out over the sea of dark faces, the white officer explained to the members of the unit that the regimental standard might soon be flying almost anywhere in the world—Africa, China, Latin America. “That is the reason I’ve been pouring the training on this regiment,” he told the men. “When we fight an enemy, we want to be so tough, so hard and so well-trained that we can talk about it afterwards.” The American army in 1941, still segregated along color lines, was struggling to come to terms with the influx of new African-American recruits. While prejudice against them in the army was rampant, the white officers who led this historic black regiment believed in their men’s ability to fight. Speaking later about the 10th, Colonel Davison said, “In all my years of service, those in command of the Tenth stand out most clearly. In no other command did I receive more loyal, willing, and instant service than in the Tenth. I had the feeling that if given the job in peace or war we could accomplish anything with the regiment.” And yet the men seated here had a double whammy of disadvantages to contend with as the world prepared for war: First, they were horse cavalry; and second, they were African-Americans in a segregated army.

Colonel Davison and Major Hank Reed understood how high the stakes were for these African-American enlisted men. In under a month, they would be participating in the biggest war games ever held on American territory—the event that became known as the Great Louisiana Maneuvers. Horse cavalry would be thrown into a mix that included tanks, armored cars, airplanes, and half-tracks (trucks with two wheels in front and two tracks in back). Not only the mossbacks but also most army officers believed that horses still had an advantage over difficult terrain, and the area set aside for the maneuvers—Louisiana swampland—handily fit that description.

ON MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 15, 1941, low-hanging dark clouds dumped rain over the thirty-four-hundred-square-mile area where the largest group of American military forces ever assembled in one place had gathered. The rain poured down upon the paved roads and the muddy ones, the pine forests and quicksand-filled marshes, the isolated farms and main streets and church steeples of the small parishes, and it rained on 470,000 men, 50,000 wheeled vehicles, and 32,000 horses. Congress had handed over $21 million to support these war games.

All eyes were on the army’s technology. The German blitzkrieg of tanks and motorized vehicles supported by airpower was perceived as the greatest potential threat. George Patton would be showing what his armored cavalry forces were capable of. The question on everyone’s mind was whether the American army had mechanized sufficiently to put up a fight.

Louisiana was not only the proving ground for America’s technology. For Major General John K. Herr’s equine-centric cavalry, this was the Battle of Little Bighorn, the horse’s last stand, a chance to prove that mounted troops were indispensable even nearly halfway through the twentieth century. For the African-American soldiers of the 10th Cavalry, there was even more at stake. Despite their proud history as valiant warriors from the Indian Wars through the charge up San Juan Hill, the racist, pseudo-scientific eugenic theories that had taken hold in the U.S. Army during the early years of the twentieth century had done these men harm. Especially since 1931, their status as fighters had been constantly degraded, leaving them often without weapons, employed as servants to white officers—grooms, valets, drivers—and stripping them of their historical role as fighting men. Here was their chance to prove their real worth.

The unabated rain turned sandy roads into slick sheets of slippery mud and marshes into swamps. The horses, accustomed to traveling over any terrain, appeared to have an innate advantage. The war game maneuvers were set up with two teams facing off: the Red team under the command of General Walter Krueger, the Blue team under the command of General Ben Lear, each side including armored vehicles, cavalry, infantry, and airpower. The 10th, part of the 4th Brigade of the 2nd Cavalry Division, was assigned to the Blue team. Here, in the lands between the Sabine and Red Rivers, the men in uniform would face water, clay, mud, and hills, as well as chiggers and coral snakes. The cavalry leaders complained that the tanks started out with an unfair advantage, grumbling that horses should be given a head start, since they normally performed reconnaissance, operating by stealth, well in advance of the rest of the troops. But the rules of the war games specified that both mounted and mechanized troops had to start at the same time. The two teams faced off one hundred miles apart, imparting an obvious speed advantage to the motorized vehicles. Still, it seemed possible that the horses might be able to showcase their superior mobility over such tricky terrain.

While the press focused their cameras and comments on the technological might of the armored divisions and air capabilities on display, locals in this sleepy corner of western Louisiana were impressed by the sight of columns of horses thundering down the highways. They also noticed some of the unique difficulties encountered by the horsemen, who crept into local corncribs at night to steal extra rations for their horses.

On the second day of the maneuvers, a camera caught the soldiers of the 10th riding alongside a column of tanks that dominated the center of the road. For a while, it seemed as if the horse really did maintain an advantage: Riding hell for leather through the night in the pouring rain, the mounted soldiers beat their teammates in General George Patton’s armored division to the town of Zwolle, where their mission was to prevent the 1st Cavalry from crossing the Sabine River. Tanks were sliding off roads, getting stuck in Louisiana’s famous “gumbo” mud, running out of gas—subject to all of the shortcomings of motorized vehicles of the era. The horse showed none of these deficiencies. Among the horse cavalry, rumors were flying—perhaps their stellar performance had earned them an eleventh-hour reprieve from being marginalized.

The games were held from September 15 to 20 and 24 to 28, 1941. In the second maneuver, General Patton switched sides, joining the Red team, where he would assist General Krueger. Patton, a cavalryman himself but an early adopter of armor, took advantage of the fact that the Blue team’s General Lear didn’t trust armored divisions and liked to rely more heavily on the horses. Patton raced through East Texas with his jeeps, tanks, and armored cars, managing to encircle the Red team and proving that cavalry tactics combined with motorized speed could trump the traditional cavalry’s capabilities.

Though this was effectively the last time that the United States mounted cavalry would appear in force, Fort Riley still percolated with new recruits. The presence of such star athletes as Joe Louis and a young Jackie Robinson buoyed the spirits of the African-American community, and even though black soldiers were still discriminated against, a few glimmers of progress became apparent as the Officer Candidate School at Fort Riley grudgingly opened its doors to its first few black soldiers.

For the horse, there was no such glimmer of hope. Even though a few voices still argued in its favor, motorized vehicles had won out. In March 1942, with the stroke of a pen, the War Department eliminated Major General John K. Herr’s position as chief of cavalry and deactivated the 2nd Cavalry Division, of which the 10th was a part. Bitter regret surged through the old hands in the cavalry, and of John K. Herr, critics said, “He lost it all.” Just one year after the glorious seventy-fifth-anniversary celebration, the 10th Cavalry was disbanded and most of the soldiers were moved into service roles. By 1942, the stables at Fort Riley had been converted into tank barns.

Hank Reed was needed elsewhere. On February 21, 1942, Colonel Davison sent him off with these words of praise: “You have contributed more towards bringing the regiment up to its current level and it has prospered from your loyal and conscientious leadership.”

On his last night at Fort Riley, Colonel Reed walked across the base toward home. The night sky formed an inverted bowl above; the glittering Milky Way seemed close enough to touch. Off in the distance, a Union Pacific railroad train chugged past, its lonely whistle piercing the air. Reed was preparing to say goodbye. As for all career army men, his life had been a series of departures, each new phase marked by packing bags and boarding trains. He had watched his country roll past the plate-glass windows of his train cars, trading the green, closed-in East for the wide-open West, the empty plains giving way to eastern cities on the way back. But this time felt different. The cavalry as a mounted unit was finished, and the men he had been commanding for seven years would be broken up to face an uncertain future in an army that did not treat them fairly.

Major Reed was leaving for Camp Forrest in Tullahoma, Tennessee, to join the 633rd Armored Battalion. Starting today, he was a cushion pusher. Reed was no Luddite. He understood the necessity of moving into the armored age—his love for horses had convinced him that the modern battlefield was no place for these amazing animals. But still, his departure from Fort Riley was bittersweet.

The final strains of taps floated out over the base, then faded into the still night air, leaving just cricket sounds in its wake, while Hank Reed said farewell to his last day as a mounted officer.