1
The Sanctuary of St Philip in Hierapolis and the tombs of saints in Anatolian cities
Abstract
The age of Constantine, when Christian worship began to be freely practised, saw the start of a process that would cause a radical transformation of the cities of the Empire. The construction of churches, which became the new centres of social aggregation, had a profound impact on the ancient cityscapes. In this context the cities of Anatolia provide some very significant examples. Many necropoleis, whose main function during the Imperial period had been the social visualization of family groups, now took on new functions connected to the veneration of the tombs of the saints. Large sanctuaries grew up around these tombs, and within the urban layout, new lines of communication were opened up. In Anatolia the examples of Hierapolis (the tomb and sanctuary of St Philip), Ephesus (the Seven Sleepers and St John) and Meriamlik (the tomb of St Thecla) demonstrate these dynamics in an exemplary way.
Keywords: Anatolia, Ephesus, Hierapolis in Phrygia, St John, St Philip, St Thecla, Seven Sleepers, Silifke, tombs of saints, urban landscapes.
Introduction
A recent book by Ann Marie Yasin (2009), dedicated to saints and church spaces, tackles a theme of great interest for understanding the development of cities in late Antiquity. The author investigates the role that the cult of the saints – including the building of churches in their honour and the veneration of their tombs – played in the construction of those spaces where the new social and political order of cities was manifested in the 4th to 6th centuries AD. From the reign of Constantine onwards, with Christians now enjoying freedom of worship, churches became the new centres of aggregation. They replaced the pagan sanctuaries, which (especially in Asia Minor) were completely destroyed and erased from urban and suburban landscapes, as in the case of the famous temple of Artemis in Ephesus.
In this framework the necropoleis, particularly those where the remains of saints and martyrs were venerated, took on new functions. There was a shift away from the self-representation of family groups by means of reliefs on burial monuments and complex messages, sometimes of a juridical nature, expressed in inscriptions, to a more ‘public’ function, particularly in those parts of the ancient necropoleis that were linked to the presence of sancta corpora. The tombs attributed to saints thus became the central point of complex and dynamic urban development, with a shift in the fulcrum of the city’s layout, modifying the road network and creating new concentrations of monuments in areas outside the main settlements, even those with only minor necropoleis.
Exemplary in this regard is the case of Rome and the Old St Peter’s Basilica, built by Constantine over the tomb of St Peter. However, recent excavations in Milan, conducted in the courtyards of the Università Cattolica, in a suburban area dated to the Republican and Imperial eras, have revealed new data regarding the urban transformations associated with the cult of other martyrs’ burial sites.1 As well as gardens and peasants’ houses, there are necropoleis with tombs belonging to figures of not particularly high social rank, except for the sarcophagus with the deposition of a woman accompanied by a rich set of grave goods. It was in this area – following a dream – that Bishop Ambrose decided to conduct excavations in order to find the bodies of the Milanese martyrs Gervasius and Protasius. Those ‘archaeological’ investigations led to the discovery of the saints’ bodies, which were transferred to the basilica ‘ad martyres’, built by order of the bishop in this area outside the walls beyond the Imperial circus (Cagiano de Azevedo 1968; Lusuardi Siena 1990, 124). A monumental complex, corresponding to the current Basilica of Sant’Ambrogio, was thus created that transformed a suburban necropolis area into one of the most extraordinary religious centres in northern Italy.
In late Roman cities the public role of the necropoleis where the tombs of the saints are located is amply attested elsewhere in the territories of the Empire and is cited in an extensive corpus of literature. Around these locations, dynamics of self-representation were activated, in which the saint took on the identifying characteristics of the city; an emblematic case of the role played by the venerated tombs is that of St Demetrius of Thessaloniki (Fig. 1.1) (Yasin 2009, 171–5). The large five-aisle basilica built over his tomb is characterized by a complex functional articulation of spaces, starting with the tomb itself, positioned on the left-hand side of the building’s entrance (Fig. 1.2). In the middle of the central nave is the ciborium, a hexagonal structure like an ancient mausoleum, inside which the saint manifests himself and dialogues with the faithful. Lastly, in the apse, an underground chamber is used for the miracle of the myron, the perfumed oil emitted by the bones of the Saint; a similar miracle is attributed to St Nicholas of Myra, both in his tomb in Lycia and after the transfer of his relics to Bari in Italy.
Fig. 1.1. Thessaloniki. Basilica of St Demetrius; plan: 1. Ciborium; 2. Tomb of St Demetrius (adapted from Bakirtzis 2002, fig. 1; by courtesy of the author).
That a strategy for representing the city’s identity was activated around the tomb of St Demetrius is clear from the large corpus of literary texts dedicated to the miracles of the martyr (Lemerle 1979–1981, 2–110). Inscribed in the famous church dedicated to the saint, next to the mosaic representing a distinguished cleric of Thessaloniki to whom St Demetrius frequently appeared, is a prayer that clearly links the saint to the city: ‘Most happy martyr of Christ, you who love the city 
take care of both citizens and strangers 
’.2 Indeed, one of the miracles tells of the apparition of the saint to a pilgrim. The same connection with the city is also seen inside the ciborium, where there was a gold throne with St Demetrius sitting on it and a silver throne on which sat the Lady Eutaxia, the personification of the Tyche of Thessaloniki (Pallas 1979; Bakirtzis 2002, 179).
Fig. 1.2. Thessaloniki. Basilica of St Demetrius, Tomb of the Saint (after Bakirtzis 2002, fig. 9; by courtesy of the author).
Fig. 1.3. Ephesus. Plan of the city: 1. Cemetery of Seven Sleepers; 2. Basilica and tomb of St John (adapted from Zimmermann 2011; by courtesy of the author).
Ephesus and Saint Thecla in Seleucia
This civic aspect of the saints’ tombs is indispensable for an understanding of the new urban landscapes that characterized the cities of proto-Byzantine Anatolia, and the case of Ephesus encapsulates many of the issues linked to these themes (Fig. 1.3). Recent investigations conducted by Norbert Zimmermann at the Cemetery of the Seven Sleepers (Zimmermann 2011) have clarified many aspects of its chronology and provided original data for understanding the role of the necropoleis within the urban system (Fig. 1.4). The new stratigraphic and stylistic interpretation of the paintings in the houses of Ephesus has enabled the decorations to be dated to the 2nd or 3rd centuries AD, rather than the 4th to 5th centuries posited by previous authoritative studies. This late dating had also been attributed to the paintings of the arcosolia of the Cemetery of the Seven Sleepers, which had also therefore been considered to be proto-Byzantine, whereas the new research dates the origins of the complex to no later than the 3rd century. This makes it possible to consider in a new light the marble epigraphs, described by Miltner in 1937 (Miltner 1937, 201–11; Zimmermann 2011, 393–402), in which the names of the deceased are accompanied by the formula 
, clearly indicating a Christian context (Fig. 1.5). The Imperial-era cemetery was situated outside the city on the road that leads to the hill of St John after running alongside the Sanctuary of Artemis. It was a collective burial site, comparable to the Roman catacombs in Rome, and represents a highly distinctive example for Asia, belonging to the Christian community of Ephesus, managed directly by the bishop. In the reign of Theodosius, this led to the development of the legend, linked to the complex, of the reawakening-resurrection of the seven boys who had fallen asleep during the persecution of Decius (Fig. 1.6). The site was expanded with the construction of churches, chapels and new burials, and began to attract pilgrims, not only Christians but also Muslims, since the miracle of the Seven Sleepers is cited in one of the suras of the Koran. The pattern of settlement of Ephesus was transformed in the proto-Byzantine period and the necropolis began to play an essential role in relation to the hill of Ayasoluk, where another burial was at the origin of a new settlement. Around the tomb of the Apostle John a sacellum was built, followed in the reign of Justinian by the majestic basilica that houses, in the area of the presbytery, the cavity where the saint started to breathe again on the day of his panegyris (Fig. 1.7). With the emergence of the two cemeteries, the topography of the ancient provincial capital changed radically, giving way to a new settlement that still lies in the shadow of the hill of Ayasoluk, whose name conserves the memory of the miraculous tomb (in Turkish it means ‘holy breath’).
Fig. 1.4. Ephesus. Cemetery of Seven Sleepers, plan (after Zimmermann 2011, 368 fig. 3; by courtesy of the author).
Another important example is found in Seleucia (Silifke) in Isauria in eastern Anatolia, which was the centre of the cult of the thalamos (tomb) of St Thecla. The tomb became the site of a large pilgrimage complex that was also visited, between 381 and 383, by Egeria, on her way to the Holy Land. Unfortunately the complex, known as Meriamlik, has not yet been the object of systematic research and our main sources of information are the Byzantine texts recounting the saint’s miracles (logoi). This sanctuary also lies outside the city and the miracles refer to a path through the fields and an uphill stretch of road that the pilgrims had to follow. As in other Christian shrines, healing took place by means of incubation, lamp oil, and water from a spring 
(Fig. 1.8).3
Fig. 1.5. Ephesus. Cemetery of Seven Sleepers, marble epigraphs (Roman period) (after Zimmermann 2011, 394, 396, 398; figs. 33, 37, 39, 40; by courtesy of the author).
The cult of the tombs of saints continues today in the Muslim world (Chambert-Loir and Guillot 1995), which displays certain interesting forms of interaction with the Byzantine world. The sanctuary of Haci Bektaş Veli in central Anatolia developed around the türbe (mausoleum) built in 1367 in the village of Sulucukara Höyük. The site is the focus of worship by the Alevi community, but it is also frequented by Christians, who believe that there was once an ancient monastery there and that the venerated tomb is that of St Charalambos (or St Eustathios) (Zarcone 1995, 314). A complex ritual is practised in the sanctuary, involving an itinerary passing through seven doors, worshippers moving ‘on all fours’ at the entrance, propitiatory offerings, and healing practices around the dilek agacı (the tree of desires), to which the faithful tie strips of cloth (Zarcone 1995).
The cult of Saint Philip in Hierapolis of Phrygia
I shall conclude with the example of Hierapolis, presenting the most recent research, which enabled us, in 2011, to identify the tomb and the sanctuary of the Apostle Philip.
The transformation of the classical towns of Asia Minor in Byzantine times was dramatic, with evident effects on urban layout and disruption caused by wars, natural catastrophes, and the dynamics of human history (Arthur 2012, 278–9).
In Hierapolis, the extraordinary conservation of the town has enabled us to learn much about the urban transformation following a strong earthquake that took place in the second half of the 4th century; the town’s appearance changed completely, with the abandonment of monumental buildings such as the northern agora and the nearby theatre, which then provided building material for the new city walls and marble for the lime kilns (D’Andria et al. 2005–2006, 349–59; Scardozzi 2008, 40–3). In this northern area of the town, outside the fortifications, the imposing building now interpreted as a Roman basilica (Scardozzi (ed.) 2015, 112–3), was transformed, probably as early as the 5th century, into a church, with lateral spans and a central aisle covered with three cross-vaults. The building presents strong signs of the seismic events affecting this region and constitutes an extraordinary example of the reuse, in the proto-Byzantine period, of imposing buildings of the Roman era. This church can also be linked to the cult of the martyrs’ tombs and to the creation of new religious centres of urban aggregation in the 5th and 6th centuries AD in the peri-urban areas. Indeed, the church was built in an area surrounded by the tombs of the North Necropolis and, according to an interesting hypothesis by Paolo Verzone, it might be connected to the veneration of the tombs of Kyriakos and Klaudianos, two local martyrs cited in the Syriacmartyrology (Verzone 1956, 40–5; Huttner 2013, 341).
Fig. 1.6. Russian icon with representation of Seven Sleepers (Wikimedia Commons, https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Seven_Sleepers_icon.jpeg).
Fig. 1.7. Ephesus. Basilica of St John, the cavity under the altar (after PÜlz 2010, 81 fig. 6; by courtesy of the author).
The fortifications reduced the size of the city from 72 to 60 hectares, creating an architectural structure that radically redefined the new urban landscape. The churches now formed the nodes of the new Forma Urbis, replacing the ancient sanctuaries, which were systematically destroyed. The sanctuary of Apollo, the religious centre of the city, was demolished during the 5th and 6th centuries, and the sacred area was turned into a dump for old building materials. Only the oracle (Temple A) appears to have escaped destruction, perhaps because the well that provided thermal waters was saved due to its healing qualities (Semeraro 2012, 298–302).
Fig. 1.8. Silifke. Church of St Thecla, with underground thalamos, plan (after Herzfeld and Guyer 1930, 38 fig. 1).
Maintenance of the cura aquarum is also well attested in the nearby sanctuary of Hades, brought to light during the most recent excavation campaigns. Starting in Hellenistic times, a complex system of cult buildings was erected around the Ploutonion, where, during the 2012 campaign, an inscription dedicated to the god of the Underworld and to his wife Kore was discovered by the entrance to the cave. This entrance was purposely obliterated in the 6th century by an enormous dump of stones and architectural fragments arising from the demolition of the sanctuary, and a large wall was built in front of the ancient theatron, partly with blocks from the destruction of its travertine seating. However, the thermal waters continued to be used for therapeutic purposes and two large basins were thus built in front of the wall (D’Andria 2013b).
It is clear that this period saw the deactivation of the distinctive characteristics of the town’s religion. Specifically, the practices linked to the oracle (Sanctuary of Apollo) and health (the Ploutonion and the cult of Hades in the hypostasis of Serapis) were absorbed by Christian Hierapolis through the figure of the Apostle Philip. The cult of the saint appears to be closely linked to prophecy: the literary sources speak of his three daughter prophetesses, two of whom were buried next to their father while the body of the third was venerated in Ephesus. In the Acta Philippi there is also a clear element of Montanism, a heresy that had actually originated in the nearby city of Pepuza.4 In the 5th to 6th centuries the religious activities linked to prophecy and healing were transferred from the centre of the city, where the Sanctuary of Apollo and the Ploutonion were located, to the north-eastern hill of the settlement. Here stood the large pilgrimage sanctuary dedicated to the Apostle Philip, the complex layout of which has been brought to light during recent excavations (D’Andria 2013a).
The publication of the Atlas of Hierapolis (D’Andria, Scardozzi, and Spanò 2008, 95–7 folio 21) has helped us to understand how the octagonal Martyrion on top of the hill, excavated by Verzone in the late 1950s, was part of a much larger architectural complex situated immediately outside the eastern town walls (Figs. 1.9–10).
Fig. 1.9. Hierapolis. Aerial photograph with the hill of St Philip (in circle) and the Roman theatre in the middle (photo A. Gandolfi; with kind courtesy).
The excavations of 2011–2012 brought to light a church that has its nucleus in tomb C127, one of the 1st-century monumental tombs built in the Roman necropolis (Fig. 1.11).5 The tomb, sited within a burial plot that developed until the beginning of the 4th century, appears to have been marked by distinctive elements from as early as Roman Imperial times. On the side wall of the tomb, which would later be incorporated or obliterated by the late ancient building, was a rectangular hollow (0.50×0.62 m) with holes that may have served to lodge a metal sheet with an inscription or a bas-relief. This recess can be attributed to the period preceding the construction of the church and may provide a clue to the particular importance attributed to the tomb as early as the Roman or late ancient period. Also considered a clue to the importance attributed to tomb C127 in the mid-Imperial period is the name Apolleinarios, in the nominative case, carved in 2nd-century characters on the wall to the left of the door. In the necropolis of Hierapolis, inscriptions referring to the tomb’s owner are usually in the genitive case, followed by the term bomos or soros. The reference to the name of the celebrated bishop of Hierapolis who lived during the 2nd century, the author of an apologia of Christianity that was also sent to the emperor Marcus Aurelius, might not be coincidental (Ritti 2011–2012, 53–5 fig. 1).
Fig. 1.10. Hierapolis. Plan of the hill with octagonal Martyrion and Church of St Philip (archive of the Italian Archaeological Mission at Hierapolis).
Furthermore, the tradition of the presence of the tomb of the Apostle Philip in Hierapolis dates back to the 2nd century, being cited in important documents such as the letter of Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, to Pope Victor, cited by Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica III, 31, 2–4):
Fig. 1.11. Hierapolis. Tomb C127 in the Roman necropolis, 2nd–3rd centuries AD (3D reconstruction by Max Limoncelli; archive of the Italian Archaeological Mission at Hierapolis).
and indeed even in Asia great stars rest (. . .); Philip, one of the twelve apostles, who rests in Hierapolis...
Together with the dialogue between the Roman priest Gaius and Proculus, a representative of Asian Montanism, these literary testimonies assert the nobility of the Church of Asia with respect to Rome, which holds the tropaia of Peter and Paul, and refer to the presence of the tombs of the apostles John in Ephesus and Philip in Hierapolis.6 In addition, an important epigraphical document, unfortunately now lost, attests to the presence in the Phrygian city of the church of the Apostle Philip; the inscription is carved on a sarcophagus dated to the 5th century, and cites Eugenios, archdeacon, responsible for the church of the saint, apostle and theologian Philip.7
In the course of the 4th century the area of the tomb was separated from the rest of the necropolis and enclosed by a rectangular building in which the characteristics of the later cult appear (Fig. 1.12). Thus it may be considered a memoria relating to the cult of the tomb (D’Andria 2011–2012, 25–8 fig. 18) and represents the beginning of an uninterrupted process which saw the monumentalization of the eastern hill. The interior of this space is characterized by the presence of two large basins, about two metres deep and completely revetted with large marble slabs, which were used for practices of ritual immersion. Due to the depth of the basins the faithful could immerse themselves only with the help of two assistants, and this suggests that, as early as the 4th century, around the venerated tomb, an organization had been established that enabled the execution of complex ritual activities. The building had a geometric mosaic pavement and a bench on its southern side which, based on evidence of what happened in the later phases, could have been used for incubation practices following immersion in the pools. The use of water appears to have already been a characteristic of the cult related to the tomb and, as noted above, shows a continuity with the cults of Roman Hierapolis, particularly the manteion of Apollo and the thermal springs of the Ploutonion, in which water played an important role in oracular activities and healing practices.
Fig. 1.12. Hierapolis. The tomb of St Philip inside the 4th-century memoria (3D reconstruction by Max Limoncelli; archive of the Italian Archaeological Mission at Hierapolis).
In front of the church stood the aghiasma, a fountain that marks the point of arrival of the aqueduct that brought water from springs on the plateau and fed the basins alongside tomb C127. The aghiasma was characterized by a shell-like marble canopy that perhaps deliberately recalls the analogous placement above the thermal spring of the oracle of Apollo.
In the late 4th and early 5th centuries, with the new urban layout marked by the fortification walls, the area around the tomb and the pilgrimage route leading from the northern gate were subject to large-scale monumentalization. On the eastern side of the city walls, a new gate flanked by two towers was opened and a bridge was built over the ravine that separates the north-eastern hill from the city; during the 2012 campaign we created a structure with modern materials that replicates the function of the ancient bridge, allowing visitors to reach the entrance to the sanctuary more easily. A stairway led from here to the summit of the hill, forming the axis around which the main monuments of this phase, the baths and the Martyrion, are oriented. Both these buildings are based on an octagonal plan. That the complex was part of a single project is also shown by the dimensions of the baths building, which correspond to the central body of the Martyrion (Fig. 1.13).8
Whereas the Martyrion complex was abandoned after the earthquake of the 7th century, ritual activity in the church built around tomb C127 continued into the 12th century. The church was repaired after the damage of the earthquake and had rich marble decoration in the mid-Byzantine era (9th to 10th centuries). This aspect also shows the importance that the local Christian community attributed to the place and the tomb.
The construction of the three-aisled church that obliterated the primitive memoria has been dated to the 5th to 6th centuries. It differs from the structure of the Martyrion in terms of its poorer construction technique and other aspects. In the church of the sepulchre the walls were built using reused materials, many of which came from the Roman tombs that covered the whole area. They were demolished in order to create the flat surface on which the church was built. The structures built around tomb C127 contained, as infill material, entire marble and travertine sarcophagi; among the collapsed walls, fragments of decorated sarcophagi were also discovered, clearly having been reused in the structure. In contrast, the building technique used for the walls of the Martyrion is precise and shows no use of reused materials: the structures of the central octagon were built with specially cut blocks from quarries and confirm the presence of skilled masons who were familiar with Imperial-era techniques used for cutting and laying travertine blocks.9 Thus the two buildings were built by different groups of craftsmen in chronologically distinct periods. Nonetheless, the church that incorporates the tomb is large (length 35 m; width 21.50 m), particularly in the development of the nave (width 10 m), which is separated from the aisles by two rows of piers with arches. The rubble of the building has revealed the presence of women’s galleries (matronei), with marble columns and Ionic capitals supporting impost blocks decorated with crosses flanked by vegetal motifs. Furthermore, the two aisles terminate in two chapels (parakklesia) provided with separate entrances. In this phase, there was a marble staircase within the narthex enabling access to a platform surrounding tomb C127. This must have created a compulsory path for pilgrims with an exit stair behind the tomb, where there was a landing decorated with a mosaic with braid motives and tondos with figures of fish and birds, datable to the 5th to 6th centuries.
Fig. 1.13. Hierapolis. The hill with the Bath Building (to the left); on the top the Martyrion and the Church of St Philip (3D reconstruction by Max Limoncelli; archive of the Italian Archaeological Mission at Hierapolis).
A marble templon with eight columns, Pergamene capitals and an epistylion, bearing a dedicatory inscription and decorated with geometric motifs and crosses, was built within the bema. At this time the relics were kept in a barrel-vaulted room below the altar supported by a monolithic marble block; a terracotta pipe linked the level of the altar to the underlying room and was probably predisposed for offering myron and introducing brandea, strips of cloth which, on touching the venerated relics, became relics themselves which the pilgrims took with them as phylacteries (D’Andria 2011–2012, 28–33 figs. 23–4). Indeed, the inscription found on the marble altar table in the northern parekklesion mentions Dorotheus, indicated as myrodotes, and refers to the myron. The slab above the main altar also bears a dedicatory inscription mentioning the metropolitan bishop Theodosius. The formula of the dedication uses the expression from the Gospel in which the penitent thief says to Jesus,
(Luke 23, 42) ‘remember me, when you come into your kingdom’ (Ritti 2011–2012, 54–6 figs. 2–3). The same bishop is probably indicated in the monogram of a smaller epistilion that was found near the tomb; it belongs to a ciborium or baldaquin that was built over the platform above the tomb, indicating to the pilgrims the sacred place where burning oil lamps were probably placed. The structure of the martyrial altar of Hierapolis recalls that of the altar above the tomb of the Apostle in the Basilica of St John in Ephesus. Here too the altar is positioned above an underground cavity in which the sacred relics were kept, connected by a manhole to the level of the presbytery; it is here that the miraculous powder issued from the tomb on the day of the panegyris of St John,10 when the Apostle started to breathe again.
That the link between the sanctuary and the bishops of Hierapolis was very strong is also indicated by an exceptional document: a list of bishops painted in red on a marble slab that must have been located in the presbytery. Among the names is Auxanon, already known for having participated in the fifth council of Constantinople in 553 (Ritti 2011–2012, 58–61 fig. 6).
In the new church the system of basins associated with healing practices that were sited near the tomb was enlarged. Alongside the two large basins two further basins were added for individual immersion, furnished with a marble hatch that permitted the water to flow into the larger basins. There was a further basin, circular in shape, in the centre of the nave. The space between the tomb and the templon was thus entirely occupied by this hydraulic system.11
The complexity of these proto-Byzantine buildings is also confirmed by the recent investigations conducted in Laodicea by Celal Şimşek. In the centre of the city, in a dominant position in the valley of the Lykos, a short distance from Hierapolis, the excavations have brought to light a monumental church with three naves. Given its position in the city and the presence of a large and sumptuous baptistery, with an extensive residential area, probably the bishop’s palace, it can be interpreted as the cathedral. Inside the bema, precisely below the altar, Turkish archaeologists discovered terracotta piping that enabled the input and drainage of water in connection with a basin that was clearly associated, as in the church of St Philip, with liturgical practices involving water and with its symbolic value.12
In the light of the new finds, Paolo Verzone’s observation on the sanctuary of St Philip gains even greater significance. He attributed the 28 rooms that surrounded the Martyrion to hospitality for pilgrims and posited that incubation was practised there, as in other famous pilgrimage sanctuaries in the East, including the Cosmidion of Constantinople.13 In the complex at Hierapolis, the inclusion of ancient healing practises within the Christian cult, particularly those linked to Asclepius and Serapis, is thus clear.14 The therapeutic dimension of the cult of Hades-Serapis emerges most clearly in the extraordinary complex of the Ploutonion, where the destructive forces of the underworld, including the emission of fatally poisonous gases, were transformed via the beneficial properties of the thermal waters, which were able to heal and to promote fertility by irrigating the fields (Vitruvius, De architectura, VIII, 3).
Together with textual sources, the extraordinary complexity of the buildings and ritual practices now identified on the eastern hill of Hierapolis allows us to attribute the sanctuary and the tomb at the centre of the church to Philip the Apostle. This site in Hierapolis can now be listed among the most famous Eastern pilgrimage sanctuaries, such as St John in Ephesus (Büyükkolancı 2001; Pülz 2012, 80–4) or St Thecla (Meriemlik) in Seleucia (Herzfeld und Guyer 1930, 38ff.; Maraval 2004, 224–5). To confirm this interpretation we present a bronze bread stamp for pilgrims found in Hierapolis and now kept in the Virginia Museum of Art, Richmond (Gonosova and Kondoleon 1994, n. 94, 270–3). At the centre of the representation is the image of St Philip, indicated by the inscription, flanked by two stairways that lead to two different buildings, the one to the left covered by a dome, and the one on the right by a gabled roof, which effectively refer to the buildings actually discovered in the excavations.
New research in the Lykos valley
The new research conducted in the valley of the Lykos, particularly in Laodicea and Tripolis, has also provided a substantial body of new data that help to understand how the urban layouts were radically transformed in the proto-Byzantine period, in connection with the rise of numerous Christian places of worship. In Laodicea for example, the discovery of the large cathedral church, in the heart of the city, constitutes a fundamental element for our knowledge, thanks both to the exceptional state of conservation and to the serious conservation measures that have been implemented.15 More complex is the interpretation of the other Christian religious buildings present in the city and their dedication to the bishops, confessors, and martyrs who were eminent figures in the local church. Among these was the figure of Sagaris, a bishop martyred in the 2nd century AD, who is also cited in the famous letter of Polycrates to Pope Victor concerning the correct date of Easter as one of the important figures of the Church of Asia who supported his position. This document, recorded by Eusebius (Historia Ecclesiastica V, 24, 5), also refers to the burial of the martyr in Laodicea 
.16 It can reasonably be hypothesized that after Sagaris’ death – as with St Philip in Hierapolis – a cult developed around his tomb, which would subsequently become the nucleus of an important sanctuary in the proto-Byzantine period.
In the reconstruction of the topography of Laodicea, a process currently benefiting from the most recent investigations, one building in particular, not yet excavated, presents very interesting features. It lies to the east of the proto-Byzantine fortifications, in an extra-urban area partly occupied by the Eastern Necropolis. Already highlighted by Traversari,17 the building is recognizable from the structures still visible on the surface as an octagon with apses on four sides, positioned within a circular rotunda with a diameter of about 34 m (Fig. 1.14). The monument’s extra-urban position, adjoining the Roman necropolis, and its octagonal layout recall some features of the Martyrion of St Philip in nearby Hierapolis, which, however, was larger; indeed, the square-plan building that incorporates the octagon is 60 m long on one side. The octagonal church in Laodicea can thus also be interpreted as an extra-urban martyrial complex, and systematic excavations may be expected to highlight – as with the sanctuary of St Philip – the full extent of the affected area and the other structures within it (Fig. 1.15). These elements suggest a strong connection between the building and the Christian memories of Laodicea; in the distinctive characteristics of this building I believe that it is possible to recognize the central nucleus of a more extensive martyrial complex built in the proto-Byzantine period over the tomb of the saint, bishop and martyr Sagaris. This is for the time being merely a working hypothesis, but it would certainly be consistent with the dynamics of religious competition which, in the Christian era as in the previous Imperial period, is believed to have raged between the two main cities of the valley of the Lykos. It is no surprise furthermore that the competition between the two cities was based on figures of saints of unequal importance such as Philip, one of the twelve apostles, and bishop Sagaris. Indeed, a similar situation is attested by an inscription from Ephesus, discovered in the cathedral of St Mary (Die Inschriften von Ephesos Ia, 45). The inscription reproduces the text of an Imperial letter, perhaps by Justinian, which makes reference to a controversy between the cities of Ephesus and Smyrna, whose bishop demanded to be made Metropolitan of Asia, emphasizing the antiquity of his church, founded by the martyr Policarp. However, the document stresses the primacy of the Metropolitan See of Ephesus, based on the authority of the Apostle John, recognizing, however, the autocephaly of Smyrna, precisely in view of the prestige deriving from the presence of the martyred saint (Amelotti and Migliardi Zingale 1985, 125 n. 15; Feissel 1999, 127–8 n. 29).
Fig. 1.14. Laodikeia. Octogonal Martyrion in the Eastern Necropolis (after Şimşek 2007, 282 fig. 99a; by courtesy of the author).
Fig. 1.15. Laodikeia. Plan of the city in the 6th century (adapted from ŞimŞek 2015; 20 fig. 15; by courtesy of the author).
In Hierapolis, the 7th century marked a turning point for the entire city: the Martyrion was abandoned, following the burning of its wooden dome, which left many traces on the travertine piers of the octagonal room; in mid-Byzantine times only a small chapel on the western side of the destroyed proto-Byzantine building recalled the importance of the monument.
Conversely, in the 9th and 10th centuries, thanks to the presence of the venerated tomb, the church of St Philip saw further development, in a widely attested phase in the city in which mid-Byzantine contexts, characterized by a class of lead-glazed pottery known in Italian as ‘ceramica a vetrina pesante’, are frequent.18 Although the church was reconstructed, the whole system of pools appears to have been filled in, with an opus sectile pavement laid over it throughout the nave.
This phase saw a change in religious practice, with the centrality of the Eucharistic liturgy and the martyr cult linked to the presence of the tomb.19
A further interruption was probably the result of a new earthquake in the 10th or 11th century, also attested in other parts of the city. The roof of the church is assumed to have collapsed and, in the 11th to 12th centuries, a cemetery was established in the nave, clearly demonstrating a desire to be buried next to the tomb, which continued to be an object of veneration.20 That the memory of the apostle was still alive is also attested by the visit of Frederick Barbarossa’s army in 1190: Sequenti die in Lytania majori transivimus c dirutam civitatem Jerapolis, ubi S. Philippus Apostolus passus est (Historia de Expeditione Friderici Imperatoris IV, 25–7).
The cemetery ceased to be used in the 13th and 14th centuries and the entire area was occupied by a Seljuk settlement that saw the tomb as living space, reusing the ancient stone beds (D’Andria 2011–2012, 40–1).
That the site was still visited by pilgrims is attested by the burial of a French pilgrim in a Roman tomb immediately to the west of the Martyrion. The tomb contained five lead signa peregrinorum, indicating the stations of the journey: from the sanctuary of St Leonard of Noblat, to St Mary of Rocamadour, Mary Magdalene at Saint-Maximin La Sainte-Baume, Rome and, after a trip by sea, the coast of Asia Minor to reach the ancient Persian Royal road to the Holy Land, which passed through Hierapolis (Ahrens 2011–2012).
The sanctuary of St Philip in Hierapolis and the tomb were the subject, in various forms, of veneration over the course of many centuries; now, thanks to the recent stratigraphic investigations of the complex, quite rare in terms of the wealth of data and the systematic application of multidisciplinary techniques, the complex is proving highly useful for understanding the interactions between urban landscapes and the cult of saints in Anatolia.
Notes
Information on the excavations in the area can be found in Rossignani and Lusuardi Siena 1990, 23–48; Lusuardi Siena, Rossignani, and Sannazzaro 2011.
Bakirtzis 2002, 176, focal point of the pilgrim cult of St Demetrios was the splendid silver-plated wooden ciborium, described by the Archbishop John of Thessalonike in the book of the Miracula; Yasin 2009, 237; Brubaker 2004, 69ff.
The only research into the site and monuments of Meriamlik dates back to the 1930s: Herzfeld and Guyer 1930. The literary traditions regarding the saint are referred to in a recent work by Davis (2001), unfortunately so full of bibliographical errors as to make consultation rather difficult.
Amsler 1996, 30–2; for the Acta Philippi, in the light of the archaeological documentation, see D’Andria 2011, 34–6. For a systematic investigation of Montanism, see Tabbernee 1997, for Hierapolis, 91–5, 497–508.
A preview of the results of these excavations appears in D’Andria 2011–2012, 3–52.
For a recently published and very helpful summary focusing on the early centuries of Christianity in the valley of the Lykos, see Huttner 2013.
E
. The inscription copied by Cockerell at the beginning of the 19th century was described by Gardner (1885, 346 no. 71) and examined by scholars such as Ramsay (1895–1897, 419) and Tabbernee (1997, 502ff. no. 83).
For the octagonal baths building, see D’Andria 2010, 55–67; Caggia 2012, 165–87.
See Verzone 1960, which still provides the most valid summary of the monument today.
The miracle is described by the Catalan chronicler Ramon Muntaner (Crònica 234), who visited Ephesus at the beginning of the 14th century: Foss 1979, 127.
For healings performed by means of water in Byzantine sanctuaries, see Ousterhout 2015, 65–77.
For an in-depth presentation of the building, with its rich decoration including mosaics and wall paintings, see Simsek 2015, for the plumbing network below the altar, 37–42 figs. 33, 44–8.
Verzone 1978, 1060–1. The incubation was practiced not only in the eastern Mediterranean but also in Rome, in one chapel of S. Maria Antiqua, connected to a Greek community in the early eighth century: Knipp 2002, 11–16.
On pilgrimage to healing Byzantine shrines, see Talbot 2002. On themes linked to the continuity of pagan cults in Christian contexts, see Dal Covolo and Sfameni Gasparro 2008.
For the project to restore and cover the building, see Şimşek 2015, 86–95.
See Huttner 2013, 334–5, on the martyrdom of Sagaris, bishop and martyr of Laodicea under the governor Servilius Paulus.
Traversari 2000, 94–5; the octagonal building is interpreted as a martyrion, inspired by the model of the Martyrion of St Philip in Hierapolis. See also Şimşek 2007, 281–2.
Arthur 1997. The presence of ceramics and mid-Byzantine contexts throughout the settlement was extensively demonstrated by the most recent excavations: Polito 2012; Semeraro 2012; Cottica 2012; Arthur, Bruno, Leo Imperiale, and Tinelli 2012; Caggia and Caldarola 2012.
We know that some of the relics had already reached Rome via Constantinople in the second half of the 6th century; Pope John III (561–574; Liber Pontificalis I, 305) is believed to have built the Ecclesia apostolorum Philippi et Jacobi, today the Basilica of the Holy Apostles, on the site where the relics were housed: Cecchelli 1999, 84–6.
Caggia 2014, 146–52, presentation of the mid-Byzantine burials inside the Church of St Philip; cf. also Wenn et al., this volume.
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