Notes

Introduction

1 The quintiles compare the average income of these groups and are taken from World Development Report (New York: UN Development Programme, 1999), 3. The world Gini indices are from Branko Milanovic, Global Income Inequality: The Past Two Centuries and Implications for 21st Century (PowerPoint presentation, Autumn 2011). See also James B. Davies, Anna Sandstrom, Anthony Shorrocks, and Edward N. Wolff, The World Distribution of Household Wealth (Discussion Paper No. 2008/03, United Nations University World Institute for Development Economics Research, 2008), esp. 21–22.

2 Credit Suisse Research Institute, Global Wealth Report 2014 (October 2014), https://www.credit-suisse.com/ch/en/news-and-expertise/research/credit-suisse-research-institute/publications.html. To be counted among the global 1% in terms of wealth requires $798,000 or more in assets at today’s prices.

3 This is measured from the baseline year of 1990. The Millennium Development Goals were eight international development goals established at the UN Millennium Summit in 2000 and targeted at the world’s poorest, including eradicating extreme poverty and hunger (goal 1) and reducing child mortality (goal 4). The MDGs have been hugely influential in setting the development and aid agenda. In 2015 they were updated with a new set of goals through to 2030, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

4 Credit Suisse Research Institute, Global Wealth Report 2014, 3.

5 According to Branko Milanovic, of the World Bank, these two factors—class and geography—together account for more than 90% of variability in people’s global income position. I return to these factors later on. “Where in the World Are You? Assessing the Importance of Circumstance and Effort in a World of Different Mean Country Incomes and (Almost) No Migration” (Policy Research Working Paper No. 4493, World Bank, January 2008). Wealth and quality of life are about more than capital income and wealth, however, on which see also Gerry Kearns and Simon Reid-Henry, “Vital Geographies: Life, Luck, and the Human Condition,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 99, no. 3 (2009): 554–74.

6 Credit Suisse Research Institute, Global Wealth Report 2014.

7 With due acknowledgment to the late David Foster Wallace, by way of my colleague Ole Jacob Sending.

8 See, for example, David Nally, “Trajectories of Development, Modalities of Enclosure: Land Grabs and the Struggle over Geography,” in At the Anvil: Essays in Honour of William J. Smyth, ed. Patrick J. Duffy and William Nolan (Dublin: Geography Publications, 2012), 653–76; see also Ben Bouckley, “Oxfam Tackles PepsiCo, Coke over ‘Disastrous Impact’ of Sugar Land Grabbing,” FoodNavigator.com, October 2, 2013.

9 Abhijit Pandya, “Charity Always Begins at Home: House of Lords Report Slam Dunks David Cameron’s ‘Global Welfare’ Project,” Daily Mail, March 30, 2012. The article refers to “parts of the world that most need to get off their backsides and sort out their nation”. Britain is one of the few countries to meet its 0.7% aid contribution.

10 See Jonathan Glennie, “Global Inequality: Tackling the Elite 1% Problem,” Poverty Matters (blog), November 28, 2011, http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-matters/2011/nov/28/global-inequality-tackling-elite-national. Glennie gives the figure of £30,000 net annual income in pounds sterling at 2011 prices.

11 Credit Suisse Research Institute, Global Wealth Report 2014, 6. On GDP recovery, see Emmanuel Saez, “Striking It Richer: The Evolution of Top Incomes in the United States (Updated with 2009 and 2010 Estimates),” Stanford Center for the Study of Poverty and Inequality, March 2, 2012, http://eml.berkeley.edu/~saez/saez-UStopincomes-2010.pdf, 1.

12 Pierre Rosanvallon, The Society of Equals (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013), 10.

13 Richard Titmuss, introduction to Equality, by R. H. Tawney (London: Unwin Books, 1964), 10–11.

14 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract and Discourses, translated and with introduction by G. D. H. Cole (London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1966), x.

15 R. H. Tawney, Equality (London: Unwin Books, 1964), 42.

Chapter 1

1 See Duncan Green, From Poverty to Power: How Active Citizens and Effective States Can Change the World, 2nd ed. (Bourton on Dunsmore, UK: Practical Action Publishing, 2012). Green’s analysis is a sophisticated one, but global poverty cannot be understood on the basis of a theory of power-as-agency alone.

2 Resilience is widely assumed to be a new concept, for example. Yet this forgets the full title of the Independent Commission’s 1980 Brandt Report: “North-South: A Programme for Survival.” See also Mark Neocleous, “Commentary: Resisting Resilience,” Radical Philosophy 178 (March–April 2013): 2–7.

4 “The World’s Next Great Leap Forward: Towards the End of Poverty,” Economist, June 1, 2013. We must also bear in mind the following: “In all, 2.2 billion people lived on less than US$2 a day in 2011, the average poverty line in developing countries and another common measurement of deep deprivation. That is only a slight decline from 2.59 billion in 1981.” World Bank, “Poverty Overview,” http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/poverty/overview.

5 Branko Milanovic, “Global Income Inequality by the Numbers: An Overview” (Policy Research Working Paper No. 6259, World Bank, November 2012), http://elibrary.worldbank.org/doi/pdf/10.1596/1813-9450-6259, 12.

6 For all the debate about whether the world is experiencing convergence or divergence, the most likely scenario is one of what we might call “converged-divergence”. See also Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014), 432.

7 See Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (1944; Boston: Beacon Press, 2001), 216.

8 Tony Judt, Ill Fares the Land: A Treatise on Our Present Discontents (London: Allen Lane, 2010), 138.

9 To take just one example: “The bi-polar distribution of land established during three centuries of colonial rule is still, after nearly two centuries of independence, one of the crucial underpinnings of persistent high levels of income inequality in Latin America.” E. H. P. Frankema, “The Colonial Origins of Inequality: The Causes and Consequences of Land Distribution” (Groningen Growth and Development Centre, University of Groningen, June 2006). See also David De Ferranti, Guillermo E. Perry, Francisco H. G. Ferreira, and Michael Walton, Inequality in Latin America: Breaking with History? (Washington, DC: World Bank, 2004), https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/15009.

10 My thanks to Alan Lester at the University of Sussex for the always-invigorating discussion and the dispossession examples here.

11 Africa had a median Gini index of 0.42 in the 1990s, for example, compared to Eastern Europe’s 0.29. The figure for Central African Republic (from 1993) is 0.61; Ghana’s is just 0.37 (figures rounded). See K. Deninger and L. Squire, “New Ways of Looking at Old Issues: Inequality and Growth,” Journal of Development Economics 57, no. 2 (1998): 259–87; see also Christiania Okojie and Abebe Shimeles, Inequality in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Synthesis of Recent Research on the Levels, Trends, Effects and Determinants of Inequality in Its Different Dimensions (London: Overseas Development Institute, February 2006).

12 Ken Henry, “Spreading the Benefits of Globalisation: ‘Selling the Compounding Benefits of Reform,’” in Living Standards and Inequality: Recent Progress and Continuing Challenges, ed. David Gruen, Terry O’Brien, and Jeremy Lawson (Canberra: Australian Treasury, McMillan Printing Group, 2002), 239–49, 243.

13 Save the Children, Ending Poverty in a Generation: Save the Children’s Vision for a Post-2015 Framework, (London: Save the Children, 2012), v.

14 John Larkin, “The Wealth Gap,” in Development Asia (Manila: Asian Development Bank, April 2013), 14.

15 Ibid., 9

16 F. Cingano, “Trends in Income Inequality and Its Impact on Economic Growth” (Social, Employment and Migration Working Paper No. 163, OECD, December 9, 2014), 17, available at http://dx.doi.org/10.1787/5jxrjncwxv6j-en. By modelling the possible effects of historical changes in income inequality on actual 1990–2010 growth rates, the report estimates that “in the United States, the United Kingdom, Sweden, Finland and Norway, the growth rate would have been more than one fifth higher had income disparities not widened. On the other hand, greater equality helped increase GDP per capita in Spain, France and Ireland prior to the crisis” (18).

17 Readers should consult the numerous works by Branko Milanovic outlining the various ways to measure global income inequality. His (mainly Gini-based) approach should also be read alongside that of others. Piketty, for example, holds wealth and income (or labour) measures apart. For Gabriel Palma, the relevant measure of inequality is the ratio of change in income between the top 10% and the bottom 40% (a ratio which mirrors, interestingly enough, Piketty’s statistical bracketing of what he terms the “patrimonial middle classes”). The middle 50%, Palma points out, changes relatively little over time compared to the other two groups. See Alex Cobham and Andy Sumner, “Putting the Gini Back in the Bottle? The ‘Palma’ as a Policy-Relevant Measure of Inequality,” https://www.kcl.ac.uk/aboutkings/worldwide/initiatives/global/intdev/people/Sumner/Cobham-Sumner-15March2013.pdf. I raise these issues here as my intention is not to get into the details of income and wealth inequality measures in this book, so much as to draw out and reflect upon the basic trends we might derive from those measures, the interrelationship of those trends (in particular their geographical dynamics), and the macro-political context in which they occur. The figures I draw upon in this paragraph, however, are from http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SI.POV.GINI; homicide rate comparisons are from https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=15771.

18 On the global 1%, see Milanovic, “Global Income Inequality”; and Piketty, Capital.

19 These figures are from Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 485.

20 Andrew Sayer, Why We Can’t Afford the Rich (Bristol, UK: Policy Press, 2015).

21 On net financial assets, see Tax Justice Network, “Revealed: Global Super-Rich Has at Least $21 Trillion Hidden in Secret Tax Havens,” press release, July 22, 2012, http://www.taxjustice.net/cms/upload/pdf/The_Price_of_Offshore_Revisited_Presser_120722.pdf, 5. See also the accompanying report by James S. Henry, The Price of Offshore Revisited (July 2012), http://www.taxjustice.net/cms/upload/pdf/Price_of_Offshore_Revisited_120722.pdf. On global hunger, see World Food Programme, “10 Things You Need to Know about Hunger in 2013,” January 2, 2013, https://www.wfp.org/stories/10-things-you-need-know-about-hunger-2013. On the figure of 2 billion people (2.2 billion for 2011, down, though relative little, from 2.59 billion in 1981), see World Bank, “Poverty Overview,” http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/poverty/overview.

22 Homi Kharas and Geoffrey Gertz, “The New Global Middle Class: A Cross-Over from West to East,” in China’s Emerging Middle Class: Beyond Economic Transformation, ed. Cheng Li (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2010), draft version of chap. 2, http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/research/files/papers/2010/3/china%20middle%20class%20kharas/03_china_middle_class_kharas.pdf.

23 My thanks to Danny Dorling for this point.

24 This makes them somewhat different to the rich world’s “patrimonial middle classes”, as identified by Thomas Piketty (those not in the top 10% but not in the bottom 50% either) in his Capital. The existence of the rich world’s middle classes may well have been “fragile”, as Piketty says (261), but fragility is some way ahead of precarity.

25 See UN Development Programme, Human Development Report 2013: The Rise of the South: Human Progress in a Diverse World (New York: UN Development Programme, 2013), 14. See also Martin Ravallion, “The Developing World’s Bulging (but Vulnerable) ‘Middle Class’” (Policy Research Working Paper No. 4816, World Bank, January 2009). The point about cows is from Stiglitz, who is referring of course to the EU Common Agricultural Policy, which works out at about $2 per cow: Joseph Stiglitz, “The Global Benefits of Equality,” The Guardian, September 8, 2003, http://www.theguardian.com/environment/2003/sep/08/fairtrade.wto1.

26 The ranking is from Íñigo Moré, The Borders of Inequality: Where Wealth and Poverty Collide, trans. Lyn Dominguez (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2011), 2.

27 See Gerard Hanlon, The Dark Side of Management: A Secret History of Management Knowledge (London: Routledge, 2015).

28 Speaking of the decision to build a new wall between Israel and Egypt to keep out “immigrants and terrorists”, Netanyahu told the Israeli daily Haaretz, “I took the decision to close Israel’s southern border to infiltrators and terrorists. This is a strategic decision to secure Israel’s Jewish and democratic character.” “Israel to Construct Barrier along Egyptian Border,” BBC, January 11, 2010, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/mobile/middle_east/8451085.stm.

29 The full quote is: “Just as none of us is outside or beyond geography, none of us is completely free from the struggle over geography. That struggle is complex and interesting because it is not only about soldiers and cannons but also about ideas, about forms, about images and imaginings.” Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage Books, 1994), 7.

30 See Matthew Sparke and Dimitar Anguelov, “H1N1, Globalization and the Epidemiology of Inequality, Health and Place 18 (2012): 726–36.

31 See Gerry Kearns and Simon M. Reid-Henry, “Vital Geographies: Life, Luck and the Human Condition,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 99, no. 3 (2009): 554–74.

32 See Mike Davis, The Monster at Our Door: The Global Threat of Avian Flu (London: New Press, 2005).

33 Both of these quotes are from “Risk of Deadly TB Exposure Grows along US-Mexico Border,” Wall Street Journal, March 8, 2013, http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424127887323293704578336283658347240.

34 See the recent and, for the IMF, quite remarkable note by Jonathan D. Ostry, Andrew Berg, and Charalambos G. Tsangarides, “Redistribution, Inequality, and Growth” (staff discussion note, International Monetary Fund, April 2014).

35 R. H. Tawney, Equality, 5th ed. (London: Unwin, 1964), 90.

36 Cited in Wilkinson and Pickett, The Spirit Level: Why Equality Is Better for Everyone (London: Allen Lane, 2009), 55.

37 RMI stands for revenu minimum d’insertion, a French minimum subsistence allowance for the unemployed. It is a French variant of workfare.

38 Cited in Stephen Pimpare, A People’s History of Poverty in America (New York: New Press, 2011), 3.

39 This is an argument made in Gareth Stedman-Jones, An End to Poverty: A Historical Debate (London: Profile Books, 2004).

40 “Becoming deference” was what the Committee for Improving the Condition of Free Blacks required from those seeking their aid in the late eighteenth century. Pimpare, People’s History, 4.

41 Ibid., 7.

42 George R. Boyer, review of Lynn Hollen Lees, “The Solidarities of Strangers: The English Poor Laws and the People, 1700–1948” (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), H-Net Reviews, http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=4162.

43 Michael Ignatieff, The Needs of Strangers (New York: Picador, 1984), 17.

44 Gunnar Myrdal, The Challenge of World Poverty (New York: Pantheon Books, 1970), 8.

45 Wilkinson and Pickett, Spirit Level, 60; see also the World Bank SIMA database (1998), where the standout countries are Denmark, Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Portugal; see also Alessandra Cepparulo and Luisa Giuriato, “Aid Financing of Global Public Goods: An Update” (Munich Personal RePEc Archive Paper No. 22625, May 11, 2010), 28.

46 UN Economic Commission for Africa, African Economic Report (1999).

47 Kwame Anthony Appiah, Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers (London: Penguin, 2007), 172.

48 Among the few exceptions are the UN Development Programme’s Human Development Reports from 1999 and 2005. See also Yuri Dikhanov, Trends in Global Income Distribution, 1970–2000 and Scenarios for 2015 (occasional paper, Human Development Report Office, 2005).

Chapter 2

1 Susan Sontag, Regarding the Pain of Others (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 2003), 102–3.

2 Given that Leibovitz was longtime partner of Susan Sontag, the image has a certain irony appended to it in our context.

3 See Kaitlyn Bonneville, “Louis Vuitton Core Values Campaign Supports Multiple Charities,” Luxury Daily, September 28, 2010, http://www.luxurydaily.com/louis-vuitton-core-values-campaign-supports-multiple-charities/.

4 Ibid.

5 For various sources on this, see Richard Tomlinson and Fergal O’Brien, “Bono Likes to Preach but Hates Tax,” Sydney Morning Herald, January 29, 2007, http://www.smh.com.au/news/business/bono-likes-to-preach-but-hates-tax/2007/01/28/1169919210561.html. For the Tax Justice Network’s work, see their website at http://www.taxjustice.net.

6 These figures are from the Eurodad report G8 Debt Deal One Year On: What Happened and What’s Next? (June 2006), http://eurodad.org/318/?lang=es. The report contains a useful overview of both the initial claims for $40 billion of relief over forty years (after prerequisites were fulfilled) and its achievements one year on.

7 Cited in Duncan Green, From Poverty to Power: How Active Citizens and Effective States Can Change the World, 2nd ed. (Bourton on Dunsmore, UK: Practical Action Publishing, 2012), 14.

9 Lewis Coser, “The Sociology of Poverty: To the Memory of Georg Simmel,” Social Problems 14, no. 2 (1965): 141.

10 Akhil Gupta, “The Construction of the Global Poor: An Anthropological Critique,” World Social Science Report 2010: Knowledge Divides (Paris: UNESCO, 2010), secs. 1.1, 13–16. For the changing idea of poverty during the nineteenth century, see in particular Gertrude Himmelfarb, The Idea of Poverty: England in the Early Industrial Age (London: Faber and Faber, 1985); and Gareth Stedman Jones, An End to Poverty? A Historical Debate (London: Profile Books, 2004).

11 Thomas Pogge, “Growth and Inequality: Understanding Recent Trends and Policy Choices,” Dissent 55, no. 1 (2008): 66–75.

12 “Failed consumers” is Zygmunt Bauman’s phrase in Wasted Lives: Modernity and Its Outcasts (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2004), 5.

13 Akhil Gupta explains the difference as clearly as any: “PRSPs are country-driven, result-oriented strategies that bring national development plans in line with neoliberal globalization by emphasizing growth, free markets and an open economy. . . . However, they differ from structural adjustment programmes through their emphasis on the need for broad-based growth strategies, good governance, decentralization, empowerment, investments in health care, education and human capital, and social protection for those who are adversely affected by adjustment processes.” “The Construction of the Global Poor: An Anthropological Critique,” in World Social Science Report 2010: Knowledge Divides (Paris: UNESCO, 2010), 14.

14 On the matter of the billionaires, see Thomas Piketty, Capital in the Twenty-First Century (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2014), 433.

15 Oxfam, “The Cost of Inequality: How Wealth and Income Extremes Hurt Us All” (media briefing, January 18, 2013).

16 Jeffrey Sachs, Common Wealth: Economics for a Crowded Planet (London, Penguin, 2009), 6.

17 Fortunately, thanks to the IF campaign, we can do more than just think of this. Search for the video “What Has Aid Ever Done for Anyone?” at YouTube.

19 Abhijit V. Banerjee and Esther Duflo, Poor Economics: Barefoot Hedge-Fund Managers, DIY Doctors and the Surprising Truth about Life on Less Than $1 a Day (London: Penguin, 2012), 206.

20 Ha-Joon Chang, comments made at a conference at Cambridge University. The tenor of response to Chang’s arguments is worth reading. See Ha-Joon Chang, “Reply to the Comments on ‘Institutions and Economic Development: Theory, Policy, and History,’” Journal of Institutional Economics 7, no. 4 (2011): 595–613.

21 Rafael La Porta, Florencio Lopez-de-Silanes, Andrei Shleifer, and Robert Vishny, “The Quality of Government,” (Working Paper No. 6727, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA, September 1998), 2, http://www.nber.org/papers/w6727.

22 Daron Acemoglu and James A. Robinson, Why Nations Fail: The Origins of Power, Prosperity and Poverty (London: Profile Books, 2012), 3.

23 Ha-Joon Chang, “Institutions and Economic Development: Theory, Policy and History,” Journal of Institutional Economics 7, no. 4 (2011): 473–98; see also his “Reply.”

24 The Marx quote is from Catherine Hall’s scintillating lecture “Gendering Property, Racing Accumulation” (presented at History after Hobsbawm conference, London’s Senate House, April 29–May 1, 2014). The original is from Capital, vol. 1, chap. 31. See also Catherine Hall, Nicholas Draper, Keith McClelland, Katie Donington, and Rachel Lang, Legacies of British Slave Ownership: Colonial Slavery and the Formation of Victorian Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014), 9–12; and, of course, Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (1944; Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), which first outlined the role of slavery as a key contributor to British industrial development.

25 On the poverty data, see Atul Kohli, Poverty amid Plenty in the New India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 3. The GDP growth figures are from the World Bank: “GDP Growth (Annual %),” http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GDP.MKTP.KD.ZG.

26 The phrase is of course Colin Clark’s, in his Conditions of Economic Progress (1940). Clark is sometimes seen as the grandfather of the idea of economic growth. In Raymond Aron’s view, Clark was the éminence grise behind the doctrine of economic growth. And yet it was Keynes who secured Clark one of his first teaching posts and cited him in The Economic Consequences of the Peace, whereas Clark’s own formulation of growth (that, as stated here, it produces capital, not the other way round) led him to see the need to promote education as central. Tawney would not have been entirely in disagreement. See Raymond Aron, The Dawn of Universal History: Selected Essays from a Witness of the Twentieth Century, trans. Barbara Brey, ed. Yair Reiner (New York: Basic Books, 2008).

27 Anyone interested in this should read the articles by Robert Hunter Wade, of the London School of Economics. Among those which have been most influential in my own thinking are “Is Globalization Reducing Poverty and Inequality?” World Development 32, no. 4 (2004): 567–89, and “Globalization, Growth, Poverty and Inequality,” in Global Political Economy, ed. John Ravenhill, 4th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 305–43.

28 See, for example, among various sources of evidence against this claim, Santosh Mehrotra, Integrating Economic and Social Policy: Good Practices from High-Achieving Countries (Innocenti Working Paper No. 80, UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre, Florence, Italy, 2000).

29 Tim Jackson, Prosperity without Growth: Economics for a Finite Planet (London: Earthscan, 2009).

30 See David Dollar and Aart Kraay, “Growth Is Good for the Poor” (Policy Research Working Paper No. WPS 2587, World Bank, 2000), http://siteresources.worldbank.org/DEC/Resources/22015_Growth_is_Good_for_Poor.pdf, 11.

31 Of the various places Harvey discusses this, see his The Enigma of Capital (London: Profile Books, 2011).

32 Michael Rowan, “We Need to Talk about Growth (and We Need to Do the Sums as Well),” January 21, 2014, Persuade Me, http://persuademe.com.au/need-talk-growth-need-sums-well/. See also H. E. Daly, Steady-State Economics (Washington, DC: Island Press, 1991).

33 Hyun H. Son and Nanak Kakwani, “Global Estimates of Pro-Poor Growth,” World Development 36, no. 6 (2008): 1048–66.

34 Nancy Birdsall, “The World Is Not Flat: Inequality and Injustice in Our Global Economy” (WIDER Annual Lecture No. 9, March 2006, UNU-WIDER), http://www.wider.unu.edu/publications/annual-lectures/en_GB/AL9/.

35 Paul Collier, The Bottom Billion: Why the Poorest Countries Are Failing and What Can Be Done about It (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 157.

36 For an insightful analysis of the problems with Collier’s methodology, see Peter Lawrence, “Development by Numbers,” New Left Review, March–April 2010, 143–53.

37 The Sen observation is from Marc Wuyts, “Inequality and Poverty as the Condition of Labour” (draft paper for “The Need to Rethink Development Economics,” UNRISD conference, Cape Town, South Africa, 2001), 5–6.

38 David Leonhardt, “NYU Lands Top Economist for Cities Project,” New York Times, May 27, 2011.

39 Keane Bhatt, “Reporting on Romer’s Charter Cities: How the Media Sanitize Honduras’ Brutal Regime,” NACLA, https://nacla.org/news/2013/2/19/reporting-romer’s-charter-cities-how-media-sanitize-honduras’s-brutal-regime.

40 See also David Kirkpatrick, “Vinod Khosla’s Ingenious War on Global Poverty,” Daily Beast, October 21, 2010, http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2010/10/22/vinod-khoslas-ingenious-war-on-global-poverty.html.

41 Jason Miklian and Kristian Hoelscher, “A Tale of New Cities,” Harvard International Review 35, no. 4 (Spring 2014): 13–18, http://hir.harvard.edu/archives/5811.

42 In a recent World Bank paper Romer and coauthor Brandon Fuller call for a new era of market-run cities on the following terms, for example. “New cities can compete for residents,” they say, “allowing countries to use new political entities to try different types of rules, subjecting them to a market test of opt-in that can operate alongside the more familiar test of voice.” “Urbanization as Opportunity” (Policy Research Paper No. 6874, World Bank, May 2014), 9.

Chapter 3

1 This is the title of Michael Latham’s excellent book about modernisation: The Right Kind of Revolution: Modernization, Development, and U.S. Foreign Policy from the Cold War to the Present (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011).

2 Enrique Dussel, “Eurocentrism and Modernity: An Introduction to the Frankfurt Lectures,” Boundary 2 20, no. 3 (1993): 65–76.

3 Walt W. Rostow, The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960).

4 Cited in Walt W. Rostow, Concept and Controversy: Sixty Years of Taking Ideas to Market (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010), 215.

5 Eric Helleiner, “Reinterpreting Bretton Woods: International Development and the Neglected Origins of Bretton Woods,” Development and Change 37, no. 5 (2006): 943–67, 963–64.

6 Cited in David Engerman, “The Romance of Economic Development and New Histories of the Cold War,” Diplomatic History 28, no. 1 (2004): 30.

7 Cited in Mark Mazower, Governing the World: The History of an Idea (London: Allen Lane, 2012): 263.

8 Garrett Hardin, “The Tragedy of the Commons,” Science 162 (3859): 1243–48.

9 See Erez Manela, “Roundtable on Nick Cullather’s ‘The Hungry World,’” Passport, January 2012, 6.

10 Cited in Michele Alacevich, The Political Economy of the World Bank: The Early Years (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009), 71.

11 See Adrian Guelke, “African Socialism in Two Countries by Ahmed Mohiddin; Uganda: A Modern History by Jan Jelmert Jorgensen,” Third World Quarterly 4, no. 3 (1982): 559–61. It is interesting also to compare Kenya’s African Socialism and Its Application to Planning in Kenya (1965) to Tanzania’s Arusha Declaration (1967) to Obote’s Common Man’s Charter. Kenya was more conservative and Tanzania more radical, yet all three took the same colonial inheritance as their starting point.

12 Odd Arne Westad, “The Project,” London Review of Books 30, no. 2 (January 24, 2008): 30–31.

13 Thandika Mkandawire, “Thinking about Developmental States in Africa,” Cambridge Journal of Economics 25, no. 3 (May 2001): 289–313.

14 Cited in Thandika Mkandawire, “From the National to the Social Question,” Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa, no. 69 (2009): 134.

15 Cited in Engerman, “Romance of Economic Development,” 36.

16 Fidel Castro, “To Create Wealth with Social Conscience,” in Man and Socialism in Cuba: The Great Debate, ed. Bertram Silverman (New York: Atheneum, 1971).

17 Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (1944; Boston: Beacon Press, 2001), xxvii.

18 Jimi O. Adesina, “In Search of Inclusive Development: Social Policy in Sub-Sahara Africa Context,” in Social Policy in Sub-Saharan African Context: In Search of Inclusive Development (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2007), 11.

19 Gunnar Myrdal, The Challenge of World Poverty: A World Anti-Poverty Programme in Outline (New York: Pantheon Books, 1970), 60.

20 On per capita income of developed countries and mortality rates, see Hla Mlint, “Comment,” in Pioneers in Development, ed. Gerald M. Meier and Dudley Seers, A World Bank Publication (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), 1:167. On the continent’s own “golden age”, see Adesina, “In Search of Inclusive Development,” 3. On the eight largest countries, see Alicia Puyana Mutis, “Pondering the Hurdles for the Mexican Economy While Reading Capital in the Twenty-First Century,” Real-World Economics Review 69 (2014): 74–89, 78. On the thirty fastest-growing economies, see World Bank Development Indicators, 1998, cited in Mkandawire, “Thinking,” 304.

21 Eric Helleiner, States and the Reemergence of Global Finance: From Bretton Woods to the 1990s (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press), 25.

22 John Gerard Ruggie, “International Regimes, Transactions, and Change: Embedded Liberalism in the Postwar Economic Order,” International Regimes 36, no. 2 (1982): 379–415. The quote itself is from Helleiner, States, 3.

23 Helleiner, “The Southern Side of Embedded Liberalism: The Politics of Postwar Monetary Policy in the Third World (Working Paper No. 01/5, Trent International Political Economy Centre), 1.

24 Ibid., 5.

25 Cited in Giuliano Garavini, “The Colonies Strike Back: The Impact of the Third World on Western Europe, 1968–1975,” Contemporary European History 16, no. 3 (2007): 301.

26 Ibid., 316.

27 Ibid, 317.

28 Helleiner, “Southern Side,” 6.

29 Sheyda Jahanbani, “One Global War on Poverty: The Johnson Administration Fights Poverty at Home and Abroad, 1964–1968,” in Beyond the Cold War: Lyndon Johnson and the New Global Challenges of the 1960s, ed. Francis J. Gavin and Mark A. Lawrence (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014), 97–117.

30 Sharad Chari and Katherine Verdery, “Thinking between the Posts: Postcolonialism, Postsocialism, and Ethnography after the Cold War,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 51, no. 1 (2009): 6–34.

31 Amy Saywar, “An Intellectual History of Development,” Passport, January 2012, 9–11.

32 Myrdal, Challenge of World Poverty, 159.

33 See Stephen Gill, American Hegemony and the Trilateral Commission (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).

34 See Mark Mazower, Governing the World: The History of an Idea (London: Allen Lane, 2012), who makes this argument with particular clarity (see especially chap. 12).

35 Vijay Prashad, The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South (London: Verso, 2013), 45.

36 Myrdal, Challenge of World Poverty, 309.

37 Ibid.

38 Jubilee Debt Campaign, The State of Debt: Putting an End to Thirty Years of Crisis (May 20, 2012), 2.

39 David Harvey, Spaces of Global Capitalism: Towards a Theory of Uneven Geographical Development (London: Verso, 2006).

40 Prashad, Poorer Nations, 52.

41 The London Inter Bank Offered Rate (LIBOR) rate nearly doubled from 1978 to 1981. See Stuart Corbridge, Debt and Development (London: Blackwell, 2002), 38.

42 Cited in Tony Judt, Ill Fares the Land: A Treatise on Our Present Discontents (London: Allen Lane, 2010), 78.

43 Corbridge, Debt and Development, 49.

44 See Odd Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 360.

45 Corbridge, Debt and Development, 60.

46 Adesina, “In Search of Social Development,” 2.

47 Ibid., 12.

48 Prashad, Poorer Nations, 81.

49 James M. Scott, ed., Deciding to Intervene: The Reagan Doctrine and American Foreign Policy (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1996), 2.

50 Ibid., 4. Ultimately there was no uprising in Mozambique.

51 See Angus Bergin, The Great Persuasion: Reinventing Free Markets since the Depression (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012).

52 For a longer discussion of global conservatism, see Will Hutton, The World We’re In (London: Abacus, 2003), 7–24.

53 See Prashad, The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World (New York: New Press, 2007), 64–70.

54 Cited in Corbridge, Debt and Development, 100.

55 This phrase is the IMF’s own: “IMF, African Prospects Tied to Courageous Adjustment Efforts,” IMF Survey 25, no. 15 (1996): 259.

56 Cited in Derek Malcolm, “Tomas Gutierrez Alea: Memories of Underdevelopment,” The Guardian, February 10, 2000, http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/2000/feb/10/artsfeatures.

57 Craig Calhoun, “The Idea of Emergency: Humanitarian Action and Global (Dis)order,” in Contemporary States of Emergency: The Politics of Military and Humanitarian Interventions, ed. Didier Fassin and Mariella Pandolfi (Cambridge, MA: Zone Books, 2011), 49.

58 For an intriguing argument showing how radicals are no less prone to regurgitating some of the steeper forms of ignorance about the world, see Matthew Sparke, “Everywhere but Always Somewhere: Critical Geographies of the Global South,” Global South 1, no. 1 (2007): 117–26. The actual Ignatieff quote is “Doctrines are words, and whips are things,” from The Needs of Strangers (1984; New York: Picador, 2001), 52.

59 See Nicolas Guilhot, The Democracy Makers: Human Rights and the Politics of Global Order (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), 223.

60 Samuel Moyn, “Totalitarianism, Famine and Us,” The Nation, November 7, 2012, http://www.thenation.com/article/171122/totalitarianism-famine-and-us.

61 Padma Desai, “The Soviet Union and Cancun,” Third World Quarterly 4, no. 3 (1982): 514.

62 Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012). See also Moyn, The Powerless Companion: Human Rights in the Age of Global Inequality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, forthcoming).

63 See John Rawls, “Four Lectures on Henry Sidgwick,” in John Rawls Lectures on the History of Political Philosophy, ed. Samuel Freeman (Cambridge MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007), 393.

64 “One-third of all developing country governments—more than 40 governments in all—entered the 1990s owing on average 220% of their gross domestic product (GDP) to foreign lenders.” Thomas Oatley, “Political Institutions and Foreign Debt in the Developing World,” International Studies Quarterly 54 (2010): 175–95.

65 Giovanni Andrea Cornia, Richard Jolly, and Frances Stewart, eds., Adjustment with a Human Face: Protecting the Vulnerable and Promoting Growth (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).

66 This is a point made by Richard Peet, Geography of Power: The Making of the Global Economic System (London: Zed Books, 2007), 48.

67 See Jean-Philippe Therien, “Beyond the North-South Divide: The Two Tales of World Poverty,” Third World Quarterly 20, no. 4 (August 1999): 723–42, 730.

68 See Westad, Global Cold War, 397–400.

69 James D. Wolfensohn, “Choosing a Better World”, Asia Times, January 22, 2003, http://atimes.com/atimes/Global_Economy/EA22Dj01.html.

70 Moyn, Powerless Companion; see also Katrina Forrester, “Citizenship, War, and the Origins of International Ethics in American Political Philosophy, 1960–1975,” Historical Journal 57, no. 3 (2014): 773–801.

Chapter 4

1 See Delly Mawazo Sesete, “Apple: Time to Make a Conflict Free iPhone,” Comment Is Free (blog), http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/cifamerica/2011/dec/30/apple-time-make-conflict-free-iphone. Apple more recently (in February 2015) said that it had audited all the smelters it uses in its supply chain and none of them uses minerals from conflict regions. But Apple has not divulged its auditing procedures, and there are loopholes that could still allow conflict minerals into its supply chain. Lynnley Browning, “Where Apple Gets the Tantalum for Your iPhone,” Newsweek, February 4, 2015, http://www.newsweek.com/2015/02/13/where-apple-gets-tantalum-your-iphone-304351.html. Moreover, the wider moral question does not hinge on the supply chain issue alone.

2 See Gerry Kearns, “Progressive Geopolitics,” Geography Compass 2, no. 5 (2008): 1599–1620.

3 Nicholas Watt, “David Cameron Calls for UK Arms Sales to India,” The Guardian, April 11, 2012, http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2012/apr/11/david-cameron-trade-mission-indonesia.

4 On the arms trade, see Rachel Stohl, “Coordinating a Global Strategy for the International Arms Trade,” International Relations and Security Network (ISN) Digital Library, August 21, 2014; see also the numerous publications of the Small Arms Survey network under Keith Krause in Geneva. See in particular “Reducing Illicit Arms Flows and the New Development Agenda” (Research Notes No. 50, Small Arms Survey, March 2015), 1. For the Eisenhower quote, see Richard Jolly, “Disarmament for Human Development: Vision and Challenge for the Twenty-First Century” (panel discussion at the United Nations, October 21, 1997), http://disarm.igc.org/2009backup/T211097humandev.html.

5 D. Rodrik and A. Subramanian, “Why Did Financial Globalization Disappoint?” (Staff Paper No. 56, International Monetary Fund, January 2009).

6 Ray Kiely, The Clash of Globalisations: Neoliberalism, the Third Way, and Anti-Globalisation (Boston: Brill, 2005), 103–6.

7 Cited in ibid., 105

8 See Joe Murphy, “Blair Pushed through Deal for Indian Billionaire Who Gave Labour £125,000,” The Telegraph, February 10, 2002.

9 Felicity Lawrence, “Quarter of FTSE 100 Subsidiaries Located in Tax Havens,” The Guardian, October 11, 2011, http://www.theguardian.com/business/2011/oct/11/ftse-100-subsidiaries-tax-havens.

11 Peter Eigen, “A Prosperous Africa Benefits Everybody,” Journal of World Energy Law and Business 7, no. 1 (2014): 6.

12 See L. Ndikumana and J. K. Boyce, Africa’s Odious Debts: How Foreign Loans and Capital Flight Bled a Continent (London: Zed Books), cited in Jubilee Debt Campaign, The State of Debt: Putting an End to Thirty Years of Crisis (May 20, 2012), 11.

13 Dani Rodrik, “The Nation State Reborn,” Project Syndicate, February 13, 2012, http://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/the-nation-state-reborn.

14 J. Agnew, “The Territorial Trap: The Geographical Assumptions of International Relations Theory,” Review of International Political Economy 1, no. 1 (1994): 53–80.

15 See Kristin Bergtora Sandvik, “Fighting the War with the Ebola Drone,” Norwegian Centre for Humanitarian Studies (blog), December 3, 2012, http://www.humanitarianstudies.no/2014/12/03/fighting-the-war-with-the-ebola-drone/; and Paul Farmer, “Diary,” London Review of Books 36, no. 20 (2014): 38–39.

16 Thomas P. M. Barnett, The Pentagon’s New Map: War and Peace in the Twenty-First Century (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 2004).

17 See Branko Milanovic, “Global Income Inequality by the Numbers: In History and Now” (Policy Research Working Paper 6259, World Bank, November 2012). Elsewhere he has it as 90%. See “Where in the World Are You? Assessing the Importance of Circumstance and Effort in a World of Different Mean Country Incomes and (Almost) No Migration” (Policy Research Working Paper No. 4493, World Bank, January 2008).

18 See S. M. Reid-Henry, “An Incorporating Geopolitics: Frontex and the Geopolitical Rationalities of the European Border,” Geopolitics 18, no. 1 (2012): 198–224.

19 Alan Travis, “Detention Centre Castigated over Death of Elderly Man,” The Guardian, January 16, 2014, http://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2014/jan/16/harmondsworth-elderly-man-died-handcuffs.

20 See Jonathan Weisman, “Trans-Pacific Partnership Seen as Door for Foreign Suits against U.S.,” New York Times, March 25, 2015, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/03/26/business/trans-pacific-partnership-seen-as-door-for-foreign-suits-against-us.html. For NAFTA on steroids, the group in question is Global Trade Watch, which is cited prominently at the Stop TPP campaign website, at stoptpp.org (the campaign is a case of Occupy actually turning its attention to the international level).

21 See, for example, Mary Kaldor, “Civil Society and Accountability” Journal of Human Development 4, no. 1 (2003): 5–27. The phrase is mine.

22 Nicolas Guilhot, The Democracy Makers: Human Rights and the Politics of Global Order (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), 190.

23 Cited in Michele Alacevich, The Political Economy of the World Bank: The Early Years (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009), 129. The comment being Vice-President Robert Garner’s to Lauchlin Currie, in 1951.

24 A transcript of Tom Ridge’s swearing-in ceremony is available at “America Strikes Back: Tom Ridge Worn in as New Director of Homeland Security,” CNN, October 8, 2001, http://transcripts.cnn.com/TRANSCRIPTS/0110/08/se.09.html.

25 Mark Neocleous, “From Social to National Security: On the Fabrication of Economic Order,” Security Dialogue 37 (2006): 363–84, 367.

26 Ibid., 376.

27 Ibid.

28 Cited in Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), 33.

29 Brad Evans, “Terror in All Eventuality,” Theory & Event 13, no. 3 (2010): 1.

30 Jean Michel Severino and Olivier Ray, “The End of ODA: Death and Rebirth of a Global Public Policy” (Working Paper No. 167, Center for Global Development, Washington, DC, March 2009), 3n4.

31 Patrick Wintour, “Peers Warn of Terror Bill Cuts,” The Guardian, November 28, 2001, http://www.theguardian.com/politics/2001/nov/28/uk.september11.

32 Rein Mullerson, “Book Review of Koskenniemi: The Gentle Civiliser of Nations,” European Journal of International Law 13 (2002): 725–35.

33 Martti Koskenniemi, “International Law and Hegemony: A Reconfiguration,” Cambridge Review of International Affairs 17, no. 2 (2004): 197–218.

34 See Håvard Hegre, “Peace on Earth: The Future of Internal Armed Conflict,” Significance, Journal of the Royal Statistical Society 4 (2013): 4–8.

35 The full text of the ILO’s constitution is available at http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=1000:62:0::NO:62:P62_LIST_ENTRIE_ID:2453907:NO.

36 Jonathan Glennie, “Is It Time for Mali to Plan an Exit Strategy from Aid?” (speech to the Annual Retreat of Technical Partners and Financiers, Bamako, February 8, 2011), http://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/7149.pdf. He is here citing the work of Paolo de Renzio and Joseph Hanlon, “Contested Sovereignty in Mozambique: The Dilemmas of Aid Dependence” (Global Economic Governance Programme Working Paper No. 2007/25, Managing Aid Dependency Project, University College, Oxford, 2007).

37 Alexander Downes, cited in Patricia Owens, “Accidents Don’t Just Happen: The Liberal Politics of High-Technology ‘Humanitarian’ War,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 32, no. 3 (2003): 595–616.

38 Patrick Hayden, “Superfluous Humanity: An Arendtian Perspective on the Political Evil of Global Poverty,” Millennium—Journal of International Studies 35 (2007): 279–300.

39 The phrase is Foucault’s (channelling La Perrière): See Graham Burchell, Colin Gordon, and Peter Miller, eds., The Foucault Effect: Studies in Governmentality (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 93.

40 Amartya Sen, “Equality of What?” (Tanner Lectures on Human Values, Stanford University, May 22, 1979), http://tannerlectures.utah.edu/_documents/a-to-z/s/sen80.pdf.

Chapter 5

1 Karl Polanyi, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (1944; Boston: Beacon Press, 2001).

2 Göran Therborn, The Killing Fields of Inequality (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013), 183.

3 See World Investment Report 2014: Investing in the SDGs. An Action Plan (Geneva: UNCTAD, 2014). On the MDG shortfall, see William Minter, “Global Solidarity Levy Urgently Needed,” Epoch Times, September 19, 2010, http://www.theepochtimes.com/n2/opinion/global-solidarity-levy-urgently-needed-42866.html.

4 Albert O. Hirschmann, A Bias for Hope: Essays on Development and Latin America (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1971). His lesson there is not only that “economic and political forces interact” (1) but that they go on doing so, even after ideal-type arrangements have been advocated or put into place. The implication is that this needs building in a priori and that allowance for (democratic) iterations of any original structure is part of the challenge of conceiving of that very structure in the first place. We are all duly warned. But as Hirschmann goes on to counsel, in a manner reflected in this book, the next best thing to having something is participating in the process of bringing it about (which begins, of course, with imagining it) (6).

5 Kristian Stokke and Olle Törnquist, eds., Democratization in the Global South: The Importance of Transformative Politics (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). As Peter Baldwin points out, this was one history among many others, and there are no one-size-fits-all models to be derived from it. In every case, the social bases of solidarity vary. But there are dynamics to be gleaned. See Peter Baldwin, The Politics of Social Solidarity: Class Bases of the European Welfare State 1875–1975 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 289–92. The term “project” here is a deliberate echo of Vijay Prashad’s use of the term to describe the radical but reformist wing of Third Worldism, as institutionalised in the Non-Aligned Movement. The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World (London: Verso, 2008).

6 Sheri Berman, “Social Democracy and the Creation of the Public Interest,” Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 23, no. 3 (2011): 237–56. On governments that came and went, see Francis Sejerstad, The Age of Social Democracy: Norway and Sweden in the Twentieth Century, trans. Richard Daly (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011), 73.

7 See Donald Sassoon, One Hundred Years of Socialism: The West European Left in the Twentieth Century, rev. ed. (London: I. B. Tauris, 2010). Sassoon also rightly notes the root of social democracy’s present malaise in its turn, at point of inception, away from internationalism (42–47).

8 It is true that the economic upswing referred to here had international roots, but the point was that the Scandinavian countries were able to make the most of that upswing while others were not.

9 Stokke and Törnquist, Democratization, 31–32.

10 Sejerstad, Age of Social Democracy, 53.

11 Ibid., 106–14.

12 Frank Fischer and Gerald J. Miller, Handbook of Public Policy Analysis: Theory, Politics, Methods (Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, 2006), 341. See also Patricia P. Martin and David A. Weaver, “Social Security: A Program and Policy History,” Social Security Bulletin 66, no. 1 (2005), http://ssrn.com/abstract=2121776.

13 Sejerstad, Age of Social Democracy, 100.

14 On Sweden, see ibid., 35.

15 See Olli Kangas and Joakim Palme, Social Policy and Economic Development in the Nordic Countries (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan and UNRISD, 2005), 2–3; see also Olli Kangas and Joakim Palme, “Making Social Policy Work for Economic Development: The Nordic Experience,” International Journal of Social Welfare 18 (2009): S62–S72.

16 Cited in Sejerstad, Age of Social Democracy, 121.

17 Norwegian Ministry of Finance, “Women in Work: The Norwegian Experience,” OECD Observer, no. 239 (November 2012).

18 Sejerstad, Age of Social Democracy, 122.

19 Ibid., 111.

20 Ann Pettifor, The Coming First World Debt Crisis (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2006).

21 The examples in this paragraph are all from Sejerstad, Age of Social Democracy, 152–54.

22 See, for example, Berman, “Social Democracy.”

23 Hannah Arendt, Origins of Totalitarianism (1973; New York: Harvest Book, 1976), 296.

24 Esping-Andersen, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), 12, my emphasis.

25 Richard Sandbrook, Marc Edelman, Patrick Heller, and Judith Teichmark, Social Democracy in the Global Periphery: Origins, Challenges, Prospects (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 127.

26 John Podesta and Casey Dunning, “We Can End Poverty, but the Methods Might Surprise You,” Comment Is Free (blog), May 7, 2013, http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/may/07/end-poverty-use-social-safety-nets.

27 Nihal Bayraktar and Blanca Moreno-Dodson, “How Can Public Spending Help You Grow? An Empirical Analysis for Developing Countries,” Bulletin of Economic Research 67, no. 1 (2015): 30–64.

28 A similar, more technical definition can be found in Huck-Ju Kwon, Thandika Mkandawire, and Joakim Palme, “Introduction: Social Policy and Economic Development in Late Industrialisers,” International Journal of Social Welfare (2009): S1. To be clear, I am not seeking to transfer a given view of “society” or “social forms” to other places here, to gift them like so many bags of grain. I am seeking rather to work politically upon what the social is taken and given to mean: a task that in many cases amounts to creating new spaces for social realisation outside of the grip of capital. Politics cannot itself ever be separate to the social (though it arises prior to it). But it can seek to rework the ground upon which we stand, to present and promote other ideas of what society is than simply those that emerged (and we have largely adopted) along with the rise of capitalism. Indeed, it is supposed to be more than simply where we are at and what we presently think about this: politics is not administration or police; that is to say, it is thought that leads to action in advance of what is possible.

29 Thandika Mkandawire, “From the National to the Social Question,” Transformation: Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa 69 (2009): 130–60.

30 Esping-Andersen, Three Worlds, 14.

31 Kwon, Mkandawire, and Palme, “Introduction,” S6.

32 Ibid.

33 See Jimi O. Adesina, “In Search of Inclusive Development: Social Policy in Sub-Sahara Africa Context,” in Social Policy in Sub-Saharan African Context: In Search of Inclusive Development (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave, 2007).

34 See Mkandawire, “From the National to the Social Question.”

35 Peter Eigen, “A Prosperous Africa Benefits Everybody,” Journal of World Energy Law and Business 7, no. 1 (2014): 6.

36 Manuel Riesco, Latin America: A New Developmental Welfare State Model in the Making? (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan and UNRISD, 2007).

37 See Lena Lavinas, “21st Century Welfare,” New Left Review, November–December 2013, 30.

39 On the Brazilian experience and the Partido dos Trabalhadores, see Gianpaolo Baiocchi, Einar Braathen, and Ana Claudia Teixeira, “Transformation Institutionalized? Making Sense of Participatory Democracy in the Lula Era,” in Stokke and Törnquist, Democratization, 231. See also the sage comments on state (institutionalista) versus civil society (participatista) perspectives outlined by Patrick Heller in the same volume: “Participation and Democratic Transformation: Building Effective Citizenship in Brazil, India and South Africa,” 42–74, 49–53.

40 For background on Brazil, see Moses N. Kiggundu, “Anti-Poverty and Progressive Social Change in Brazil: Lessons for Other Emerging Economies,” International Review of Administrative Sciences 78 (2012): 733.

41 Sandbrook et al., Social Democracy, 102–6.

42 Ibid.

43 Ibid., 62–69.

44 Gunnar Myrdal, “The Need for Reforms in Underdeveloped Countries,” in The World Economic Order: Past and Prospects, ed. Sven Grassman and Erik Lundberg (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1981), 501–25.

46 Cf. Sandbrook et al., Social Democracy, 33.

47 Heather Stewart, “£13tn Hoard Hidden from Taxman by Global Elite,” The Guardian, July 21, 2012.

48 On the UK tax system and the examples I cite, see Polly Toynbee, “This Farcical Tax System Is Cheating Us out of Billions,” Comment Is Free (blog), July 29, 2014, http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/jul/29/farcical-tax-system-cheating-billions-chase-avoiders. See also ActionAid, Collateral Damage (March 2012), http://www.actionaid.org.uk/sites/default/files/doc_lib/collateral_damage.pdf, 1.

49 See Eigen, “Prosperous Africa,” 7.

50 Bretton Woods Project and Latindadd, “Breaking the Mould: How Latin America Is Coping with Volatile Capital Flows,” December 15, 2011, http://www.brettonwoodsproject.org/art-569425.

51 On the difference, see Bretton Woods Project, “IMF and Capital Flows: All Talk and No Solution,” February 7, 2012, http://www.brettonwoodsproject.org/art-569565.

52 Kevin Gallagher, “Cross Border Financial Regulation Is Justified Now More Than Ever,” Global Development (blog), April 19, 2012, http://www.theguardian.com/global-development/poverty-matters/2012/apr/19/cross-border-financial-regulation-justified.

53 Ibid.

54 Bretton Woods Project, “Time for a New Consensus: Regulating Financial Flows for Stability and Development,” December 15, 2011, http://www.brettonwoodsproject.org/art-569411.

55 Jubilee Debt Campaign, The State of Debt: Putting an End to Thirty Years of Crisis (May 20, 2012), 29.

56 Ibid., 2.

57 I have found Michael McLure’s work useful for thinking with Pigou, and the helpful (if anachronistic) descriptors “distributional fairness” and “macroeconomic stability” are from his “One Hundred Years from Today: A. C. Pigou’s Wealth and Welfare” (Discussion Paper No. 12.06, University of Western Australia), http://www.business.uwa.edu.au/__data/assets/pdf_file/0006/2068629/12-06-2012-History-of-Economics-Society-Conference-One-Hundred-Years-From-Today-AC-Pigous-Wealth-and-Welfare.pdf, 3. On global public economics, see especially Tony Atkinson, Public Economics in an Age of Austerity (The Graz Schumpeter Lectures) (London: Routledge, 2014), chap. 4.

58 This is rapidly growing area of debate. See, for example, Jean-Michel Severino and Olivier Ray, “The End of ODA: The Death and Rebirth of a Global Public Policy” (Working Paper No. 167, Center for Global Development, March 2009). See also Jonathan Glennie, “Who Should Lead the Aid Effectiveness Debate in the Future?” (speech at the first Overseas Development Institute Busan debate, House of Commons, London, July 6, 2011).

59 Jonathan Glennie has written in various fora about what he calls global public spending. His road map for getting there is here: “‘The Donors’ Dilemma’—A Manifesto for International Public Finance in the 21st Century,” The Donors’ Dilemma: Emergence, Convergence and the Future of Aid, ed. Andy Sumner (Global Policy Journal, March 13, 2014), http://www.globalpolicyjournal.com/blog/13/03/2014/donors’-dilemma-manifesto-international-public-finance-21st-century. A discussion of its relevance to the post-2015 agenda is found in Jonathan Glennie and Gail Hurley “Where Next for Aid: The Post-2015 Opportunity” (Discussion Paper, Overseas Development Institute, June 2014), http://www.odi.org/sites/odi.org.uk/files/odi-assets/publications-opinion-files/9007.pdf.

60 See, amongst others, Inge Kaul and Pedro Conçeicão, eds., The New Public Finance: Responding to Global Challenges (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); and Mahbub ul Haq, Inge Kaul, and Isabelle Grunberg, eds., The Tobin Tax: Coping with Financial Volatility (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996).

61 Minter, “Global Solidarity Levy.” See also ul Haq, Kaul, and Grunberg, Tobin Tax.

62 Larry Elliot, “UK Opposition to Financial Transaction Tax Rejected,” The Guardian, April 30, 2014, http://www.theguardian.com/business/2014/apr/30/uk-opposition-to-financial-transaction-tax-george-osborne.

63 See Gabriel Zucman, “Taxing across Borders: Tracking Personal Wealth and Corporate Profits,” Journal of Economic Perspectives 28, no. 4 (2014): 121–48.

64 Atkinson, Public Economics, chap. 4.

65 Vito Tanzi, “A World Tax Organization,” in The Economics of Globalization: Policy Perspectives from Public Economics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 173–86, 183.

66 See Inge Kaul, Pedro Conçeicão, Katell le Goulven, and Ronald Mendoza, eds., Providing Global Public Goods: Managing Globalization (Oxford: UNDP Publications and Oxford University Press, 2003).

67 Gerry Kearns, “The Social Shell,” Historical Geography 34 (2006): 49–70, 49.

68 Cited in Paul Krugman, “Why We’re in a New Gilded Age,” New York Review of Books, May 8–21, 2014, 15–18.

69 The London housing market point is from Robert Wade, “The Piketty Phenomenon and the Future of Inequality,” Real-World Economics Review 69, no. 7 (2014): http://www.paecon.net/PAEReview/issue69/Wade69.pdf, 2–17.

70 Richard Parker, “Reading Piketty in Athens,” Real-World Economics Review 69 (2014): 58–73.

71 Nancy Fraser, Scales of Justice: Reimagining Political Space in a Globalizing World (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), 69.

72 Boutros Boutros-Ghali, “The Missing Link of Democratization,” Open Democracy Journal, June 9, 2009, http://www.opendemocracy.net/globalization-UN/issue.jsp.

73 See Michael Edwards, “When Is Civil Society a Force for Social Transformation?” Open Democracy Journal, May 30, 2014, http://www.opendemocracy.net/transformation/michael-edwards/when-is-civil-society-force-for-social-transformation.

74 A. Bebbington, D. Mitlin, J. Mogaladi, and M. Scurrah, “Decentring Poverty, Reworking Government: Social Movements and States in the Government of Poverty,” Journal of Development Studies 46, no. 7 (2010): 1304–26.

75 Matthias Vom Hau and Guillermo Wilde, “We Have Always Lived Here,” Journal of Development Studies 46, no. 7 (2010): 1283–1303.

76 Cited in Mark Mazower, Dark Continent: Europe’s Twentieth Century (New York: Vintage Books, 1998), 360.

77 Bob Deacon, “Global Social Policy Actors and the Shaping of Post-Communist Social Policy,” in Social Policy beyond Borders: The Social Question in Transnational Perspective, ed. Abram de Swaan (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1994), 59–82.

78 In short, as Samuel Moyn puts it, the universalising promise of human rights trumped the staid efficacy of local welfare in an era that was interested in political returns to scale. The Powerless Companion: Human Rights in the Age of Global Inequality (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015).

79 If we were to extend the typology here, Latin Americans would likely join with Europeans in support of supra-national constitutionalism, Africans and the Chinese would probably join the Americans in favouring the nation-state, and India would probably split the difference between them.

80 See, for example, Armin von Bogdandy, “The European Lesson for International Democracy: The Significance of Articles 9–12 EU Treaty for International Organizations,” European Journal of International Law 23, no. 2 (2012): 315–34.

81 These two positions can be seen locking horns in Anne-Marie Slaughter, “A Dangerous Myth,” Prospect, February 20, 2004, http://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/opinions/adangerousmyth.

82 On the former Soviet states and Eastern Europe specifically, see Andrew Arato, “Interpreting 1989,” Social Research 60, no. 3 (1993): 609–46; on South Africa, see Heinz Klug, Constituting Democracy: Law, Globalism and South Africa’s Political Reconstruction (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). For more general perspectives, see Ian Shapiro and Casiano Hacker-Cordon, eds., Democracy’s Edges (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).

83 Ronald Dworkin, “Do Liberty and Equality Conflict?” in Living as Equals, ed. Paul Barker (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 39–57.

Chapter 6

1 Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political, trans. George Schwab (1932; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 54 (Schmitt is in dialogue with Proudhon); Adam Smith, The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759; London: Penguin, 2010), 157.

2 For all their presumed similarities, for Smith the governing virtue that should determine the limits to action was always justice; for Friedman it was non-coercion. See Harvey S. James Jr. and Farhad Rassekh, “Smith, Friedman and Self-Interest in Ethical Society,” Business Ethics Quarterly 10, no. 3 (2000): 659–74.

3 Istvan Hont, The Jealousy of Trade: International Competition and the Nation State in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).

4 The term is Primo Levi’s. See Juan Manuel Iranzo, “Trilogía de Primo Levi,” Revista de Libros, no. 108, December 2005, http://www.revistadelibros.com/articulo_imprimible.php?art=3259&t=articulos.

5 The phrase is given a much fuller exegesis in Claude Lefort, The Political Forms of Modern Society: Bureaucracy, Democracy, Totalitarianism (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1986).

6 See, for example, Anne-Emmanuelle Birn, Marriage of Convenience: Rockefeller International Health and Revolutionary Mexico, Rochester Studies in Medical History (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2012).

7 On Trump, see “Donald Trump: Still a Miserly Billionaire,” Smoking Gun, January 17, 2012, http://www.thesmokinggun.com/documents/miserly-donald-trump-654712.

8 David McCoy, “Conflicts of Interest within Philanthrocapitalism,” Global Health Watch III (London: Zed Books, 2011), 267–74.

9 Amartya Sen, The Idea of Justice (London: Allen Lane, 2010).

10 See I. M. Young, “From Guilt to Solidarity: Sweatshops and Political Responsibility,” Dissent, Spring 2003, 39–45; Young, “Responsibility and Global Labor Justice,” Journal of Political Philosophy 12, no. 4 (2004): 365–88; and Young, “Responsibility and Global Justice: A Social Connection Model,” Social Philosophy and Policy Foundation 23, no. 1 (2006): 102–30.

11 Nancy Fraser, “Can Society Be Commodities All the Way down? Polanyian Reflections on Capitalist Crisis” (FMSH-WP-2012-18, 2012), 10.

12 Andrew Sayer, Why We Can’t Afford the Rich (Bristol, UK: Policy Press, 2015), 94.

13 Ruth Marcus, “Moral Dilemmas and Consistency,” Journal of Philosophy 77, no. 3 (March 1980): 121–36; see also Jessica B. Payson, “Moral Dilemmas and Collective Responsibilities,” Essays in Philosophy 10, no. 2 (2009): art. 4.

14 Andrew Schaap, “Guilty Subjects and Political Responsibility: Arendt, Jaspers and the Resonance of the ‘German Question’ in Politics of Reconciliation,” Political Studies 49, no. 4 (2001): 749–66. See also Doreen Massey, “Space, Time and Political Responsibility in the Midst of Global Inequality,” Erdkunde 60: 89–95, 94.

15 The first quote is from Christopher Kutz, Complicity: Ethics and Law for a Collective Age (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 1. The second is from John Gardner’s “Review: Christopher Kutz, Complicity: Ethics and Law for a Collective Age,” Ethics 114, no. 4 (2004): 827–30, 828.

16 This is not to say we can afford to do away with these; we need both.

17 Cited in Ira Howerth, “The Social Question of Today,” American Journal of Sociology 12, no. 2 (1906): 254.

18 Robin Blackburn, “Reclaiming Human Rights,” New Left Review, May–June 2011, 126–38.

19 Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations (New York: Random House, 1937), 681.

20 Onora O’Neill, “What We Don’t Understand about Trust,” Ted Talk, http://www.ted.com/talks/onora_o_neill_what_we_don_t_understand_about_trust.

21 For a discussion of this, see Gerry Kearns, “Progressive Geopolitics,” Geography Compass, 2 no. 5 (2008): 1599–1620, 1606.

22 Michael Edwards, “When Is Civil Society a Force for Social Transformation,” OpenDemocracy, May 30, 2014, http://www.opendemocracy.net/transformation/michael-edwards/when-is-civil-society-force-for-social-transformation.

23 Gøsta Esping-Andersen, Politics against Markets: The Social Democratic Road to Power (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988).

24 There are many examples of this, including the re-framing of Costa Rica’s state-led development achievements of the 1950s to 1970s as a case of neoliberal “success” in the 1980s and 1990s. Richard Sandbrook, Marc Edelman, Patrick Heller, and Judith Teichmark, Social Democracy in the Global Periphery: Origins, Challenges, Prospects (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 110.

25 Francis Wilcox, foreword to Gunnar Myrdal, The Challenge of World Poverty: A World Anti-Poverty Programme in Outline (New York: Pantheon Books, 1970), vi.