CHAPTER 12

CONCLUSIONS

The preceding chapters have dwelt on issues that ail Pakistan cricket. We have moved from general society-wide issues such as endemic corruption, lack of role models, accountability and education to how these factors are played out in a specific context as in the Oval Test and the spot-fixing saga.

There are no easy answers for some of these issues, particularly those that have roots in historical, social and political forces that prevail in Pakistan. There are others that are self-inflicted for which short-term remedies are available if only they could be grasped.

Let us begin with the short-term measures that would help alleviate some of the problems that burden cricket in Pakistan. There is no better place for such a beginning than reference to the recently published Task Force Report compiled under the chairmanship of Giles Clarke, President of the ECB. The ICC had formed the Task Force with a view to assisting Pakistan at a time when its cricket was being seriously damaged and restricted by terrorism. The Task Force has, basically, addressed issues under three main headings:

  1. A democratic workable constitution.
  2. The importance of resuming bilateral series with India, which it considers to be at least on a par with the Ashes.
  3. Administrative and organizational changes.

All these recommendations should be taken in hand immediately and implemented. Most of the Task Force’s recommendations touch issues that have been analysed in earlier chapters of this book. Now is the time to implement them for the benefit of Pakistan cricket.

As regards a constitution, the PCB is operating under an interim constitution whose permanent shape remains to be decided by the Presidency and the Ministry of Sports. This is symptomatic of the ‘ad hocism’ in Pakistan. Meanwhile, the ICC has announced that in the future, a board whose chairman/president is nominated and not democratically elected would lose his rights as a member of the Board of Directors. This measure affects Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and possibly Zimbabwe, and is obviously an attempt to curb political interference by governments in their respective cricketing boards. I have already referred to this issue in Chapter 5 and my suggestion was a halfway house between a democratically elected and a nominated Chairman of the PCB.

The Task Force found it unacceptable that the Chairman of the PCB should be nominated by the Patron, who would also nominate 50 per cent of the Governing Council. The Chairman has the power to autocratically nominate the national selectors and has a final say in the teams selected by them. The Chairman is virtually the CEO of the Board and seems accountable to his nominator – the Patron – rather than to the game of cricket in Pakistan. Rightly, the Task Force has recommended that this process needs democratization.

I still have reservations about a completely democratic election for Chairman because, given access to the PCB’s financial honeypot, the power and influence of the office, there is every likelihood of a free election throwing up unscrupulous politicians, mafiosi or feudal barons who would want to use the PCB as a stepping stone for further influence. In my time, as a director of the ICC, we saw this happen in the case of Sri Lanka where various cabals had sought power, leading to ugly confrontations nationally and with the ICC. There is a need for a broadly representative constitution, which ensures that men of scrupulous integrity are at the helm of cricket affairs.

As regards the need for change in the PCB’s administrative and organizational set-up, it is important to streamline the bureaucracy, which is far too large and flabby. All appointments need to be advertised and made through due process. In financial matters, integrity and transparency have to be ensured through checks and balances, deriving their authority from a revised constitution. Organizationally, the first-class programme needs careful reassessment. There are too many teams and too many players participating in first-class cricket, lowering the quality of cricket. The rich corporations (departments) should not be allowed to siphon away talent from the relatively poor regional teams that must form the bedrock of a restricted competition, as is the case in every other part of the cricketing world. Regional cricket must receive sponsorship and financial support from the PCB with a strong helping hand from the government.

It needs to be stated that the PCB’s efforts have not been entirely bleak. There are some areas in which the PCB has been successful, such as training of umpires, curators and lower-level coaches. Tours by visiting teams have been efficiently organized and a programme for identifying talent at a young level put in place. Women’s cricket has also taken off. Much needs to be done in other domains, however, like club and schools cricket that provide the main feeder belt to representative cricket. The selection process needs, as far as possible, to be corruption free. In these domains the PCB requires the help of government and its institutions so that grounds are made available for cricket at all levels. The government needs also to encourage sponsorship that only requires a directive from the top for it to become a reality in a short span of time. It is surely in the government’s own interest to promote and encourage the game from the grass roots to the top of the pyramid as cricket, in Sir John Major’s words, can lift a nation when its team succeeds or plunge it into despair when it fails. Need it be repeated that cricket affects the morale of a country, especially in the subcontinent? Government must therefore play a much more proactive and focused role in the development and promotion of cricket in Pakistan.

Already some measures recommended by the Task Force have been implemented. There is now a strict code of honour that players have to sign. Players are made aware of the punishments that are prescribed in case they fail to meet standards. An integrity committee has been appointed. Drugs, spot-fixing and interaction with the betting mafia form part of the no-go area in the code of honour. However, more needs to be done to educate budding cricketers, given the fact that many of them are likely to be a product of maidaan cricket. All young cricketers would have to be taught basic spoken English and social graces on and off the cricket field. Primarily, more playing grounds need to be made available for grass-roots cricket.

There is a danger that with a drought of international cricket in Pakistan a diminishing of public interest could occur. Opportunities for cricketers to play against foreign teams would be limited and, certainly, financial income would be reduced. There are no signs, however, that the inability to host international cricket at home is affecting the public’s enthusiasm for the game. The challenge for Pakistan is to gradually restore faith in security for visiting teams.

I anticipate the shadow of terrorism to be part of Pakistan’s political scene for some time – perhaps ten to twenty years. Some teams from friendly Asian countries like Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and even India may be able to visit Pakistan sooner – perhaps in two to three years’ time. Other non-Test-playing countries like Afghanistan, Nepal and Ireland could be persuaded to tour Pakistan – so could Zimbabwe and the West Indies. Their example would be useful to break the ice and encourage Australia, New Zealand, South Africa and England eventually to send their cricket teams to Pakistan. However, before such time as cricket teams begin visiting Pakistan, it would be practical where possible to develop five-star hotels on or adjacent to Test stadiums. This would eliminate the danger-prone coach journeys between hotel and stadium and would enable the security agencies to throw a secure cordon around the playing area. Finally, while these secure zones are planned, Pakistan should play its home series either in a third country like UAE, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh or Malaysia or make special financial arrangements to play home series in the host country. This has been experimented in New Zealand and England and though it is not ideal, it is better than not playing at all.

The Oval Test fiasco led to a number of lessons being drawn. Most of them were deep-seated, buried in the psychological complexes of a nation. The lack of education was obvious in not understanding the significance of laws, also in not being able to assess and respond to a critical situation. Finally, a deep sense of persecution and insecurity that led to wild conspiracy theories and a feeling that the Western world was out to damage Pakistan permeated the team’s psyche. Long after the immediate crisis, Inzamam refused to play the ODIs until ordered by the President and persuaded to see the light by his fellow Tableeghi sympathizer Mushtaq Ahmed (see Chapter 11).

There is one short-term lesson, however, that needs to be heeded by the ICC. This relates to the importance of treating every ICC member in an equal manner. The heavyweights like India or Australia must be measured with the same yardstick as the less important countries like Zimbabwe or Pakistan. Contrast their role with Pakistan’s persistent pleas to the ICC not to appoint Darrell Hair to Pakistan series (and the ICC’s refusal to heed these entreaties) with the ICC’s immediate withdrawal of respected umpire Bucknor in the Australia–India series of 2010 after a poor decision against Tendulkar. Contrast also the ICC’s legitimate sensitivity towards Sri Lanka by not appointing Hair for eight years after the Muralitharan incident with the fact that Hair was appointed five times in Pakistan series over three years. It was a time bomb waiting to explode, which it did at the Oval in 2006. Much of the blame for this disservice to cricket must be placed at the ICC’s door. Equal and sensitive treatment to all ICC members would have prevented this cricketing shipwreck.

I agree entirely with the Task Force recommendation that the Pakistan–India series needs to be revived immediately. According to the ICC calendar Pakistan was scheduled to visit India in Feb/Mar 2012. I felt this opportunity should not be missed and even though it was Pakistan’s turn to visit India, the BCCI was ready to give a written undertaking that Pakistan’s ‘missed’ hosting would be made up later, possibly by having the home series in South Africa (where the Indians are prepared to go) as they will not play in UAE for understandable reasons. This re-scheduling required advance planning and diplomacy, but the basic objective should be to start our bilateral series with India as early as possible. During an informal visit to India at the instance of the then Chairman Ijaz Butt, I obtained in principle the BCCI’s agreement to host the Pakistan–India series on schedule (that is, Feb/Mar 2012). This opportunity was missed but I am glad to note that a short Pakistan–India series is scheduled in India for Dec/Jan 2012–13. Most recent reports have highlighted the fact that the Pakistan Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been pushing for the resumption of ties as a way of kickstarting stalled bilateral relations.

When the resumption of an India–Pakistan series is discussed there are some people on both sides of the border who fear that the matches would reflect the deep political hostility between the two neighbours. This hostility is revived periodically by incidents like the Mumbai terrorist attack, the Kargil venture and the attack on the Indian parliament. In Pakistan, a deep sense of resentment is felt by the killings on the Samjhota Express, the Babri Masjid demolition and the pogrom of Muslims in the Gujarat riots. These incidents open up existing wounds and sharpen the mutual hostility fanned by extremists on both sides. Some people become fearful that a cricket series would exacerbate this hostility that has its deep roots in history and in the aftermath of partition.

I do not share this concern and believe that cricket would act as a bridge of peace between Pakistan and India. The reason for this confidence is that I have seen Indian crowd behaviour when Pakistan visited India in 1999 and again in 2005. I have seen Pakistan crowds welcome the Indian team and 20,000 fans in 2004 and again in 2006. A new younger generation in both countries sees its cricket matches as a sporting contest rather than a battle. In Chennai in 1999, 15,000 Indian fans stayed on long after the match had been completed and India had narrowly lost the Test. I vividly recall captain Wasim Akram asking me after the presentation ceremony if he could lead his team on a victory lap to which I readily agreed. The Chennai crowd then gave the Pakistan team a memorable send off. In the same year I was witness to the Mohali crowd giving the 5,000 visiting Pakistani supporters a day to remember. The fans that came in buses were first treated to a free Indian film show. They were then invited at the ODI to a langar (buffet) hosted by the Chief Minister of Punjab. Once again, Pakistan won the match, but there were loud slogans from both sets of fans of ‘Pak–India dosti zindabad’ (long live Pak–India friendship). In the VIP enclosure I had seen a large number of attractive Sikh girls with the Indian flag painted on one cheek and the Pakistan flag on the other.1

The Pakistan public has been similarly welcoming to the Indian team in 2004 and 2006, events that I have described earlier in Chapter 3. My sense and judgement of the public mood is that whenever an Indo-Pakistan series begins, this mature mood will dominate. Of course, extremists on both sides would agitate, but I am sure that the general public will be welcoming. Deep political issues remain unresolved; incidents like the Mumbai attack (sponsored by extremists) will poison the atmosphere, but the new generation craves peace, development, good neighbourly relations and wants the hostility and terrorism of the past behind them. Cricket should be allowed to play a healing role in that direction which is vital for peace and well-being in both countries.

Fig17.jpg

Figure 17    (left to right) Governor General Khalid Maqbool; Inzamam-ul-Haq; Dr Nasim Ashraf, then Chairman of the PCB; Shaharyar M. Khan, former Chairman of the PCB; and Talat Ali, Team Manager, attend Bob Woolmer’s memorial service at the Anglican Cathedral Church of Resurrection, Lahore. Shoaib Malik and Mohammad Asif can be glimpsed in the background.

Having reached the upper levels of the international ladder under Bob Woolmer, Pakistan now languishes near the bottom in the company of Zimbabwe, Bangladesh and the West Indies. Occasionally there are flashes of success like topping the pool in the recent World Cup or winning the T20 tournament, but generally the results have been disappointing for the Pakistan public compared to the heady days of the 1990s and more recently when Pakistan defeated India in seven games out of nine. One of the factors in this decline is the absence of leadership on and off the field. The spate of controversies has cast a pall over the team as has constant changes of captain. This has in turn led to player factionalism, intrigue and lack of focus. Allied to these failings is the fact that except for Inzamam, Pakistan has not produced a world-class player in the past decade. Before the turn of the century, Pakistan had Imran Khan, Wasim Akram, Waqar Younis, Javed Miandad, Zaheer Abbas and Abdul Qadir. A few others were near that class and saw Pakistan win the World Cup in 1996 and several bilateral series. The reason for this dearth is that though abundant talent is available it is not being tapped to optimum advantage because of corruption and biased selection at lower levels. Nevertheless, Pakistan has unearthed some gems like Mohammad Amir and Mohammad Asif from unfashionable townships only to see them engulfed in a mudslide of corruption. I believe talent surfaces in cycles. All great cricketing countries have known their doldrums, including Australia, the West Indies, England and India, but decisive leadership and the turn of the wheel in unearthing talent revives them. I am sure Pakistan will also turn the corner as there is no shortage of talent, but it needs to be spotted and groomed.

Healthy finance is a fundamental requirement for the PCB. When I left the Board, the PCB had managed to increase its reserves from Pak Rs. 730 million to Pak Rs. 5.75 billion – over five times the initial figure. With a solid financial base the Board can sustain development at all levels. These reserves have to be husbanded diligently and development expenditure budgeted and planned by financial specialists. The National Academy has superb facilities. We need to develop regional coaching academies on a priority basis. Cricket in Pakistan is a lucrative business as our sponsors (ABN Amro) calculated that for every rupee invested they gained a return of 11 rupees in a year, which is a significant profit. These figures need to be publicized in order to gain sponsorship and financial support from the private sector. I have a feeling that the PCB has never been able to project this potential profitability in an effective manner, as is the case in India. It is not too late to do so now.

My reservations on the increased use of technology may suggest that I am against its introduction. This is not the case. I would welcome it with the following provisos. The ICC should insist on the DRS being applied across the board and not, as at present, in a piecemeal manner. We have recently seen India reject the DRS system in its series against England and then agreeing to it without affecting lbws. In most other series lbws have been included in the DRS. This is unsatisfactory and a uniform system, with or without lbws, is required. Secondly, I maintain that an umpire’s general authority over the game is diminished when a player appeals over the heads of the field umpires to a third umpire against the original decision. This goes against the very principle of cricket and indeed of life that the umpire’s decision is final. Surely a solution can be found when the appeal by the player against a doubtful decision is addressed to the umpire himself who then decides to refer it upwards, except when he is absolutely sure of his decision in which case no such referral is made. I know the umpires have welcomed, on the surface, the DRS, but deep down I am sure they do not like players going over their heads and questioning their judgement. Surely the ICC can devise a referral system that does not diminish an umpire’s standing and authority while utilizing available technology.

The issue of excessive religiosity, which affected Pakistan cricket during the Inzamam years, can be put in perspective summarily. This phase was neither typical nor reflective of Pakistan society. It was a passing phase and the result of the religious inclinations of one man – Inzamam-ul-Haq. As I had anticipated, this phase ended immediately after Inzamam’s retirement. There were no signs of excessive religiosity under the captaincy of Shoaib Malik, Younus Khan, Salman Butt and Misbah-ul-Haq who succeeded Inzamam. Even his fellow Tableeghi comrades – Mohammad Yousuf and Shahid Afridi – did not invoke Inzamam’s religious aura while they were briefly at the helm. The religious atmosphere has since reverted to normal with some players saying their prayers regularly but not in public, while others are left to decide their own religious practices without pressure or direction from the top. I consider the current atmosphere to be typical of ‘middle’ Pakistan attitudes towards religion.

Finally, let us analyse the long-term malaise that blights Pakistan cricket. Prominent in this spectrum are the issues of corruption, non-accountability, lack of education, economic wastage, political instability, absence of law and order, and social mayhem. All these ailments affect Pakistan cricket as described in Chapters 8 and 9. Their remedies do not, of course, lie in the hands of the PCB. They go much deeper to the national level. Who will bring us the security against terrorism and attacks against cricket teams, as was the case with Sri Lanka? Who will redress the plague of corruption, nepotism and patronage? Who can make up for the education drought when most of Pakistan’s reserves have been diverted towards buying military hardware like tanks, F-16s, submarines, missiles and of course its nuclear programme? Our education budget stands far below the required UN quota for all developing countries. Moreover, lack of development in constructing health centres, schools, market-to-town roads, power and gas facilities and drinking water outlets have brought a deep sense of deprivation which has been a factor in promoting religious extremism and terrorism. Only responsible leadership can address these issues.

Yet there are some measures that the PCB could take in its own domain to address these problems. As mentioned earlier, in this sea of corruption there are a few oases that are recognized as efficient, disciplined and incorruptible.The Motorway Police and the Supreme Court are recognized as two beacons of integrity. The PCB should aim to create such an oasis of its own by ensuring discipline, integrity, financial probity and general transparency in its work. There are outstanding officers in the PCB like CEO Subhan Ahmed who can deliver in creating such an oasis. It requires a head of the PCB with impeccable credentials and with the will to clean the swamp and to provide the necessary leadership.

And to the question of whether political, social and economic change in Pakistan is reflected in its cricket, the answer is evident, as we have traced our way through the book. Pakistan’s broken education system is manifest in the cricket team. Its lack of accountability is evident, as are its insecurities and patronage structures. Even the phenomenal growth of its towns is reflected in the changing demographic of the Pakistan team. But while these traits do come out in the character of the team, so too do more positive qualities. Pakistan is defined by its youthful exuberance, its brilliant unpredictability and its unfettered and unharnessed natural talent.

What also of cricket’s impact on society? Despite all the scandals and setbacks, cricket in Pakistan has brought more national joy and pride than anything else. Cricket has represented the one area in which Pakistan could compete and vanquish the very best. In the midst of the economic and political upheavals, victory in cricket could unite rich and poor, urban and rural, old and young, ethnic and religious sects. Differing backgrounds, ethnicities and religions were set aside for Pakistan’s common joy and passion. It could lift the nation in a way nothing else could. The loss of international cricket in Pakistan is therefore a hammer blow to the heart and soul of an already troubled nation.

Recently, the cricket cauldron in Pakistan has been vigorously stirred. Many unsavoury contents have surfaced to the top. Yet a lot of golden nuggets lie at the bottom that can, and if properly primed, bring benefit and even glory to Pakistan cricket, lifting the morale of its devoted followers.