Earlier that morning – 27 March – the German artillery opened up against the Anzac sector at Hébuterne. Word soon reached brigade headquarters that ‘the enemy was massing apparently for an attack about 1000 yards [914 metres] in front of our lines. This was immediately dealt with by artillery and MG [machine-gun] fire and enemy dispersed’ – but not for long.1

Around noon, 12 waves of German troops from the 24th (Saxon) Division advanced down the slopes of the old Somme battlefield into a shallow valley leading directly west. Their objective was the township of Sailly-au-Bois, and they appeared oblivious to the strength of the Anzac force strung out along the high ground. The Germans unknowingly advanced in mass straight towards the junction of the Anzac position, where the line bent back following the terrain. They were crossing the front of the position, offering the Anzacs complete enfilade against the mass of enemy troops. Indeed, the German records indicate that they were oblivious to the presence of the Anzacs, stating: ‘Now we lay close on the edge of the devastated zone, and could already gaze on the Promised Land. To the right, ahead of us, lay the village of Hébuterne’.2 The Germans of the 24th Division were about to be badly disabused of this belief.

Most Australians and New Zealanders couldn’t believe their eyes as the Germans came up in strength bunched together.3 ‘Look at the bloody bastards coming up the road,’ commented a soldier in the 2nd Auckland Battalion as the Germans marched towards them. Another recalled: ‘as we watched we could see the enemy coming marching up the road, some smoking, some laughing, as if they were marching on to Paris. What an eye opener they would get in a few minutes, everyone was eager to shoot, but we must wait till we get the order.’4 When the order was given, the Germans were hit with a torrent of concentrated rifle and machine-gun enfilade. No stormtrooper tactics here, just human flesh and bone marching into bullets and shells. New Zealand Private William Morris of the 2nd Canterbury Battalion recalled with horror many years later:

The Germans came over three times . . . in close formation. As close as you and I. And [we] just wiped them down. Just wiped them down. And he sent another lot and he got wiped down the same. Terrible! One lot of Australian soldiers . . . met a whole regiment of Germans coming along a sunken road – and they had the [German] Colonel right along in the front coming along this sunken road and they came to the top of the hill and there they were. They just wiped the whole lot out. They had four deep, cleared the whole thing. Terrible! A terrible thing to happen, isn’t it? Just murder . . . it was you or them.5

It was now that the brigade reserve – the 14th Battalion, located at Crucifix Corner – was ordered into the line to help cover the left flank. Meanwhile, two companies from the 16th Battalion retired to Crucifix Corner, representing the total reserve for the brigade.6

About an hour later, the German 39th Division launched a similar attack, but this time directly north against the Australian lines, in an attempt to capture Hébuterne. The Australians of the 13th, 15th and 16th battalions opened up along with supporting British batteries and New Zealand machine-gun fire, tearing great holes in the advancing lines. The Germans pressed on, but they were forced to ground. The New Zealand official history records how the greater weight of the blow fell on the Australians, but New Zealand rifles and Lewis guns cooperated in repulsing the German attack. The war diary of the New Zealand Machine Gun Battalion records: ‘With the second burst of fire about 50 of the enemy were seen to fall, a long burst was then fired into the mass and a very great number fell, the remainder broke and took cover in shell holes or undulations. As a meagre estimate 300 casualties were inflicted in this instance [alone] and until nightfall the ground was observed to be littered with bodies.’7

To make matters worse for the Germans, the British 18-pounders of the 104th, 112th and 235th field batteries – 36 guns in all – did excellent work ‘bursting well in the valley’.8 These gunners, however, were far from safe: throughout the day, German aircraft were dropping green flares to help direct counter-battery fire against them.9 The Germans from both divisions were either creeping or rushing for positions that might offer some cover – the old battlefield was a rabbit warren of old trenches, rusted wire, saps and shell craters among the tall grass. The futile attack was finally called off about four hours after it had begun.10 As recorded in the official New Zealand history, the odd German could be seen ‘crawling back on the ridge in a manner strikingly reminiscent of the Turks’ retreat over Chunuk Bair, and, like the Turks, they were harassed by machine-gun fire’.11 Lieutenant Colonel Douglas Marks, a 24-year-old bank clerk from Sydney who was commanding the 13th Battalion, recorded in his diary that night: ‘we did great execution with the Lewis guns and those of the enemy that were left, hastily retreated’.12 The war diary of the 13th Battalion states that the Germans provided a smokescreen that some, including wounded, were able to use to fall back to their own lines.13

That night, Captain George Tuck of the 2nd Auckland Battalion wrote in his diary: ‘The Hun has been attacking us all day by all means. Things happened of which I dare not write. Haven’t had 10 seconds to myself all the time. We are just holding the bounder but we have suffered pretty heavily – but he more so. If he doesn’t put in an attack before the next hour I think all will be well. A thousand pities he was allowed to cross the line of the Ancre.’14

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During the early hours of 28 March, Captain McKillop and his men of the 13th Battalion launched a frontal assault against the strong German defensive works at the cemetery just east of Hébuterne, supported by a short bombardment of 20 mortar bombs.15 Lieutenant Thomas White, a 32-year-old schoolteacher from Dulwich Hill in New South Wales, and his men had earlier discovered an old supply dump from 1916 containing a number of Mills bombs, and with the help of Sergeant Hubert Simpson, a 31-year-old clerk from Sydney, they checked them over and primed them, then moved out just north of the position to attack the enemy from their right.16

White as the battalion historian later wrote that among those who moved out was a Lewis gunner called Corporal Wilfred Dixon, a 26-year-old chemist from Rosebery Park, New South Wales. He moved out about 60 metres beyond his trench ‘in order to fire into the rear of the enemy in the cemetery. He knew he was facing certain death, but faced it unflinchingly and on his own initiative. He knew the position was critical, and that was sufficient, and so he willingly sacrificed himself to help the men of another company.’17 Using bombing parties followed up by bayonet work, McKillop’s and White’s men, with suppressing fire from Dixon, finally managed to break the German resistance. The enemy evacuated the position, managing to escape with at least one of their machine guns even though some remained in a number of deep dugouts; it became necessary to form a ‘special party to clear them [out]’.18 Corporal Wilfred Dixon received no official recognition for his sacrifice and is today buried at Euston Road Cemetery, Colincamps, France.

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Meanwhile, patrols from the 14th Battalion, covering the left flank of the brigade, had been sent north to make contact with the British 62nd Division. The patrols reported back that there was a large gap between the Australians and the British and growing evidence that the Germans had discovered it. It had to be bridged urgently.19 The 14th Battalion was to bridge the hole in the line, with three of its companies moving further north-east, occupying a ridgeline and trying to make contact with the British right flank. Soon orders arrived that after dark they were to advance off the ridgeline to occupy the old 1916 trenches, pushing them closer to the German lines; this was carried out without incident. However, they had yet to make contact with the British to their left. The Australian flank here ‘hung in the air’.20

It was discovered that the Germans – later identified as belonging to the 119th Division – had inserted themselves in between the Australian and British troops by occupying the shattered remnants of Rossignol Wood, which was now a German salient in their line.21 As described in the 4th Brigade war diary, the Germans had established ‘a firm footing by working up the labyrinth of old trenches which still remain[ed] in the district’.22 They were not going to be pushed out of these defences easily, as the British troops from the 62nd Division would soon discover.

Just on dawn, as the Australians assaulted the cemetery, the British troops of the King’s Own Yorkshire Light Infantry led an assault into the shallow valley against the Germans in Rossignol Wood, trying to link up with the Australians south of their position. These troops were beaten back, taking horrific casualties. It was now the turn of the Germans, and within hours they launched their own attack against the British troops. The commander of the IV Corps urgently sent forward the battered and weary survivors of the British 41st Division to help bridge the hole in the line by taking Rossignol Wood. This unenviable task was slated to the British troops of the 8th West Yorks, while the Australians of the 14th Battalion were to support the attack by attacking the Germans to their front. That night the West Yorks got into position. They launched their attack in the early hours of 29 March, supported by a number of tanks, but were beaten back. To the south, the Australians did not receive the order to advance in time. When it finally arrived it was too late – the British had already withdrawn. The attack was called off.23

Meanwhile, the intelligence officer to the Australian 4th Brigade, Lieutenant Henry Davis, a 22-year-old civil servant from Fairfield, New South Wales, and the intelligence officer to the 14th Battalion, Lieutenant John Johnson, a 30-year-old clerk from Colac, Victoria – who were both destined to be killed in action – managed to skirt around the western edge of the shattered woods to finally locate the exact position of the British right flank. The men of the 14th Battalion, along with the two companies of the 16th Battalion who were the sole reserves of the 4th Brigade, were ordered to assault and take the woods. As the Australians were preparing their attack, Lieutenant Victor Hall (a 24-year-old clerk from Ivanhoe in Victoria) observed that the Germans were about to launch their own assault. He led an immediate attack against them and was killed in the fighting. His sergeant, George Bullen (a 25-year-old farmhand, also from Ivanhoe), took over command but he and his men were pushed back at great cost. With this, stalemate set in.

The 14th Battalion was finally relieved by British troops on 2 April and went into reserve for the brigade. The woods would not be taken until the second half of 1918 as part of the great Allied push that later became known as the Hundred Days Offensive.24

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Just west of Hébuterne, nursing sister Elsie Tranter was still based at Doullens. She wrote in her diary about the ‘thousands of badly wounded men coming in day and night. We are in the operating theatre from 7 a.m. till 8 p.m., then work in the former chapel (now a hospital ward), attending to new admissions till virtually any hour in the morning. The stretcher-bearers work all day, sleep under the altar at night and those working as night bearers sleep there during the day.’25

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Soon the Anzacs in this sector began to conduct bite-and-hold actions, capturing various parts of the German lines. The 16th Battalion over a few nights made numerous advances and managed to take a significant position of a crest-line that provided an excellent view for several kilometres around and ‘denied to the enemy many good machine-gun positions. It was found that one of the posts established by B Company . . . was less than 20 yards from a strong enemy post. It was very hard for the 16th men to understand why the enemy gave up the advantage of such a position without a stiff fight. As it was it cost the battalion one killed and wounded to occupy this commanding ground.’26

The same applied to the New Zealanders, who were able without too much difficulty to shift Germans out of key tactical positions, as described by Major William Jennings of the 1st Brigade: ‘Yesterday’s operation has improved our line out of all knowledge and we now completely dominate the enemy’s position along two thirds of our front . . . The success of our attack seems to have been due to the speed with which it was carried out. Our men state that in many cases the enemy were lying down in the trench and that they were on top of them before the enemy could stand to. The men themselves are in great heart and only ask to be allowed to go on and push the enemy back again.’27 The Germans in this sector at least seemed to be disheartened.

The enemy continued to retaliate with artillery fire against the Anzac and British positions. During one of the bombardments, as recorded in the 16th Battalion war diary, a German shell exploded in an ammunition dump containing over a thousand 60 lb (27 kg) ‘plum pudding’ mortar bombs and ‘set them going’.28 During another bombardment, an unexploded German shell was seen to skid along a road heading straight for the open cellar door of the 13th Battalion headquarters. It bounced down to the basement floor, where ‘Capt. Davis, the adjutant, sat calmly looking at it as it rolled down one step after another, hissing in each little pool of water. Col. Marks, who had been taking a little nap, sat up and looked at it steaming, while the rest crouched into corners watching it and waiting. It did not explode . . . although it was not a “Dud” its nose-cap had not struck anything direct. A few minutes later two runners carried it outside, and all relieved the tension by joking about it.’29

Within a week the Germans would launch another attack to take the village.

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At 4 a.m. on 5 April, the Germans commenced heavy shelling of the Anzac positions around the town, much of the ordnance falling against the front and support lines held by the 16th Battalion. The shells were a combination of high explosive and gas. The battalion now held the right flank of the Australian position, linking up with the New Zealanders. Orders were issued for ‘C’ Company of the 14th Battalion to move up in support of the 16th.30 At 9.30 a.m. the Germans stopped aiming their shells along the front line and focused on the rear areas. Then around 2000 German troops of the 10th Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment (RIR) of the 5th Bavarian Reserve Division launched their attack against the centre of the Anzac line, directly against the men of the 16th Battalion. Even though well supported with artillery, the Germans were easily repulsed, suffering great loss, with the historian of the regiment stating they lost ‘190 officers and men. The attack had no prospects whatever of success unless the enfilade fire of enemy machineguns were eliminated by the preliminary bombardment and by the barrage’.32 They never had a chance. Anzac losses were minimal.31 The 13th Battalion was able to pour machine-gun enfilade against the German infantry assault. Its war diary concludes: ‘no enemy reached our line’.33

This attack again confirmed to Brigade Major Raymond Tovell that ‘infantry confident in their ability to use the Vickers, Lewis and rifle can hold their own. On this occasion our limited amount of artillery had too many tasks to be effective everywhere. The enemy losses were heavy.’34 At no other point did the Germans make any significant progress, as the Anzac trenches were well supported with artillery, light trench mortars and machine guns. A German prisoner from the attack wrote in his diary: ‘principally our failure was due to machine-gun fire from the flanks. The losses are very great. Many comrades find a hero’s death, others writhe in their wounds. Many wounded are lying in the open. At night the battalion retires to its starting point. During the day we are withdrawn to battalion headquarters, but here also we are under fairly heavy fire. Thank God we are now relieved.’35

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Sister Tranter had been in the thick of it for close to three weeks now, and from 4 to 8 April had no time to update her diary. She finally got a minute or two on 9 April, writing:

We have been in the dressing station each night for the past week. It is ghastly with frightfully mutilated boys coming in all the time. There is hardly room to pass between the ambulances of the incoming convoys. We can hear some of the poor chaps groaning while they are waiting to be carried into the chapel of the former citadel for dressing. A good many die on the way here and hundreds of Australians and New Zealanders are coming through . . . Last night Sister Gascoyne and I were on duty in the chapel and we had 1000 men, all badly gassed, brought in. Poor fellows, how they suffered . . . The worst of the pain the men had was from gas affecting their eyes which had their eyelids puffed and blistered. I had Scottish orderlies working with me. One undid the previous bandages, while I attended the eyes (using a solution of sodium bicarb) and the second Jock bandaged them up again . . . All those able to walk are led by one man with his hand on the shoulder of the man in front in a ‘chain’ of temporarily blinded men . . . Those of us working amongst the gassed soldiers have also lost our voices due to the gas fumes and can only just about manage to whisper. This is unfortunate, for the men like us to talk to them.36

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It would be another three weeks before the men of the 4th Brigade were united with their mates from the 12th and 13th brigades to the south. The British commander of the Third Army IV Corps, Lieutenant General George Harper, who was commanding this sector, made it clear he was reluctant to entrust the critical position to other available troops, and on several occasions refused to let the 4th Brigade go. In a message dated 7 April, he wrote: ‘To the 4th Australian Infantry Brigade. The Corps Commander desires to thank all ranks of the 4th Australian Brigade for their gallant behaviour in the defence of Hébuterne against all attacks during the past 14 days. Without relief and without complaint they have held their positions, and in many cases have advanced and improved their line . . . The Corps Commander considers this a very fine performance, which reflects great credit on all ranks of the brigade.’37 In an order to his battalion commanders, Brigadier Brand wrote that ‘all the higher commanders would have liked to see your men get a few days’ rest, but the holding of Hébuterne is all-important to the IV Corps. It has therefore been arranged that the 4th Brigade carry on.’ In an additional note to Lieutenant Colonel Marks he wrote: ‘The Corps commander is afraid to let the defence of Hébuterne out of our hands.’38 The 4th Brigade would finally be relieved on 23 April, when it moved south to join the rest of the 4th Division.39

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Earlier, the word of the tactical success by the Anzac and British forces against the Germans along this part of the line in late March was seized upon by senior British officials like a drowning man clinging to a life vest. However, strategically it was of little consequence. The main German thrust to the south pushed on regardless, advancing 60 kilometres into the British front and creating a huge salient in the British and French lines. It was holding for now – just.40