INFILTRATION IS THE METHOD whereby Party members move into noncommunist organizations for the purpose of exercising influence for communism. If control is secured, the organization becomes a communist front. This chapter shows how infiltration works and what you can do about it.
Infiltration is one of the oldest of communist tactics, advocated by Lenin and Stalin. For instance, listen to this exhortation by Georgi Dimitroff, General Secretary, before the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International:
“Comrades, you remember the ancient tale of the capture of Troy. Troy was inaccessible to the armies attacking her, thanks to her impregnable walls. And the attacking army, after suffering many sacrifices, was unable to achieve victory until with the aid of the famous Trojan horse it managed to penetrate to the very heart of the enemy’s camp.”
Homer’s famous story, Dimitroff said, must be applied to the twentieth century. “We. should not be shy about using the same tactics . . .” The Trojan horse has enabled the Party to wield an influence far in excess of its actual numbers.
For example, a community emergency occurred and assistance was badly needed in a stricken area. A labor union in Cleveland, Ohio, raised money to purchase food for distribution to the victims of this adversity in a small West Virginia town where families actually were in want for the necessities of life. The Communist Party organizer in Cleveland instructed a concealed Party member of the union that the truck driver was to deliver the food to a specified address in the stricken area in West Virginia where it would do the most “good.”
Here a noncommunist organization was paying the bill, thinking that it was doing a generous act of charity. Yet concealed communists within its ranks were subverting the generosity to communist ends. Since the Party had actual control over the distribution, who do you think got credit for the generosity?
Such incidents are frequent. Strikes have been called or settlements influenced by Party penetration within labor unions. Party manipulation has controlled the conventions of noncommunist organizations and determined the selection of officers. An idea originated in a Party office can, through this technique, be translated within days or hours into interviews with high government officials, into intensive agitation campaigns, or even, as has happened, into disruption of industrial production.
No wonder the Party desperately seeks to infiltrate labor unions, the government, civic and community groups, religious, professional, economic, and social organizations. It desires to make these organizations, in various ways, serve Party interests.
Party leaders spend much time and effort in studying infiltration strategy and tactics. A hasty, ill-advised, or poorly timed move might wipe out months of preparation. Should the objective be complete capture of the organization or the placing of a few key members? If the latter, where should the initial attack be delivered? Would it be better to place a member on the midnight or on the swing shift? Where can the greatest and most immediate gains be secured? A flexible strategy, adapted to current conditions, must be employed.
Communists have probably worked harder to infiltrate American labor unions than any other group. Since the days of Lenin, labor has been a favorite target. The Russian dictator was explicit:
“It is necessary to . . . agree to any and every sacrifice, and even—if need be—to resort to all sorts of stratagems, manoeuvres and illegal methods, to evasion and subterfuges in order to penetrate the trade unions, to remain in them, and to carry on Communist work in them at all costs.”
The statement is frank: Communists are not interested in the laboring man, higher wages, better working conditions, shorter hours. They want to get inside unions in order to agitate for communism.
An overwhelming majority of American labor-union members are honest, hard-working, loyal citizens. They detest communism. This has been proven time after time. Alerted to the presence of communists, they will cast them out. Most of the Party’s gains achieved prior to and during World War II in the labor movement have now been destroyed.
These defeats, however, have not halted the danger. “At least 90 percent of all of our efforts,” one Party writer asserted, must be devoted to industrial workers. Drawing on years of experience, the Party is today attacking labor unions with renewed vigor. The best way to defeat this assault is to know communist tactics of action.
The first thing in labor-union infiltration tactics is to secure a foothold inside a union, through a single comrade or, better yet, two or three. Comrades then do everything possible to build up strength inside the organization, creating a shop club.
Members of shop clubs are expected to promote Party influence in all possible ways. Very important is the recruitment of new members. The Party’s influence depends on members, especially on their strategic placement in the union and in industry.
“How-to-recruit” suggestions, for example, are often supplied to shop comrades. One Party manual urges that members mix with the workers and cultivate friendships.
“Especially must the Communist mingle with his fellow workers at noon time and participate in the general discussions and conversations that take place.”
Always try to steer these discussions, the manual says, into “economic and political channels”—so as to provide the chance to insert communist propaganda. And don’t use technical Party terms. Learn to express “our Marxian line” in good “American slang.” Communism can best be sold in the everyday language of the prospect.
If the worker shows “interest” (the communists say if “he’s more advanced”), give him a Daily Worker or pamphlet to read. Then invite him to a meeting or “study group.”
Try to stay with him after working hours. “The majority of our Party members become Communists only after working hours, around 6 p.m.” For communists there is no such thing as an eight-hour day.
The over-all work of infiltration, especially of shop clubs, is coordinated by Party strategy caucuses; that is, Party-called meetings where the problems of infiltration are studied. They are generally held on an industry basis, such as the automobile, steel, railroad, mining, and electrical industries, with members employed in these fields attending.
Party caucuses operate on different levels. There will be, for example, local caucuses of Party members employed in a certain industry in a given area, such as the automobile or electrical industry in Detroit or Cleveland. Then there are state and national caucuses, with Party leaders being drawn from wider areas. Party labor directors are usually in charge. In the past, for instance, national “auto” caucuses were often held in Cleveland or Detroit, “steel” in Youngstown, “electrical” in Buffalo, and “mining” in Pittsburgh. Sometimes Party leaders in related unions, such as automobile and steel, are brought together in a general communist labor conference.
These caucuses are literally strategy-devising meetings, where problems and procedures are analyzed with X-ray precision.
Non-communists probably do not realize how carefully communists study “capitalist” companies, wage policies, personnel, etc. The objective always is: How can the company and the union be used to implement the Party line, as support for “peace,” the Smith Act “victims,” or some current Party “martyr”?
For an answer let’s look in on one Party caucus.
Leslie, from the northwestern part of the state, was reporting on what his shop club was doing, that is, soliciting signatures to a “peace” petition.
“We got seven hundred and four signatures in a little over three days last week.”
“Keep at it,” the organizer responded. “Get more signature campaigns going. Contact those people who have already signed. See if they are friendly and understand our position. If so, go a third time. (Maybe a recruit could be secured.) Encourage them to circulate a petition themselves.”
“At our plant,” another Party leader commented, “we started a committee to protect freedom of speech. It’s a good issue and we’ve had some fine response. I think we ought to soon rally some support for the Smith Act victims. I hope we can get some contributions too.”
“Fine,” the organizer added, “but always remember that we must stress our united-front campaign. We’ve got to show the workers in these right-wing [that is, anticommunist] unions that the Party stands for peace, higher wages, and better working conditions.
“What if most of the workers don’t agree with communism?” the organizer continued. “That doesn’t keep them from working with us. We’ve got to convince them that we must all work together, that we have common aims. Besides, it will help us organize the rank and file against the reactionary [anticommunist] leadership.”
The caucuses give guidance. This is how to agitate on Party issues: Issue petitions and resolutions, set up a “peace” stand outside the shop gate, start a front. Ideas are exchanged, weaknesses analyzed, tactical shifts worked out, all under supervision of Party headquarters.
Sometimes the caucuses manipulate special “deals” to enhance Party influence. The following case, which occurred in Cleveland, Ohio, is revealing:
“Howard,” the organizer said, addressing one of the older members, “you’ve got to give up your job as editor of the union’s newspaper.”
“Give up . . . ,” the member said, surprised.
“Your time’s running out. You’re just about pegged as a communist. If you try to stay on another year, you’ll be thrown out. That’ll cause a rumpus and we’ll lose ground. Step out now.”
“OK,” the member replied, accepting the instruction. “I think I can get Elmer elected in my place. Dick may want it, but we’ve got to stop him.”
“Right you are,” the organizer said. “Dick is a vicious Red baiter. He’s a faker and reactionary. I’d rather have the paper discontinued than have him as editor.”
“Elmer isn’t known as a communist,” the member added. “Of course, if I support him it’ll tag him somewhat, but . . .”
“That’s our best approach, Howard,” the organizer said. “Submit your resignation tomorrow. You’ll catch Dick and his cronies off guard. Then push all you can for Elmer.”
What follows now is a case history which reveals the whole sinister process of infiltration. It concerns an organization that we shall call The 123 Group, typical of many trade-union, fraternal, civic, community, and nationality groups. It covers a six-year struggle for control between the Communist Party—working through a group of open and concealed members, sympathizers, and dupes—and a noncommunist opposition, at first unorganized, hitting wildly, but later to become all-powerful.
The 123 Group was an influential and respected noncommunist organization. Even partly to control its actions would be of great value to the Party.
The problem for communist headquarters was how best to attack. The obvious target, as in most organizations, was the officers. To control one officer, such as a president, secretary, or treasurer, is often worth ten, twenty, or fifty rank-and-file members. Everything must be done to prepare for the next elections in an effort to oust as many anticommunists as possible and replace them with pro-Party people or at least neutrals.
All officers of The 123 Group were bitterly anticommunist except one, the secretary. He would have loudly protested if called a Party member, and he wasn’t; but for many years he had maintained cordial contacts with Party officials. He was, in every respect, a sympathizer. He was popular and had a large personal following among the rank and file. For this reason the anticommunists had not been able to defeat him. Here was the obvious weak point.
“We’ve got to draw up an entire slate of candidates,” the Party organizer emphasized. “Let’s call it the ‘Reform Ticket.’ We must include a few reactionaries. That’ll hide our interest.” Then the frank admission: “We must not show our hand. We’ll run on a program acceptable to the right wing as much as possible. After we get in we’ll take control.”
The communist Trojan horse was jockeying for position. Maneuver often compensates for lack of numbers and organizational position. Deals, stratagems, and hypocrisy must be given free play.
The secretary-sympathizer agreed to run on the Reform Ticket. His name would lend prestige and give the ticket a capable career officer. Here was the first breakthrough. More deals, however, were necessary.
The chief problem now was the presidency. Whom to run? A known procommunist could not win. To support another anticommunist was unthinkable. The answer: an opportunist.
The right man was at hand, a noncommunist, personally ambitious, who disliked the current president. Lacking a dynamic personality, a “little backward,” as one Party official called him, he could be “guided.” He was just the man to head the ticket.
He was contacted. Run for president and you’ll receive “our” support. The communists, of course, didn’t openly identify themselves. The opportunist, however, probably suspected, but he didn’t care. That is the mark of an opportunist: his personal ambition is so great that it overrides every other consideration.
Now the other noncommunist candidates on the Reform Ticket must be chosen.
To communists there are different degrees of “foes.” A “60 per cent” foe is better “working material” than a “100 per cent” foe. Another may be appraised as a 40 or even a 10 percenter. In drawing up the slate, find as many “low percenters” as possible. Also there is the practical factor, always to be remembered, of selecting candidates who can “pull” votes to the ticket.
These deals were made.
Then there was the task, after selection of the slate (which contained concealed communists along with non-communists), of getting it elected.
This meant more strategy, manipulation, and deals. The communists could count on only a small minority of the vote—their own members and a few sympathizers. Their tactic lay in exploiting existing jealousies, conflicts, and dissatisfactions among the majority non-communists. To catch the secret of communist infiltration tactics, we must understand how the Party, with great skill, is able to exploit, guide, and capitalize on the splits and lack of interest in noncommunist ranks. That’s how the Party is able to wield an influence far out of proportion to its numbers.
There was, of course, the usual share of communist deals. Oxie technique, often used, is a deal with a noncommunist member of the group who is running for office in another organization in which the communists also have members. “Support our candidates here,” the deal goes, “and we’ll help you next week.” Then there is the communist who is a union official or company foreman who says to a noncommunist member of the group, “Maybe we can consider a promotion for you at the plant if . . .”
Another technique is to urge “benevolent neutrality” upon those non-communists who are wavering and might vote for the current officers; that’s a good day for them to stay home or go fishing!
Result: The Reform Ticket won a complete victory. Now one-third of the officers, five Party members, were controlled by Party headquarters. The rest were virtual prisoners.
To infiltrate an organization is only a first step. It must be made to serve Party interests. There are many ways:
1. A proposal, promoted by the communists, was made that Henry G., both a member of The 123 Group and a secret communist, be sent as an official delegate to the National Convention of a communist-front organization. This group was painted in glowing terms as a fighter for human rights. No mention was made of communist control. Opponents objected, labeled it as a communist “outfit.” The vote was taken: motion passed, and the communist member went, expenses paid.
2. A concealed communist was running for public office. Motion was made that his candidacy be endorsed. Again another outcry from the opponents, but the motion passed.
3. “John Doe is a victim of injustice. We should pass a resolution to be sent to the governor demanding his freedom. . . .” An anticommunist protested, “It’s not our business to be passing resolutions about such matters.” “A reactionary,” replies the spokesman for the communist line. “Aren’t you interested in justice?” Label your opponents as “Fascists,” “reactionaries,” “hardhearted.” The vote was taken: motion passed.
4. The communists had established a Party “front school.” Money was needed for expansion. One source: The 123 Group. Motion was made that a contribution be sent to the “school.”
Passed. A tactic the communists like to use: Make non-communists “share” the Party’s expenses.
5. Other ways: seize, if possible, the group’s bulletin or newspaper. Make it a Party mouthpiece, or at least attempt to silence or weaken its criticism. The instructions flow steadily from Party headquarters: start a letter-writing campaign, pass this foreign-policy resolution, contact a public official. The 123 Group becomes a masquerade for communist attack.
In one instance an official of The 123 Group (who was also a secret communist) was invited to testify before a congressional investigating committee about a certain economic development. What did he do? He went to the Party and asked for copies of the Daily Worker and other communist background material. Now he had the Party line!
Such victories are not always easily won. One requirement is a well-planned floor strategy for all club meetings. That’s the secret of many Party successes. First, as one Party leader expressed it, “we want our mob present.” No absences are allowed. Every Party vote is needed. If a motion is to be made, who will present it? When? Early in the evening while the crowd is large? Or much later when many of the delegates, but not the communists, have gone home? How should objections be handled? If concessions must be made, which ones?
Every move is planned.
If a communist is chairman, the task is easier. He can use many parliamentary devices such as not recognizing an opposition speaker, rushing votes, ruling opponents out of order. The communists, one member remarked, always had the meetings “so well in hand” in his organization that an “outsider” had no chance of even voicing opposition.
Numerous tricks can be used; for example the diamond formation, seating members in a diamond pattern. This gives the impression, during debate, that Party supporters are more numerous than they actually are. Another is the false opposition.
Selected members make foolish, silly, and stupid objections to communist proposals. The purpose: to make the communists look even better.
Communist infighting is vicious and utterly devoid of moral principle.
For several years the Party controlled The 123 Group. Time after time, the organization consisting of hundreds of members was subverted for Party purposes.
Then troubles began to appear. Some sympathizers and opportunists grew restive. Noncommunist opposition increased.
Party counterattacks were launched.
The first problem was to hold the opportunist-president in line. Vanity is a weapon in the early stages. Do everything you can to “blow up” his ego. Raise his salary (the organization pays for it, not the Party). Give him a testimonial dinner. Send him as a delegate to a convention, preferably as far away as possible. The communist vice-president will run affairs until he returns.
Frequently, as time passes, opportunists and sympathizers become “big-headed.” They don’t do what they are told. “Jack J. is feeling the effects of power,” one Party leader complained. “He’s forgetting his old factional allies.” Now stronger measures must be applied. Remind him forcefully that it is communist support which keeps him in office. “Encircle the guy,” as one Party member recommended, meaning to make him even more dependent on the Party. Perhaps cut his salary. A little “smear” campaign might be effective.
If new alignments can be made, he might be dropped. If not, he’ll be subjected to even stronger pressure. Blackmail and threats are often part of communist tactics at this stage.
Finally, six years later, The 123 Group eliminated the communist infiltration after a long, tiring battle. Here were some of the basic points the noncommunist opposition had to keep everlastingly in mind:
1. Rally the majority noncommunist strength. The communists, usually a minority, capitalize on the lack of interest of non-communists. One communist member was elected to office with only 3 per cent of the total eligible vote.
2. Remember that communism is always an evil, never a temporary good. Often communists give the impression of working for the best interests of the group. “What do you care whether we are communists?” one Party leader asked. “We’re trying to help you.” Another quipped: “Politics don’t matter. It’s the issues that count.” That’s wrong. Any conciliation, friendship, or trust placed in communism will sooner or later be exploited against democratic society.
3. Don’t underestimate communist ability. Many communists are extremely intelligent. One Party leader was described by an opponent as very capable, well versed in parliamentary procedure, and possessing an excellent command of English. To think of communists as mere rabble rousers and nuisances is to risk defeat.
4. Understand communist tactics. Learn how they, though numerically few, are able to exert a maximum influence. Deceit is one of their strongest weapons.
5. Stand up and be counted. Many non-communists hesitate to speak up in meetings. They fear to be attacked by an acid-tongued Party spokesman. They may remember Mr. So-and-So. He opposed a communist proposal several weeks ago. Now look at him. He hasn’t slept a full night for weeks. Somebody is constantly calling him on the telephone. His relatives are pestered. It’s best, they think, just to stay away from meetings or, if there, remain silent. Others, irritated, bored, or simply “fed up” with communist tactics, walk out. Just what the communists want. They have a clear field. Speak your mind. Stand your ground. Don’t be afraid to defend American liberty.
6. Wage the fight in a democratic manner. Emotion should never replace reason as a weapon. To pursue extralegal methods is simply to injure your cause. Fight hard, but fight according to the rules.
When communists speak of their desire to advance the cause of labor, the question should always be asked: What is their objective? In August, 1957, streetcar and bus workers went on strike in Lodz, Poland. The workers were using this means to protest against the unfulfilled promises of the leaders of the Polish Communist government. The strike was soon brought to a halt through the use of some 3000 troops with fixed bayonets and police who fired tear gas into the milling mob.
While the communists were demonstrating their brutality and terroristic tactics against labor in Poland, American communists were giving another demonstration of how they habitually ignore the truth. William Z. Foster, as the elder statesman of the Communist Party in the United States, was saying:
“One of the most striking phenomena of the capitalist world in recent years has been the enormous extension of the workers’ fight for democracy—among other phases, to defend their right to organize and strike. . . . World Socialism has enormously stimulated this struggle.”
The answer is a simple one. The communists, once in control, crush every opponent, while, in coming to power, they promise everything to soften the opposition. This opposition will be “softened,” however, only if we allow infiltration to take place before our very eyes without knowing it for what it is.