I was early taught to work as well as play,
My life has been one long, happy holiday;
Full of work and full of play—
I dropped the worry on the way—
And God was good to me everyday.
One Ring to rule them all, One Ring to find them,
One Ring to bring them all and in the darkness bind them
In the Land of Mordor where the Shadows lie.
UNTIL THE TIME OF HIS DEATH IN 1938, John D. Rockefeller awoke in a cold sweat for fear that he would lose his vast fortune. He inculcated this fear in other members of his family. John D.’s daughter, Bessie Strong, ended her life, according to the family biographer, William Manchester, “with the pitiful fear that she would die penniless.”1 Winifred Rockefeller Emeny, John D.’s grandniece, murdered her two children and committed suicide because of a fear of poverty. Another niece, Gladys, at age 21, was hospitalized for her mental condition. After each meal, she would save every crust of bread and every scrap of meat for fear that she could not afford another meal. She secreted the scraps of food under her pillow, refusing to trust them to the nurse. In an interview given the Journal American on November 19, 1961, Mary Clark Rockefeller, Nelson’s first wife, said that her husband, despite his income of a million dollars a minute, was even more penny-pinching and penurious than his grandfather.2 Mrs. Rockefeller further testified that Nelson spied on the domestic help to make sure that they did not eat too much food. Those whose appetites exceeded the limits of Nelson’s stinginess were dismissed from the household.3
The fear of poverty, according to Emanuel M. Josephson, became the psychological basis for the Rockefeller family’s support of Communism. They saw in the tenets of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin a means of concentrating the world’s wealth into the hands of a ruling elite through the elimination of competition and the suppression of the masses. This belief, Josephson argues, was a leading factor in the family’s support of the United Nations.4
During World War II, John D. Rockefeller Jr. remained the head of the vast family empire. As a young man, Junior had developed a close relationship with Andrew Carnegie and spent several weeks every summer at Skibo, the Carnegie estate in Scotland. Junior came to share Carnegie’s internationalism and belief in the need of a global organization that would dissolve national sovereignty and impose global law over all the inhabitants of planet Earth.5 Carnegie’s last public appearance was at a gathering of Junior’s Bible class at the Fifth Avenue Baptist Church in New York. The appearance was telling since Carnegie was instrumental in persuading Junior to shed his religious fundamentalism. Shortly after Carnegie addressed the Bible class, Junior announced to the group his belief that anyone who manifested “the moral spirit” of Jesus merited entrance into the Kingdom of Heaven, even if he or she refused to practice Christian rituals.6
Junior’s internationalism was further enhanced by his friendship with Raymond B. Fosdick, who became his lawyer and closest adviser. Fosdick had been appointed to serve as undersecretary of the League of Nations by President Wilson.7 In his fawning biography, John D. Rockefeller, Jr.: A Portrait (1956), Fosdick wrote: “More and more Mr. Rockefeller began to think in international terms. It is true that he had not favored the League of Nations when it was first proposed. Just as he had taken his church affiliations from his father, so his political loyalties were similarly inherited, and he had followed the Republican Party in its opposition to President Wilson. But his opinions were invariably marked by tolerance, and inflexibility was not part of his character.”8
The United Nations, as conceived by the Council on Foreign Relations and funded by the House of Rockefeller, was never meant to be an academic debating society. It was conceived to become an international regime that would control the world’s weapons, wars, courts, tax collectors, and economy. The orders to create this new international organization came from the Rockefellers. The plans were drawn up in 1943 by a “secret steering committee” under Secretary of State Cordell Hull. The members of this committee—Leo Pasvolsky, Isaiah Bowman, Sumner Welles, Norman Davis, and Myron Taylor—were all prominent CFR members. The draft for the massive international agency, after passing Nelson Rockefeller’s inspection, was presented on June 15, 1944, to President Roosevelt, who promptly gave it his approval.9
Delegates were now chosen by the U.S. State Department to meet with their foreign counterparts in San Francisco to devise a final plan. The following list of American delegates resembled a CFR roll call:
The Secretary-General of the conference was U.S. State Department official Alger Hiss, a member of the CFR and a secret Soviet agent.10 Nelson Rockefeller’s pivotal part in drafting the final plan was memorialized by Drew Pearson, a Rockefeller journalistic lackey, in an article published on May 10, 1945.
SAN FRANCISCO.—The play-by-play account of what went on behind the scenes after the Conference reluctantly voted to admit Argentina can now be revealed.
After Stettinius forced a public vote on the issue despite Russian requests for delay, he found himself criticized by some of the press and public.
Upset, he hastily called a closed meeting of the U.S. delegation, charged with tension.
Young Rockefeller eulogized the way Stettinius had handled himself. “This country is fortunate to have its affairs in his hands,” he praised.
Asst. Sec. Jimmy Dunn started to chime in, but was interrupted by shrewd Hamilton Fish Armstrong, key U.S. adviser:
“I am very disturbed by all this. I think we ought to call the press in and explain the American position. We are being called Fascists. Stettinius is being put in an unfair position.”
Harold Stassen, of Minn., who had been cool to Argentina’s admission, interrupted: “And what are you going to tell the press?”
John Foster Dulles said: “It’s very important that the public does not view our delegation as reactionary.”
Again Stassen interrupted: “Why must we be apologetic about something discussed fully here, then voted on and passed? The important thing is to work together. We can’t avoid all differences between nations and people.”
Stassen emphasized that there was justification for the American view, even if he didn’t entirely endorse it himself. If there were no arguments, there was no use of a conference.
Stettinius thought Stassen’s statement so good that he ought to broadcast it. Dunn protested the Russians were holding up the
Conference by refusing to permit Argentina to take up the chairmanship of a sub-committee. He launched upon an anti-Soviet tirade in no uncertain terms.
Rockefeller endorsed Dunn’s idea about giving Argentina a place on a Conference committee, saying: “We must treat Argentina as well as anyone else.”
“I agree,” chimed in Michigan’s Sen. Vandenberg. “Now that we’ve invited them, we must treat them right.”
Stassen could not go along with them, saying: “It’s bad enough we let them in without giving them honors.”
Vandenberg retorted, “Anything Rockefeller wants is o.k.” 11
The final draft was introduced to Congress on October 24, 1944, by Senator Glen Taylor (D–ID) who called upon his fellow senators to go on record favoring a world republic with an international police force.12 When it was presented for resolution, Senator Harold A. Burton (R– OH) said: “We again have the chance to retrieve and establish, not a League of Nations, but the present United Nations Charter, although eighty percent of its provisions are, in substance, the same as those of the League in Nations in 1919.”13
This statement should have alerted the Senate that the charter represented no less than the League of Nations an abandonment of U.S. sovereignty. It should have caused them to recall the rallying cry of Republicans in 1920 against such an organization: “The Republican Party stands for agreement among the nations to preserve the peace of the world … We believe that this can be done without depriving the people of the United States in advance of the right to determine for themselves what is just and fair, and without involving them as participants and not as peacemakers in a multitude of quarrels, the merits of which they are unable to judge.”14
The most glaring problem with the resolution, which was signed into law by President Harry S. Truman on July 28, 1945, was that it represented a treaty between the United States and a world-governing organization. By law, a treaty can only be established between two sovereign nations, and the new organization was neither sovereign nor a state. Another problem was that the treaty called upon the United States to engage in military action at the discretion of foreign governments. This violated the Constitution, which mandated that Congress alone possessed the power to declare war. A third problem came with the stipulation that the President of the United States remain the supreme commander-in-chief of the military in times of peace, with the ability to engage at any time America’s armed forces in military conflict.15
The Rockefellers played the central role not only in planning but also in funding the United Nations. The ideal site for the organization was Geneva, Switzerland, which had served as the headquarters for the League of Nations. But John D. Jr. objected to this neutral location and shelled out $8 million for the construction of the UN in the midst of downtown New York City. The planners of the UN had said, “Anything that Rockefeller wants is okay.” This proved true, even though the construction of the organization in Geneva would have saved American taxpayers billions of dollars and would have eliminated the necessity of creating an extraterritoriality in the midst of America’s busiest city.16
The United Nations provided the Rockefellers with an “international front” to advance their business interests. By its charter, the United Nations is governed by three principal units: the Security Council, the General Assembly, and the Economic and Social Council. Under these units, hundreds of agencies and programs have been formed to impact every aspect of human activity from administering welfare programs to regulating the environment. Violators of these mandates are subjected to force, arrest, and trial in an international court of law.17 Thus the brainstorm of Cecil Rhodes has crystallized into a political and economic reality.
The United Nations, as conceived by the Council on Foreign Relations and funded by the House of Rockefeller, was never meant to be an academic debating society. It was conceived to become an international regime that would control the world’s weapons, wars, courts, tax collectors, and economy. The orders to create this new international organization came from the Rockefellers.
The central source of power within the United Nations resides with the Security Council. This council consists of five permanent member-nations—the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Russia, and China. Anyone of these member-nations possesses veto power over the final determinations. This relegation of power gives the organization a semblance of check and balance. But semblance is not reality, and the real control resides with the money cartel, who can force member-nations, even Russia, to comply with its interest since it possesses control over their economies. This control became evident on June 27, 1950, when the Security Council adopted Resolution 83, which determined that the attack on the Republic of Korea by Communist forces from North Korea constituted a “breach of peace” that warranted an immediate show of force.18
In accordance with the Potsdam Conference, Korea, a protectorate of Japan, was divided in half along the 38th parallel. The northern half was occupied by the Soviet Union and the southern half by the United States. Stalin named Kim Il-Sung, one of his protégés, to serve as the premier of North Korea; he provided his military officials to train a North Korean army of 150,000 recruits, and he supplied the Communist army with tanks and fighter planes. On June 25, 1950, a force of 75,000 North Koreans poured over the 38th parallel in an invasion that was designed to reunite the country.19
Truman responded to the invasion by turning to the United Nations for a deployment of its Peacekeeping Forces. It was a bit of a ruse since American soldiers comprised 85 percent of this force. The ruse was compounded when the Security Council voted to approve the deployment, even though the war could have been prevented if the Soviets had exercised their veto. But the Soviets were not present at the critical meeting. Instead, they had staged a walkout in protest of the UN’s refusal to provide a seat in its general assembly for Red China.20
Stalin named Kim ll-sung, one of his protégés, to serve as the premier of North Korea; he provided his military officials to train a North Korean army of 150,000 recruits, and he supplied the Communist army with tanks and fighter planes. On June 25, 1950, a force of 75,000 North Koreans poured over the 38th parallel in an invasion that was designed to reunite the country. “Kim Il-sung” by yeowatzup is licensed under CC BY 2.0
Why would the Soviets opt to pass up an opportunity to protect their surrogate operation in North Korea? Was a blunder of this magnitude really intentional? These questions have dogged historians for decades. The answers may be discovered by following the money.
By 1927, Rockefeller-owned Standard Oil of New York and its subsidiary, the Vacuum Oil Company, had purchased the Russian oil fields and constructed a massive refinery in Batumi on the coast of the Black Sea.21 In accordance with the deal, the Rockefellers gained the right to market Soviet oil in Europe, while the Bolsheviks received a loan of $75 million.22 During this same time, Rockefeller-owned Chase National Bank had established the American-Russian Chamber of Commerce, which financed Soviet raw material exports and sold Soviet bonds in the United States.23
In 1935, Stalin expropriated many foreign investments in Russia, but the holdings of the House of Rockefeller were not touched.24 Other Rockefeller investments were made in the Soviet Union, including the construction of a truck factory that created tanks and rocket launchers.25 The total holdings of Chase National, Standard Oil, the Guaranty Trust Company, and other firms controlled or owned by the Rockefellers remained concealed from public scrutiny. The profits from these enterprises flowed into numbered accounts at Swiss banks so that they could never be audited by American legislators or U.S. Treasury officials.26 It was all a matter of high finance. The creation of another superpower by the House of Rockefeller proved to be an incredibly profitable venture. The Soviet Union began producing T-34/85 tanks and MiG-15 fighter jets for the North Korean army with financing from the House of Rockefeller.
The Korean War also produced a windfall for the American holdings of the money cartel, including the Rockefeller family. It necessitated, as John Whiteclay Chambers writes in The Oxford Companion to American Military History, “a permanent military-industrial establishment in peacetime as well as wartime or, at least, in cold as well as hot war.”27 Since the war mandated a quadrupling in military spending, the fortunes of the Rockefellers and the other global banking families increased exponentially. The Rockefellers had heavily invested in Boeing, McDonnell Aircraft, and other leading firms that received lucrative contracts with the Department of Defense. In addition to its oil companies (Exxon, Mobil, Texaco, Atlantic-Richfield, Standard Oil of California, Standard Oil of Indiana, and Marathon), the family had acquired majority control in steel companies (Inland Steel, Wheeling-Pittsburgh Steel, and National Steel) and chemical companies (Merck, Pfizer, and Wyeth), all of which reaped enormous profits from the so-called police action.28 International Harvester, the Rockefeller-owned agricultural equipment company, emerged as one of the country’s leading defense contractors by producing aerial torpedoes, military bulldozers, M7 tanks, 37mm cannon shells, 57mm anti-tank guns, aircraft cannons, and other munitions. An extra bonus to these earnings was the remilitarization of Japan, which not only forced the Rockefeller-owned firms to go into overdrive but also gave rise to the Rockefeller-dominated Nippon Oil and Energy.29
Throughout the conflict, Standard Oil of California in conjunction with the Texas Company, through their Caltex joint subsidiary, provided the North Koreans and Chinese Communists with the oil that they required to fly the planes and drive the tanks that slaughtered the GIs fighting with the South Koreans. The oil was paid for at the expense of American taxpayers, including the American soldiers who were slaughtered and maimed, through the Marshall Plan.30
The war was particularly ugly. The UN strategy involved the “mass killing of civilians” through extensive bombings. On August 12, the U.S. Air Force dropped 626 tons of bombs on North Korea; two weeks later, the daily tonnage increased to 800 tons. The carpet bombings resulted in the destruction of 78 cities and thousands of villages. By the time an armistice was signed on July 27, 1953, a third of the population of North Korea—over three million people—had been wiped out.31 The official U.S. casualty list showed that 36,914 American soldiers had died in the conflict, and 7,800 remained unaccounted for.32 The struggle resulted neither in territorial gain or loss. The objective of the war had been containment, not liberation or victory. The terms of the armistice called for the creation of a demilitarized zone (DMZ) between North and South Korea. Each side was to be 2,200 yards from the center. The DMZ was to be patrolled by both sides at all times.33 And so it had come to this: America’s wars were to be waged with limited rules of engagement and indefinite outcomes to advance the purpose of the global bankers, who had brought the United Nations into being.
Despite the military failure of the Korean War, the CFR continued its campaign for more and more power to be granted to the United Nations, including the institution of a permanent force to police the planet. In Freedom from War: The United States Program for General and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World, a publication from the U.S. State Department, Dean Rusk and other CFR members called for the transference of all tactical and strategic military weapons to the United States. Draftees of this document argued universal peace could only be achieved by this means.34 They overlooked the fact that the majority of the UN member nations were dictatorships with a deep-seated repugnance for constitutional republics and that the gatherings of the General Assembly were characterized by rabid anti-American rants.
The planners of the New World Order, including Rhodes and Nathan Rothschild, were intensely interested in the occult—an interest that gave rise to the Society of Psychic Research and the Theosophist Movement. Their obsession was shared by their disciples, including the founders of the United Nations. The Lucis Trust became an official consultative agency of the UN and its publishing arm. Founded in 1922 as the Lucifer Publishing Company by Alice Bailey, a disciple of Helena Petrova Blavatsky, the chartered purpose of the Trust was as follows: “To encourage the study of comparative religion, philosophy, science and art; to encourage every line of thought tending to the broadening of human sympathies and interests, and the expansion of ethical religious and educational literature; to assist or to engage in activities for the relief of suffering and for human betterment; and, in general, to further worthy efforts for humanitarian and educational ends.”35 The leading sponsors of Lucis Trust included Henry Clausen, Supreme Grand Commander of the Supreme Council, 33rd Degree, Southern District Scottish Rite; John D. Rockefeller IV; the Rockefeller Foundation; the Marshall Field family; World Bank president Robert McNamara; U.S. Ambassador to Moscow and IBM president Thomas Watson; Undersecretary of State Alexis Johnson, and the United Theosophists of New York City.36
Bailey’s ultimate objective in establishing Lucis Trust was to be about a one-world religion under the guiding light of Lucifer. She wrote: “The day is dawning when all religions will be regarded as emanating from one spiritual source; all will be seen as unitedly providing the one root out of which the universal religion will inevitably emerge.”37 In keeping with this objective, the Trust established World Goodwill, an agency within the UN that seeks to harness the “spiritual qualities of human beings” in order to issue forth a new era of enlightenment. Signatories to the World Goodwill document included: Helmut Schmidt, former chancellor of West Germany; Malcolm Fraser, former Australian prime minister; Oscar Arias Sanchez, former prime minister of Costa Rica; Israeli president Shimon Peres; Robert McNamara; Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker; and Jimmy Carter.38 Aside from Lucis Trust and World Goodwill, the scent of sulfur could also be discerned in the creation of the UN’s two evil sisters: the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank.
1 Emanuel M. Josephson, The Truth about Rockefeller: “Public Enemy No. 1,” Studies in Criminal Psychopathy (New York: Chedney Press, 1962), pp. 91–92.
2 Ibid., pp. 21–22.
3 Ibid., p. 32.
4 Ibid., p. 30.
5 Peter Koss, Carnegie (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 2002), p. 474.
6 Ron Chernow, Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. (New York: Vintage Books, 2004), pp. 639–40.
7 Ibid., p. 638.
8 Raymond E. Fosdick, John D. Rockefeller, Jr.: A Portrait (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1958), p. 216.
9 James Perloff, The Shadows of Power: The Council on Foreign Relations and the American Decline (Appleton, WI: Western Islands, 2005), p. 71.
10 William F. Jaspers, Global Tyranny … Step-by-Step: The United Nations and the Emerging New World Order, chap. 3, “The UN Founders,” 1992, http://www.bibliotecapleyades.net/sociopolitica/global_tyranny/global_tyranny03.htm, accessed February 13, 2019.
11 Drew Pearson, quoted in Emanuel M. Josephson, Rockefeller “Internationalist” (New York: Chedney Press, 1952), pp. 401–2.
12 Joseph Preston Baratta, The Politics of World Federation: United Nations, UN Reform, Atomic Control (New York: Praeger, 2004), p. 155.
13 Harold Burton, quoted in Andrew Marshall, “Global Power and Global Government,” Global Research, August 18, 2009, http://forum.prisonplanet.com/index.php?topic=129174.80;wap, accessed February 13, 2019.
14 Republican platform of 1920, quoted in G. Vance Smith and Tom Gow, Masters of Deception: The Rise of the Council on Foreign Nations (Colorado Springs, CO: Freedom First Society, 2012), pp. 36–37.
15 Marshall, “Global Power and Global Government.”
16 Josephson, Rockefeller “Internationalist,” p. 403.
17 Marten Zwanenburg, “United Nations and International Humanitarian Law,” Oxford Public International Law, October 2015, http://opil.ouplaw.com/view/10.1093/law:epil/9780199231690/law-9780199231690-e1675, accessed February 13, 2019.
18 Yong-jin Kim, Major Powers and Korea (Silver Spring, MD: Research Institute on Korean Affairs, 1973), p. 46.
19 Ibid.
20 Perloff, The Shadows of Power, p. 91.
21 Alexander Igolkin, “Early Lessons of Mutually Beneficial Cooperation,” Oil of Russia mgazine, no. 3, 2004, http://www.oilru.com/or/17/230/, accessed February 13, 2019.
22 Gary Allen, The Rockefeller File (Seal Beach, CA: ’76 Press, 1976), p. 107.
23 Mark M. Rich, The Hidden Evil: The Financial Elite’s Covert War against the Civilian Population (Raleigh, NC: Lulu Press, 2009), p. 58.
24 Ibid.
25 Ibid.
26 Allen, The Rockefeller File, p. 107.
27 John Whiteclay Chambers, The Oxford Companion to American Military History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 439.
28 Allen, The Rockefeller File, pp. 31–33.
29 Staff Report, “Japan: The Politics of Oil,” Executive Intelligence Review, March 29, 1977, https://larouchepub.com/eiw/public/1977/eirv04n13-19770329/eirv04n13-19770329_066-japan___the_politics_of_oil.pdf, accessed February 13, 2019.
30 Josephson, The Truth about Rockefeller, p. 142.
31 Michel Chossudovsky, The Globalization of War: America’s ‘Long War’ against Humanity (Montreal, Quebec: Global Research Publishers, 2015), pp. 26–30.
32 CNN Library, “Korean War Fast Facts,” CNN News, June 21, 2016, http://www.cnn.com/2013/06/28/world/asia/korean-war-fast-facts/, accessed February 13, 2019.
33 Ibid.
34 Smith and Gow, Masters of Deception, pp. 68–71.
35 Lucis Trust Charter, cited in Curtis A. Chamberlain, The Judas Epidemic: Exposing the Betrayal of the Christian Faith in Church and Government (Bloomington, IN: WestBow Press, 2011), p. 111.
36 Lyndon La Rouche, “Real History of Satanism,” La Rouche Publications, January 17, 2015, http://www.rense.com/general61/satanism.htm, accessed February 13, 2019.
37 Alice A. Bailey, Ponder on This: A Compilation (Washington, D.C.: Lucis Publishing, 2003), p. 294.
38 Terry Melanson, “Lucis Trust, Alice Bailey, World Goodwill, and the False Light of the World,” Conspiracy Archive, May 8, 2005, http://www.conspiracyarchive.com/NewAge/Lucis_Trust.htm, accessed February 13, 2019.