As the rebel forces swept across Cuba in late 1958, General Batista and General Cantillo conspired to establish a military junta in a last-ditched effort to thwart the revolution. Meanwhile, Fidel Castro won the cooperation of Santiago de Cuba’s military chief, Colonel Rego Rubido. In the early hours of January 1, 1959, Batista and some of his henchmen fled the country, leaving General Cantillo in charge. He immediately appointed elderly Supreme Court magistrate Dr. Carlos Piedra as head of a civilian-military junta. But on the same day, Fidel Castro called a general strike for the following day (January 2), saying: “This time nothing and no one can impede the triumph of the revolution.”
In the early hours of January 2, Fidel Castro addressed the people of Santiago de Cuba in Céspedes Park, outlining the events that led up to the victory of the revolutionary forces.
People of Santiago, compatriots of all Cuba:
We have finally reached Santiago de Cuba. The road was long and difficult, but we finally made it. It was rumored that they expected us in the capital of the republic [Havana] at 2 p.m. today. No one was more amazed than I was at this treacherous blow, which would place me in the capital of the republic this morning. Besides, I had intended to be in the capital of the republic, that is, in the new capital of the republic, because Santiago de Cuba, in accordance with the wishes of the provisional president, in accordance with the wishes of the Rebel Army, and in accordance with the wishes of the worthy people of Santiago de Cuba, Santiago will be the new provisional capital of Cuba.
This measure may surprise some people. Admittedly, it is a change, but the revolution is characterized precisely by its newness, by the fact that it will do things that have never been done before.
In making Santiago de Cuba the provisional capital of the republic, we are fully aware of our reasons for doing so. This is no attempt to cajole a specific area by demagogy. It is simply that Santiago de Cuba has been the strongest bulwark of the revolution.
The revolution begins now. It will not be an easy task, but a difficult and dangerous undertaking, particularly in the initial phases. And in what better place could we establish the government of the republic than in this fortress of the revolution?
So that you may understand that this will be a government solidly supported by the people of this heroic city, located in the foothills of the Sierra Maestra—because Santiago de Cuba is a part of the Sierra Maestra—Santiago de Cuba and the Sierra Maestra will be the two strongest fortresses for the revolution. But there are other reasons that motivate us, and one is the military revolutionary movement, the true military revolutionary movement that did not take place in Camp Columbia [in Havana].
In Camp Columbia they prepared a puny little uprising against the revolution, principally with Batista’s assistance. Since it is necessary to tell the truth and since we came here with a view to orienting the people, I can assure you that the military uprising in Camp Columbia was an attempt to deprive the people of power, to rob the revolution of its triumph and to allow Batista to escape, to allow General Tabernilla to escape, to allow the Tabernilla family to escape together with the Pilar Garcías, to allow the Salas Cañizares and the Venturas to escape. The uprising was an ambitious and treacherous blow that deserves the lowest epithets.
We must call a spade a spade and put the blame where it belongs. I am not going to be diplomatic. I will say outright that General Cantillo betrayed us, and I am not only going to say it, but I am going to prove it to you.
We always said that there would be no point in resolving this matter at the last moment with a puny little military uprising, because even if there was a military uprising, behind the people’s backs, our revolution will go forward and this time cannot be crushed. It will not be like 1895 when the North Americans came and took over, intervening at the last moment, and afterwards did not even allow Calixto García to assume the leadership, although he had fought in Santiago de Cuba for 30 years.
It will not be like 1933, when the people began to believe that the revolution was going to triumph, but then along came Mr. Batista to betray the revolution, seize power and establish an 11-year dictatorship.
Nor will it be like 1944, when the people took courage, believing that they had finally reached a position where they could take power, while those who assumed power proved to be thieves. We will have no thievery, no treason, no intervention. This time it is a true revolution, even though some might not desire it. At the very moment the dictatorship fell, as a consequence of our military victories, when they could not hold out even for another 15 days, Mr. Cantillo appears on the scene as a paladin of freedom. Naturally, we have never refused any offer of collaboration that might prevent bloodshed, providing the aims of our revolution were not imperiled by it. Naturally, we have always appealed to the military in our search for peace, but it must be peace with freedom and peace with the triumph of our revolution. This is the only way to obtain peace.
Thus, on December 24, when we were told of General Cantillo’s desire to meet us, we agreed to the interview. And I must confess, given the course of events, the extraordinary development of our military operations, that I had very little interest in speaking with the military. Nevertheless, I felt that it was the duty of those of us with responsibility not to allow ourselves to be carried away by our feelings. I also thought that if triumph could be achieved with minimum bloodshed, it was my duty to listen to the proposals made by the military.
I went to meet Mr. Cantillo, who spoke on behalf of the army. We met on [December] 28 at the Oriente mill, where he arrived in a helicopter at 8 p.m. We talked for four hours and I will not invent any stories about what took place, since there were several exceptional witnesses to the meeting. There was Dr. Raúl Chibas, there was a Catholic priest, and there were several military men, whose evidence cannot be questioned on any grounds whatsoever. After reviewing all of Cuba’s problems, and considering every detail, General Cantillo agreed to create a military revolutionary movement with us.
The first thing I said to him was this: After carefully studying the situation, the situation of the army, the situation in which it had been placed by the dictatorship, after explaining to him that he did not have to concern himself with Batista, or with the Tabernillas, or with the rest of those people because none of them had shown any concern for the Cuban military forces, we argued that the military had been led into a campaign against the masses, a campaign that would never be victorious because no one can win a war against the mass of the population.
After telling him that the military forces were the victims of the regime’s immorality, that the budgetary allocations for the purchase of arms had been embezzled, that the soldiers were being constantly defrauded, that those people did not deserve the consideration of honorable military men, that the army had no reason to bear the blame for crimes committed by Batista’s gang of villains, I told him quite clearly that I did not authorize anything that would enable Batista to escape. I warned him that if Batista got away with the Tabernillas and the rest of them it would be because we had been unable to prevent it. We had to prevent Batista’s flight.
Everyone knows that our first requirement in the event of an uprising by the military—that is, a military uprising coordinated with our movement—was the surrender of the war criminals. This is an essential condition. We could have captured Batista and all his accomplices; and I said loudly and clearly that I would not accept Batista’s escape. I explained to him quite clearly what course of action would have to be taken and that I did not give any support [to Batista’s escape], and neither would the July 26 Movement, nor would the people support a coup d’état [on such terms]. The fact is that the people won their own freedom by conquest; the people did it themselves.
Our freedom was taken from us by a coup d’état; but in order to finish once and for all with coups, it was necessary to achieve freedom through the people’s sacrifice. We could achieve nothing by an uprising today and another tomorrow and another in two years and another three years later, because here in Cuba it is the people, and the people alone, who must decide who is to govern them.
The military forces must unconditionally obey the people’s orders and be subject to the people, the constitution and the laws of the republic. If there is a bad government that embezzles and does the wrong thing, the only thing to do is to wait for the next election when that bad government can be turned out of office. That is why in democratic, constitutional regimes, governments have a fixed mandate. If they are bad, they can be ousted by the people, who can vote for a better government. The function of the military is not to elect governments, but to defend the law and to guarantee the rights of citizens. That is why I warned him that a coup d’état was out of the question, but that a military revolutionary movement was acceptable and that it should take place in Santiago de Cuba and not in Camp Columbia.
I told him quite clearly that the only way of forming a link with the people and joining them, of uniting the military and the revolutionaries, was not a coup d’état in the early hours of the dawn in Camp Columbia—at 2 or 3 a.m.—about which no one would know anything, as is the usual practice of these gentlemen. I told him it would be necessary to arouse the garrison at Santiago de Cuba, which was quite strong and adequately armed, in order to start the military movement, which would then be joined by the people and the revolutionaries. Given the situation in which the dictatorship found itself, such a movement would prove irresistible because all the other garrisons in the country would certainly join it immediately.
That was what was agreed to and not only was it what was agreed to, but I made him swear on it. He had planned to go to Havana the next day and we did not agree with this. I told him, “It is risky for you to go to Havana.” And he replied, “No, no there’s no risk.” I insisted, “You are running a great risk of arrest because if there is a conspiracy, everyone knows about it here.”
“No, I am sure they will not arrest me,” he replied. And, of course, why would they arrest him if this was a Batista coup d’état?
My thoughts were: “Well, all this seems so easy that it cannot be right,” so I said to him, “Will you promise me that in Havana you will not be persuaded by those supporting you to carry out a coup d’état in the capital? Will you promise me that you won’t do it?” He said, “I promise I won’t.” I insisted, “Will you swear to me that you won’t?” He replied again, “I swear I won’t!”
I believe that the primary requisite for a military man is honor, that the primary requisite for a military man is his word. This gentleman not only proved that he is dishonorable and that his word is worth nothing, but also that he lacks intelligence. I say this because a movement that could have been organized from the start with the support of the whole population, with its victory assured from the outset, did nothing more than dive into space. He believed that it would be only too easy to fool the people and to mislead the revolution.
He understood a couple of things. He understood, for instance, that when we told the people that Batista had left in a plane the people would flock into the streets, wild with happiness. He assumed that the people were not sufficiently mature to distinguish between Batista’s flight and the revolution. Because if Batista left and Cantillo’s friends assumed control, it was quite likely that Dr. Urrutia would also have to go within three months. Just as they were betraying us now, so they would betray us later on. The truth of the matter is that Mr. Cantillo already betrayed us before the revolution. He had already given signs of this, and I can prove it.
We agreed with General Cantillo that the uprising would take place on December 31 at 3 p.m., and it was agreed that the armed forces would give unconditional support to the revolutionary movement. The president was to appoint the revolutionary leaders and establish the positions to which the revolutionary leaders would assign the military. They were offering unconditional support and every detail of the plan was agreed to. At 3 p.m. on December 31 the garrison at Santiago de Cuba was to rise in revolt. Immediately after this, several rebel columns would enter the city and the people would fraternize with the military and the rebels, immediately issuing a revolutionary proclamation to the country as a whole and calling on all honorable military men to join the movement.
It was agreed that the tanks in the city would be placed at our disposal and I personally offered to advance toward the capital with an armed column preceded by the tanks. The tanks were to be handed over to me at 3 p.m., not because it was considered that any fighting would be necessary but to guard against the possibility that in Havana the movement might fail, which made it necessary to place our vanguard as close as possible to the capital.
It was evident that with the hatred for the repressive forces created by the horrendous crimes committed by Ventura and Pilar García, Batista’s overthrow would create considerable upheaval among the people. Moreover, the police force would inevitably feel that it lacked the moral strength to restrain the populace, as in fact happened. A series of excesses occurred in the capital. There was looting, shooting and fires, the responsibility for which falls on the shoulders of General Cantillo, who betrayed his word of honor and failed to carry out the plan which had been agreed to. He believed that appointing police captains and commanders, many of whom had already deserted when they were appointed—proof that they had guilty consciences—would be enough to solve the problem.
How different things were in Santiago de Cuba! How orderly and civic-minded! How disciplined the behavior of the masses! There was not a single attempt at looting, not a single example of personal vengeance, not a single person dragged through the streets, not a single fire! The behavior of the population of Santiago de Cuba was admirable and exemplary, despite the fact that Santiago de Cuba was the city that had suffered the most, where there had been the greatest terror and where, consequently, one would expect the people to be most outraged. Despite our statements of this morning that we did not agree with the coup d’état, the population in Santiago de Cuba behaved in an exemplary fashion and this is a matter of pride for the people, the revolutionaries and the military.
One can no longer say that revolution means anarchy and disorder; this happened in Havana because of treason, but that was not the case in Santiago de Cuba, which we can hold up as a model every time the revolution is accused of anarchy and disorganization.
The people should know about the negotiations between General Cantillo and me. After the agreements were made, when we had already suspended operations in Santiago de Cuba—because by December 28 our troops were quite close to the city and were ready for the assault—we were obliged to make a series of changes, abandoning the Santiago operation. Instead, we were to direct our troops elsewhere, in fact, to a place where it was believed that the movement might not be victorious immediately.
When we had completed all our maneuvers, the column which was to march on the capital received the following note from General Cantillo, just a few hours before it was due to leave. The text of the note read as follows: “Circumstances have changed considerably and now are favorable to a national solution.”
This was strange, because the major factors already could not have been more favorable and everything pointed to victory. It was therefore strange that he should come and say that circumstances had changed greatly and favorably. The circumstances were that Batista and Tabernilla had come to an agreement, assuring the success of the coup.
Cantillo recommended, “nothing be done at the moment and that we should await the course of events over the next weeks, up to [January] 6.” Obviously, given the indefinite truce, they would take care of everything in Havana.
I responded immediately: “The tenor of the note entirely contradicts our agreement. Moreover, it is ambiguous and incomprehensible and has made me lose confidence in the seriousness of the agreements. Hostilities will commence tomorrow at 3 p.m., the date and time agreed to for the launching of the movement.”
Something very curious happened immediately afterwards. On receiving the very short note, I advised the commanding officer in Santiago de Cuba, through a messenger, that if hostilities were to break out because the agreements were not complied with and we had to attack Santiago de Cuba, they would have no option but to surrender.
But the messenger did not convey my message correctly. He told Colonel Rego Rubido that I demanded the surrender of the town as a precondition to any agreement. He did not explain that I had said, “in the event of our launching an attack.” I had not said that I demanded the surrender of the town as a condition from General Cantillo. As a result of this message, the commanding officer at Santiago de Cuba [Colonel Rubido] sent me a very enigmatic and punctilious reply that I will read to you, indicating, naturally, that he felt very offended with what had been mistakenly conveyed to him:
The solution is neither a coup d’état nor a military revolt. Nevertheless, we believe that it is the most advisable solution for Dr. Fidel Castro, in accordance with his ideas, and one which would place the destiny of the country in his hands within 48 hours. It is not a local but a national solution and any indiscretion might compromise or destroy this and lead to chaos. Therefore, we hope that you will have confidence in our decision and that there will be a solution before January 6.
As for Santiago, because of the note and the messenger’s report, it will be necessary to change the plan and not enter the city. This caused a certain amount of ill-feeling among the key personnel, who would never surrender their arms without a fight. Arms are not surrendered to an ally and they are not surrendered without honor.
A beautiful phrase spoken by the commander of the garrison of Santiago de Cuba.
If there is no confidence in us, or if Santiago de Cuba is attacked, this will be regarded as equivalent to breaking the agreements, which will disrupt the negotiations, and thereby formally absolve us from any commitments. It is our hope, given the time required to act in one way or another, that the reply arrives in time to be sent to Havana with the Viscount leaving this afternoon.
I responded to Colonel José Rego Rubido’s note as follows:
Free Territory of Cuba, December 31, 1958
Colonel Sir:
A regrettable error has occurred in the transmission of my message to you, due perhaps to the haste with which I replied to your note. This is what I surmise from the conversation I have since held with its bearer. I did not tell him that the conditions of our agreement required the surrender of the garrison of Santiago de Cuba to our forces. This would have been a discourtesy and an unworthy and offensive proposal to the military forces who approached us so cordially.
The question is something entirely different. An agreement was reached between the leader of the military and ourselves which was to go into effect from 3 p.m. on December 31. The plan included details established after careful analysis of the problems, and was to begin with the revolt of the Santiago garrison. I persuaded General Cantillo of the advantages to be derived from beginning in Oriente [province] rather than in Camp Columbia, because the mass of the people greatly feared any coup starting in the barracks in Havana, stressing how difficult it would be, in that case, to ensure that the people joined that movement. He expressed his full agreement with my point of view and said he was only concerned about maintaining order in the capital; so we jointly agreed on measures necessary to keep order. Specifically, this involved the advance of our column toward Santiago de Cuba. It was to be a combined effort of the military, the people and ourselves, a sort of revolutionary movement which, from the outset, would have the support of the entire nation.
In accordance with this agreement, we suspended the operations that were underway and deployed our forces in other directions—such as Holguín, where the presence of some [of Batista’s] well-known henchmen virtually ensured resistance to the revolutionary military movement.
When all our preparations were completed, I received yesterday’s message [from Cantillo], indicating that the plan of action agreed to was not to be carried out.
Apparently there were other plans of which I was not informed because, in fact, the matter was no longer in our hands. Therefore, all we could do was wait. Everything was changed unilaterally, putting our own forces at risk, although according to our understanding and what was being said, they were being sent off on difficult operations…
We remained dependent on General Cantillo, who took many risks on his frequent trips to Havana. Militarily, these trips might well prove to be a disaster for us. You must realize that everything is very confused at this moment, and Batista is an artful, crafty individual who knows how to maneuver.
How can we be asked to renounce all the advantage we have gained during the past few weeks, and stand by, waiting patiently, for events to unfold?
I made it quite clear that it could not be a unilateral military operation. We did not experience the horror of two years of war just to stand by with our arms crossed, doing nothing, at the most critical moment. They cannot expect this of combatants who have known no rest in seven years of struggle against oppression.
This cannot happen, even though it is your intention to hand over power to the revolutionaries. It is not power that is important to us, but the accomplishment of the revolution. I am also concerned that the military, through an unjustifiable excess of scruples, might facilitate the flight of the principal criminals, letting them escape abroad with their vast fortunes, to then, from some foreign country, do further harm to our country.
I should add, that personally, I am not interested in power and do not envisage taking any post. All that I plan to do is ensure that the sacrifices of so many compatriots are not in vain, whatever the future may hold in store for me. I hope you will understand that I have every respect for the dignity of the military. Rest assured, this is not a matter of ambition or insolence.
I have always acted with loyalty and frankness. What has been gained underhandedly or with duplicity cannot be called a victory; the language of honor you have heard from my lips is the only language I know. Never in the course of the meetings with General Cantillo did we refer to the word “surrender.”…
All I meant [in my letter] was that once the blood of our forces had been shed in the attempt to conquer a given objective, no other solution would be acceptable. Even though the cost might be extremely heavy, in view of the present conditions of the forces defending the regime, since these forces cannot support Santiago de Cuba, the latter must inevitably fall into our hands.
This was the basic objective of our whole campaign over the past two months and such a plan cannot be suspended for a week without grave consequences, should the military movement fail. Moreover, it would mean losing the most opportune time—which is the present—when the dictatorship is suffering severe losses in the provinces of Oriente and Las Villas.
We are faced with the dilemma of either renouncing these advantages or exchanging an assured victory for a doubtful one. Do you believe that in the face of yesterday’s ambiguous and laconic note [from Cantillo], presenting a unilateral decision, I could hold myself responsible for delaying the plans?
As a military man, you must admit that is too much to ask of us. You have not stopped digging trenches for a single moment and those trenches could be used against us by a Pedraza, or Pilar García or Cañizares… If General Cantillo is relieved of his command, along with his trusted lieutenants, you cannot expect us to remain idle. We have no alternative but to attack because we, too, have sacred obligations.
We hope that these honorable military men will be much more than mere allies. We want them to be our compañeros in a single cause, the cause of Cuba. Above all, I hope that you and your compañeros do not misunderstand me. With respect to the tactical ceasefire in Santiago, to leave no possible room for doubt, I confirm that although at any time before the fighting begins we can renew our negotiations, as of today it must be made clear that operations can begin at any time and that nothing will convince us to alter our plans again.
Colonel Rego sent a punctilious, dignified reply as follows:
Sir,
I beg to acknowledge receipt of your letter of today’s date, and believe me, I wish to thank you most sincerely for the explanation regarding the previous message. I must confess that I had felt some error of interpretation must have been involved since I have observed your line of conduct for some time and know that you are a person of principle.
I ignored the details of the original plan because I was only informed of the first part of it. I might add that I am also not aware of some of the details of the present plan. I believe you are partly right in your analysis of the first part of the original plan.
But I believe that a few more days might be necessary before it could be consummated and we would never be able to prevent some of the major, middle-level and minor guilty parties from escaping. I am among those who believe it is absolutely essential that Cuba provides an example to all those who abuse the positions of power they occupy to commit every possible type of offense. Unfortunately, history is plagued with similar cases and rarely are the criminals brought to account because rarely do revolutions do what they have to do.
I am fully aware of your concern for those who bear little responsibility for the course of historical events…
I have no reason whatsoever to believe that any person is attempting to facilitate the escape of the guilty, and, personally, I might add that I am opposed to their flight. Should that happen, the historic responsibility will fall on the shoulders of those who facilitated the escape, and no one else.
I believe that everything will take place in accordance with your ideas, and that it will be for the good of Cuba and for the revolution which you have initiated.
I heard of a young student who had been murdered and whose body was found in the cemetery. Today, I took it upon myself to ensure that a thorough investigation was made to identify the perpetrator and what the circumstances of his death were, and how it took place, just as I had done a few days ago, not sparing any effort until I can put those guilty of such crimes at the disposal of the appropriate authorities.
Lastly, I should advise you that I sent a message to the general, letting him know that I had obtained a plane to carry your note to him. Do not be impatient for I feel sure that you will be in Havana even before the date mentioned. When the general left here, I asked him to let me have the helicopter and a pilot, just in case you might like to fly over Santiago de Cuba on Sunday afternoon.
With sincerest greetings and my warmest wishes for a happy new year,
[Signed] Colonel Rego Rubido
This was the state of our negotiations when Colonel Rego, the commander of Santiago de Cuba, and I were equally surprised by the coup d’état in Camp Columbia, which completely contradicted everything that had been agreed to. The first and most criminal aspect of all was that Batista was allowed to escape, and with him Tabernilla, and the other major criminals. They were allowed to escape with their millions of pesos; yes, they were allowed to flee with the 300 or 400 million pesos they had stolen. This will prove very costly for us because now, from Santo Domingo and from other countries, they will be directing propaganda against the revolution, plotting all the damage they can inflict against our cause. For a good many years we will have them over there, threatening our people, and forcing the people to remain in a constant state of alert because they will be conspiring against us and paying others to do the same.
What did we do as soon as we learned of the blow when we heard about this on Radio Progreso? At that time I was making a statement when I was told that Batista had left for Santo Domingo. Could it be just a rumor? A mistake? I wondered. Could it be a trick? I sent someone out to confirm the story and was informed that Batista and his entourage had indeed left for Santo Domingo. The most astonishing thing of all was that General Cantillo declared that this had taken place thanks to the patriotism of General Batista, who had resigned in order to avoid bloodshed. What do you think about that?
There is something else I have to tell you in order to demonstrate what kind of a coup had been planned. Pedraza had been appointed a member of the junta and then he left. I hardly need to say anything else about the nature of those responsible for carrying out the coup. They did not appoint Urrutia to the presidency, that is, the man supported by the movement and by all the revolutionary organizations. The person they chose was none other than the oldest member of the Supreme Court bench [Piedra], and all his colleagues are quite old themselves. And besides, he has already been a president: a president of the Supreme Court of Justice, which has never dispensed any justice, which never dispensed any kind of justice.
What would the result of all this be? Only half a revolution. A compromise, a caricature of a revolution. This nobody—or whatever you want to call this Mr. Piedra—if he has not resigned by now he should be preparing to do so, because we are going to make him resign in Havana. I don’t believe he will last 24 hours in office. It will break all records. They appoint this gentleman, and isn’t it marvelous: Cantillo becomes a national hero, the defender of Cuba’s freedom, the lord and master of Cuba, and there is Mr. Piedra… It would simply mean replacing one dictator with another.
Every point contained in the documents from Camp Columbia indicated that it was to be a counterrevolutionary uprising. In every point, the general trend was away from the aims of the people, and in every point there was something suspect. Mr. Piedra immediately made an appeal, or stated that he was going to make an appeal, to the rebels and to a peace commission. Meanwhile, we were supposed to be so calm and trusting; we were to lay down our guns and abandon everything and go and pay homage to Mr. Piedra and Mr. Cantillo.
It is obvious that both Cantillo and Piedra were out of touch with reality. I believe that the Cuban people have learned a great deal and we rebels have also learned something.
That was the situation this morning, but it is not the situation this evening, because many things have changed. Given these events, given this betrayal, I ordered all the rebel commanders to continue marching toward their targets, and consequently, I also immediately ordered all the columns assigned to Santiago de Cuba to advance on that city.
I want you to know that we were determined to take Santiago de Cuba by force. This would have been regrettable because it would have led to considerable bloodshed, and then tonight would not have been a night of celebration and joy, as it is; it would not have been a night of peace and fraternization, as it is. I must acknowledge that if a bloody battle did not take place here in Santiago de Cuba, it is due largely to the patriotism of army Colonel José Rego Rubido, to the commanders of the frigates Máximo Gómez and Maceo and to the chief of the Santiago de Cuba naval district, as well as to the officer who was acting as chief of police.
Citizens, it is only just that we should recognize these facts here and now and be thankful to those responsible for them. They contributed to averting a bloody battle and to converting this morning’s counterrevolution into the revolutionary movement of this afternoon.
We had no alternative but to attack because we could not allow the Camp Columbia coup to be consolidated. Moreover, we had to attack without delay. When the troops were already marching toward their objectives, Colonel Rego used a helicopter to try to locate me. The navy commanders contacted us and placed themselves unconditionally at the service of the revolution.
With the support of their two vessels, equipped with heavy weaponry, and of the naval district and the police, I called a meeting of all the army officers stationed in Santiago de Cuba—and there are over 100 of these officers. I explained that I was not the least worried by the thought of addressing them because I knew I was right, and I knew they would understand my arguments and that we would reach an agreement in the course of the meeting. Indeed, in the early evening, just at nightfall, I went to the meeting at the Escandel which was attended by nearly all the army officers in Santiago de Cuba. Many of them were young men who were clearly anxious to fight for the good of their country.
I met with these military men and explained our aims for our country, what we wanted for the country, the manner in which we had always dealt with the military, and all the harm done to the army by the tyrants. I said I did not think it fair that all military men be regarded equally, that the criminals were only a small minority, that there were many honorable men in the army who I knew abhorred the crimes, the abuses and the injustice…
It was clear that when the top ranks of the army were filled by Tabernilla, Pilar García and the like, relatives and blind followers of Batista, there was a generalized sense of fear in the army. One could not ask an individual officer to accept any responsibility. We are familiar with two types of military men: There are military men like Sosa Blanco, Cañizares, Sánchez Mosquera and Chaviano, known for their crimes and the cowardly murder of unfortunate peasants; and then there are military men who conducted honorable campaigns, who never murdered anyone or burned down houses, men such as Commander Quevedo, who was our prisoner after his heroic resistance at the battle of El Jigüe and who is still an army officer. Men like Commander Sierra and many other officers who never in their lives burned down a single house. However, this type of officer got no promotion. Those who were promoted were the criminals because Batista always made a point of rewarding crime.
For example, we have the case of Colonel Rego Rubido who does not owe his position to the dictatorship since he was already a colonel when the March 10 coup took place. The fact is that I asked the army officers in Santiago de Cuba for support and they gave their unconditional backing to the Cuban revolution. When the navy, army and police officers met together, they agreed to condemn the Camp Columbia uprising and to support the legitimate government of the republic because it has the support of the majority of the population, and is represented by Dr. Manuel Urrutia Lleó. Thanks to their attitude, we were able to prevent a lot of bloodshed; thanks to their attitude, this afternoon we saw the birth of a truly revolutionary movement.
I fully understand that among the people there may be many justifiably passionate feelings. I appreciate the concern for justice evinced by our people. And we will have justice. But I want to ask that our people here, above all else, remain calm. Right now, we must consolidate power, before we do anything else. First and foremost, power must be consolidated. After that, we will appoint a commission, made up of reputable military men and officers of the Rebel Army, to take the necessary measures. These will include identifying those culpable. No one will oppose such measures because it is precisely the army and the armed forces who most want to ensure that the guilt of a few should not be borne by the whole corps. They are the ones most interested in ensuring that to wear a uniform is not shameful, and that the guilty are punished so that the innocent do not bear the dishonor of others.
Have confidence in us! This is what we ask of the people because we know how to fulfill our obligations.
Those were the circumstances surrounding the meeting held this afternoon—a meeting that proved to be a truly revolutionary movement in which the people, the military and the rebels participated.
The enthusiasm of the military in Santiago de Cuba was indescribable. As proof of their trust, I asked the military to join me in entering Santiago de Cuba, and so here I am with all the army officers. And here are the tanks that now are at the service of the revolution. Here is the artillery at the service of the revolution. And there are the frigates, now at the service of the revolution.
I do not need to say that the revolution can depend on the people because everyone knows this. I should say, however, that the people, who in the beginning had only shotguns, now have artillery, tanks and frigates, and many trained army technicians to help us handle them. Now the people are properly armed. And let me assure you that if, when we were only 12 people, we never lost faith, now that we have 12 tanks, how could we possibly lose faith?
Let me say that today, tonight, as of this dawn—because it is almost daybreak—the eminent magistrate Dr. Manuel Urrutia Lleó will take over the presidency of the republic. Does Dr. Urrutia have the support of the people or does he not have the support of the people? What I really mean to say is that it is the president of the republic, the legitimate president, who has the support of the people of Cuba, and that is Dr. Manuel Urrutia. Who wants Mr. Piedra as president? If no one wants Mr. Piedra as president, how are they going to impose Mr. Piedra on us now?
Since those are the instructions given by the people of Santiago de Cuba, and since they represent the feelings of all the people of Cuba, as soon as this meeting is over I will march with the veteran troops of the Sierra Maestra, with the tanks and the artillery, toward Havana in order to fulfill the will of the people. We are here entirely at the request of the people. The mandate of the people is the only legal mandate at present. The president is elected by the people and not by a council in Camp Columbia, meeting at 4:00 in the morning…
I am absolutely convinced that by tomorrow morning all the army commands throughout the country will have put themselves at the service of the president of the republic. The president will immediately appoint the chiefs of the army, the navy and the police. Because of the very valuable service rendered now to the revolution, and because he placed thousands of his people at the service of the revolution, we would recommend that Colonel Rego Rubido be made chief of the army. Similarly, the chief of the navy will be one of the two commanders who first placed their vessels at the orders of the revolution. And I would recommend to the president of the republic that Commander Efigenio Almeijeiras be appointed national chief of police. He lost three brothers in the revolution, was one of the Granma expeditionaries and one of the most capable combatants in the revolutionary army. Almeijeiras is on active duty in Guantánamo but will arrive here tomorrow.
All I ask for is time for us and for the civil power of the republic, so that we can do the things the people want; but they must be done gradually, little by little. I would only ask one thing of the people, and that is that you remain calm… Time is a highly important factor in everything. The revolution cannot be completed in a single day but you may be sure that we will carry the revolution through to the end. You may be sure that for the first time the republic will be truly and entirely free and the people will have their just reward. Power was not achieved through politics, but through the sacrifices of hundreds and thousands of our fellow Cubans. It is not a promise we make to ourselves but to the people, the whole Cuban nation; the man who has taken over power has no commitment to anyone other than the people.
Che Guevara has been ordered to march on the capital, not on the provisional capital of the republic, but on Havana. Commander Camilo Cienfuegos of Column Two—the Antonio Maceo column—was also ordered to march on Havana and to take over command of Camp Columbia. They will carry out the orders issued by the president of the republic and the mandate of the revolution.
We cannot be blamed for the excesses occurring in Havana. General Cantillo and his fellow dawn conspirators are to blame for those…
It is important to remember that the military forces are primarily at the service of law and authority, not improperly constituted authorities but legitimate authority. No reputable army man need fear anything from the revolution. In this struggle, there are no conquered ones because the only conqueror is the people. There are those who have fallen on one side and the other, but we have all joined together so that the victory may belong to the nation. We have all joined together, the reputable military and the revolutionaries. There will be no more bloodshed. I hope that no group puts up any resistance because, apart from being foolhardy, it would be overcome in short shrift…
There will be no privileges; there will be no privileges for anyone; and the members of the armed forces who are capable and deserving will be promoted. It will not be as it was in the past—that is, when friends and relatives were promoted, regardless of performance. This sort of thing is over in the military as it is over for laborers. There will be no more exploitation or compulsory contributions, which for the workers are the trade union payments and for the military is a peso here for the First Lady and two pesos elsewhere for something else, until all their pay dwindles away.
Naturally, the entire population has expectations and we are going to deliver. However, I have spoken of the military so that they, too, know they can count on the revolution for improvements in their situation; if the budgetary resources are not stolen, the military will be in a much better position than at the present. Moreover, the soldier will not be called on to act as a policeman because he will be busy with his own training in the barracks; the soldier will not be engaged in police work but will be busy being a soldier…
I am certain that as soon as the president of the republic takes office and assumes command, he will decree the restoration of all rights and freedoms, including the absolute freedom of the press, of all individual rights, of all trade union rights, and of the rights and demands of the campesinos and our own people. We will not forget our campesinos in the Sierra Maestra and those in Santiago de Cuba. We will not go and live in Havana and forget everyone, because I prefer to live in the Sierra Maestra, at least in that part for which I feel a very deep sense of gratitude. I will never forget those campesinos and as soon as I have a free moment we will see about building the first school city with places for 20,000 children. We will do it with the help of the people and the rebels will work with them there. We will ask each citizen for a bag of cement and a trowel. I know we will have the help of our citizens…
The country’s economy will be reestablished immediately. This year we will take care of the sugarcane to prevent it being burnt, because this year the tax on sugar will not be used for the purchase of murderous weapons, or for planes and bombs with which to attack the people.
We will take care of communications and already from Jiguani to Palma Soriano the telephone lines have been reestablished, and the railroad is being rebuilt. There will be a harvest all over the country and there will be good wages because I know that this is the intention of the president of the republic. There will be good prices because the fear that there would be no harvest has raised prices on the world market. The campesinos can sell their coffee and the cattle breeders can sell their fat steers in Havana because fortunately we triumphed early enough to prevent any catastrophes. I am not just saying these things. You know that we keep our word, and what we promise we accomplish and we promise less than what we intend to accomplish; we promise not more but less and we intend to do more than we have told the people of Cuba.
We do not believe that all the problems can be solved easily; we know the road is strewn with obstacles, but we are people of good faith and we are always ready to face great difficulties. You can be certain of one thing, and that is that we might make one or even many mistakes. But the one thing that can never be said of us is that we have stolen, that we have profited from our position, that we have betrayed the movement. I know that the people can forgive mistakes but not dishonorable deeds, and what we have had in the past were dishonorable men.
In accepting the presidency, Dr. Manuel Urrutia, from the moment he was invested in office, became the highest authority in the country. Let no one think that I intend to exercise any power greater than that of the president of the republic. I will be the first to obey orders issued by the civil authority of the republic and I will be the first to set an example. We will carry out his orders, and within the scope of the authority granted to us, we will try to do the utmost for our people without personal ambition; fortunately we are immune to the temptations of such ambitions and such vanity. What greater glory could we have than the affection of our people? What greater reward could we envisage than the thousands of arms waving before us, full of hope, and faith in us and affection for us.
We will never succumb to vanity or ambition, because, in the words of the Apostle, “All the glory in the world can fit into a kernel of corn.” There can be no greater reward or satisfaction than to fulfill one’s duty, as we have been doing up to now and as we will continue to do. In saying this, I do not speak just for myself but in the name of the thousands and thousands of combatants who made the people’s victory possible. I speak with the deepest sense of respect for our dead, who will not be forgotten, and whose faithful compañeros we will always remain. This time they will not say of us, as has been said of others in the past, that we betrayed the memory of those who died, because those who died will continue to guide us. Frank País is not physically among us, nor are many others, but they are all spiritually and morally present and the mere knowledge that their sacrifice was not in vain is partial compensation for the immense emptiness they left behind them.
Fresh flowers will continue to adorn their tombs; their children will not be forgotten and assistance will be given to the families of the fallen. We rebels will not ask for retrospective pay for the years during which we struggled because we feel proud not to be paid for the services rendered to Cuba…
I will repeat here what I have already said in History Will Absolve Me, that the children of the military who died fighting against us will be assured of maintenance, assistance and education because they cannot be blamed for the horrors of the war. We will be generous to everyone because, as I have said, here there are no vanquished, but only victors. Only war criminals will be punished because this is the irrevocable duty of the revolution, and the people can be certain that we will fulfill that duty. The people can also be sure that when justice reigns there will be no revenge. If tomorrow there are to be no assaults against anyone, justice must reign today. As there will be justice, there will be no revenge, neither will there be hatred.
Hatred will be exiled from the republic, hatred that is a damned and evil shadow bequeathed to us by ambition and tyranny. Unfortunately, the major criminals escaped. There are thousands of people who would pursue them, but we must respect the laws of other countries. It would be easy for us because we have more than enough volunteers to pursue those delinquents, ready and willing to risk their lives. However, we do not wish to appear as people who violate the laws of other peoples; we will respect these laws while ours are respected. Nonetheless, I will issue one warning: If in Santo Domingo they begin to conspire against the revolution, if [Dominican dictator] Trujillo… makes any mistake and directs any aggression against us, it will be a sorry day for him…
If Santo Domingo is converted into a counterrevolutionary arsenal, if Santo Domingo becomes a base for conspiracies against the Cuban revolution, and if these gentlemen over there devote themselves to conspiracies, it would be better for them to leave Santo Domingo immediately. They will not be very safe over there, not because we intend to meddle in Santo Domingo’s problems, but because the citizens of the Dominican Republic have learned from Cuba’s example and conditions there will become very serious indeed. The citizens of the Dominican Republic have learned that it is possible to struggle against tyranny and defeat it. And this is the lesson dictatorships fear the most. Yet, it is a lesson that is encouraging for the Americas; a lesson exemplified just now in our country.
All the Americas are watching the course and the fate of our revolution. All the Americas are watching us, following our actions with their best wishes for our triumph, supporting us in our difficult moments. Our happiness today in Cuba is shared throughout the Americas. As we rejoice at the overthrow of a dictator in Latin America, so do they rejoice with the Cuban people.
I really should conclude, although I do so with an overwhelming sense of emotion and so many ideas all mixed up in my mind. As I was saying, there will be justice, and it was a pity that the major criminals escaped…
If only one could see Mr. Batista now, if only one could see the arrogant, handsome Mr. Batista, who never spoke without calling others cowards, wretched villains, and so on. Here, we have called no one a “villain.” Here, there is not a whisper of hatred, arrogance or disdain, which filled the speeches of the dictator—that man who claimed that he had a single bullet in his pistol when he entered Camp Columbia and who left on a plane in the early hours of the dawn, with that single bullet still in his pistol. Surely this shows these dictators are not so fearsome or so likely to commit suicide, because when they have lost the game, they immediately take flight like cowards. The sad part is that they escaped when they should have been taken prisoner. Had we caught Batista, we could have seized the 200 million pesos he stole. But we will claim that money, wherever he is hiding it, because they are not political exiles but common criminals. And we will see who turns up in the embassies, if Mr. Cantillo has not already given them safe-conduct passes. We will make a distinction between the political prisoners and the common criminals. They will have to go before the courts and prove that they are political delinquents. However, if they are proved to be common criminals, they will have to appear before the proper authorities…
At last, the people have been able to rid themselves of this rabble. Now anyone may speak out, whether they are for or against. Anyone who wishes to do so may speak out. That was not the case previously because until now, they were the only ones [allowed] to speak out; and they spoke against us. There will be freedom for those who speak in our favor and for those who speak against us and criticize us. There will be freedom for everyone because we have achieved freedom for everyone. We will never feel insulted; we will always defend ourselves and we will follow a single precept, that of respect for the rights and feelings of others.
Others have been mentioned here. Those people—wherever they might be, in whatever embassy, on whatever beach, in whatever boat they now find themselves—we are free of them. If they have some tiny shack, a small boat, or a little farm somewhere, we will naturally have to confiscate it; we must sound the warning that the hirelings of tyranny, the representatives, the senators, and so on, those who did not necessarily steal but who accepted their remuneration, will have to pay back, up to the last penny, what they received over these four years, because they received it illegally. They will have to pay back to the republic the money they received; and if they do not reimburse the national treasury, we will confiscate whatever property they have. That is quite separate from what they may have stolen. Those who robbed will not be allowed to retain any of the stolen goods. That is the law of the revolution. It is not fair to send a person to prison for stealing a chicken or a turkey, and at the same time to allow those who stole millions of pesos to have a wonderful lifestyle, traveling the world.
Let them beware! Let those thieves of yesterday and today beware! The revolution’s laws may extend to the guilty in every period. The revolution has triumphed and its only obligation is to the people, to whom it owes its victory.
I am going to conclude for today. Remember that I have to leave right away. It is my duty. Moreover, you have been standing here for a good many hours. I see so much red and black on the clothing of our compañeras that it is really hard to leave this platform, where all of us have experienced the greatest emotions of our lives…
For the moment, the task that required rifles is done; so let us keep the rifles where they are, within reach of those who have to defend our sovereignty and our rights. So that when our people are threatened, it will not be only the 30,000 or 40,000 armed combatants who will fight, but the 300,000 or 400,000 or 500,000 Cubans, men and women, who will have arms. There will be arms for everyone who wishes to fight when the time comes to defend our freedom.
It has been proven that it is not only men who fight in Cuba but that women can also fight. The best evidence of this is the Mariana Grajales platoon [of the Rebel Army], which distinguished itself in numerous encounters. The women soldiers are as good as our best military men. I wanted to prove that women can be good soldiers. In the beginning, this gave me a lot of trouble because there was considerable prejudice. There were men who asked how on earth a woman could be given a rifle while there were still men without weapons. And why not? I wanted to show that women could be just as good soldiers. Women represent a sector of our country that must be redeemed; they still face discrimination in employment and many other aspects of their lives. So we organized the women’s units and these proved that women could fight, and furthermore, when the men of a village fight and the women fight alongside them, that village is impregnable. We have organized the female combatants or militias and we will continue to train them as volunteers. All these young women I see here with their black and red clothing reminded me of July 26. And I hope all of you will learn how to handle firearms.
Compatriots, this revolution that was made with so much sacrifice, our revolution, the revolution of the people, is now a magnificent and indestructible reality. What a source of pride and great joy for all our people, who waited for this day! I know that it is not only here in Santiago de Cuba, it is everywhere, from Maisí to Cape San Antonio.
I long to see the people on our route to the capital, because I know I will encounter the same hope, the same faith, of an entire people that rose up, a people who patiently bore all the sacrifices, who cared little for hunger. When we gave them three days’ leave to reestablish communications, in order to avoid hunger, everyone protested because what they wanted was victory at any price. Such a people deserves a better fate, and deserves the happiness it has not had in the last 56 years of the republic. It deserves to become one of the leading nations in the world by reason of its intelligence, its valor and its spirit.
Let no one think I am speaking as a demagogue. Let no one accuse me of seeking to deceive the people. I have given ample proof of my faith in the people; when I landed with 82 combatants on the beaches of Cuba, and people said we were mad and asked us why we thought we could win the war, we replied, “Because we have the people behind us!” When we were defeated for the first time, and only a handful of us remained, still we persisted in the struggle. We knew that this would be the outcome because we had faith in the people. When they dispersed us five times in 45 days and we met up together again and renewed the struggle, it was because we had faith in the people. And today is the most palpable demonstration of the fact that our faith was justified.
I have the greatest satisfaction in the knowledge that I believed so deeply in the people of Cuba, and in having inspired my compañeros with this same faith. This faith is more than faith—it is total confidence in our people. This same faith that we have in you is the faith we hope that you will always have in us.
The republic was not liberated in 1895 when the dream of the mambises was frustrated at the last minute. The revolution did not take place in 1933 when it was frustrated by its enemies. This time, however, we have a revolution of the entire people, supported by all the honorable military men. It is so vast and such an uncontainable force that this time victory is certain.
We can say with great joy that in the four centuries since our country was founded, this will be the first time that we are entirely free and that the work of the mambises is completed.
A few days ago, I could not resist the temptation to go and visit my mother whom I had not seen for several years. On my return, as I was traveling along the road that cuts through Mangos de Baraguá late at night, a sense of deep devotion among those of us in that vehicle made us stop at the monument erected to the memory of those involved in the protest at Baraguá and the beginning of the invasion. At that late hour, at that place, we thought about the daring feats involved in our wars of independence and the fact that those people fought for 30 years and never saw their dream come true, but saw only one more frustrated republic. Yet they had a presentiment that sooner or later the revolution of which they dreamed, the homeland of which they dreamed, would become a reality. This filled us with the greatest conceivable emotion. In my mind’s eye, I saw these people relive their sacrifice, sacrifices which we also experienced. I conjured up their dreams and their aspirations, which were our dreams and our aspirations, and I ventured to think that the present generation in Cuba must render, and has rendered, homage, gratitude and loyalty as a fervent tribute to those heroes of our independence.
The efforts of those who fell in our three wars of independence are now united with those who fell in this war, and of all those who fell in the struggle for freedom. We can now tell them that their dreams are about to be fulfilled and that the time has finally come when you, our people, our good and noble people, our people who have so much enthusiasm and have so much faith, our people who demand nothing in return for their affection, who demand nothing in return for their confidence, who offer a kindness far beyond anything they might deserve, the time has come, I say, when you will have everything you need. There is nothing left for me to add, except, with modesty and sincerity, to say with the deepest emotion, that you will always have in us, the combatants of the revolution, loyal servants whose sole motto is service to you.
On this day, when Dr. Urrutia takes over the presidency of the republic—Dr. Manuel Urrutia Lleó, the leader who declared that this was a just revolution—on territory that has been liberated, which by now includes the whole country, I declare that I will assume only those duties assigned to me by him. The full authority of the republic is vested in him. And our arms now submit respectfully to the civil authority of the civil republic of Cuba.
All I have to say is that we hope he will fulfill his duty. Naturally, we are confident that he will know how to fulfill his duty. I surrender my authority to the provisional president of the Republic of Cuba and with it I surrender to him the right to address the people of Cuba.
After crossing the island of Cuba in a triumphal march, Fidel arrived in Havana, and in this speech at General Batista’s former military fortress, Camp Columbia, on January 8, 1959, he presented the next tasks in the revolution.
I know that my speaking here this evening presents me with an obligation that may well be one of the most difficult in the long process of struggle that began in Santiago de Cuba on November 30, 1956.
The revolutionary combatants, the army soldiers, whose fate is in our hands, and all the rest of the people are listening.
I think that this is a decisive moment in our history. The dictatorship has been overthrown and there is tremendous joy, but there is still much to do. We shouldn’t fool ourselves, thinking that everything will be easy from now on, because things may turn out to be more difficult.
The first duty of all revolutionaries is to tell the truth. Fooling the people, promoting illusions, always brings the worst consequences, and I believe that the people should be warned against excessive optimism.
How did the Rebel Army win the war? By telling the truth. How did the [Batista] dictatorship lose the war? By deceiving the soldiers.
When we were dealt a setback, we said so over Radio Rebelde; we criticized the mistakes of any officer who committed them; and we warned all the compañeros so the same thing wouldn’t happen with another unit. That didn’t happen with the army’s companies. Several units made the same mistakes, because no one ever told the officers and soldiers the truth.
That’s why I want to start—or, rather, continue—using the same system: that of always telling the people the truth.
We have advanced, perhaps quite a long way.
Here we are in the capital, at Camp Columbia. The revolutionary forces appear to be victorious. The government has been constituted and recognized by many countries. It seems that we have achieved peace, yet we shouldn’t be too optimistic.
While the people laughed and celebrated today, I worried; the larger the crowd that came to welcome us and the greater the people’s joy, the more worried I was, because the greater was our responsibility to history and to the Cuban people.
The revolution no longer has to confront an army ready for action. Who might be the enemies of the revolution now and in the future? Who, in the face of this victorious nation, might be the enemies of the Cuban revolution in the future? We ourselves, the revolutionaries.
As I always told the rebel combatants, when we aren’t confronting the enemy, when the war is over, we ourselves will be the only enemies the revolution can have. That’s why I always said and still say that we should be more rigorous and demanding with the rebel soldiers than with anyone else, because the success or failure of the revolution depends on them…
The first thing that those of us who have carried out this revolution have to ask ourselves is why we did it. Was it out of ambition, a lust for power or any other ignoble reason? Were any of the combatants for this revolution idealists who, while moved by idealism, also sought other ends? Did we carry out the revolution thinking that as soon as the dictatorship was overthrown we would benefit from being in power? Did any of us do what we did simply to jump on the bandwagon? Did any of us want to live like a king and have a mansion? Did any of us become revolutionaries and overthrow the dictatorship in order to make life easy for ourselves? Did we simply want to replace some ministers?
Or, did we do what we did out of a real spirit of selflessness? Did each of us have a true willingness to make sacrifices? Was each of us willing to give their all without any thought of personal gain? And, right from the start, were we ready to renounce everything that didn’t mean continuing to carry out our duty as sincere revolutionaries?
Those are the questions we must ask ourselves, because the future of Cuba, ourselves and the people, is largely dependent on this examination of conscience.
When I hear talk of columns, battlefronts, and troops of whatever size, I always think, here is our firmest column, here are our best troops—the only troops that, alone, can win the war: the people!
No general or army can do more than the people. If you were to ask me what troops I preferred to command, I would say, I prefer to command the people, because the people are invincible. It was the people who won this war, because we didn’t have any tanks, planes, cannon, military academies, recruiting and training centers, divisions, regiments, companies, platoons or even squads.
So, who won the war? The people. The people won the war.
It was the people who won this war—I’m saying this very clearly in case anyone thinks they won it or any troops think they won it. Therefore, the people come first.
But there is something else: The revolution isn’t interested in me or in any other commander or captain as individuals; the revolution isn’t interested in any particular column or company. What it is interested in is the people.
It was the people who won or lost. It was the people who suffered the horrors of the last seven years, the people who must ask themselves if, in 10, 15 or 20 years, they and their children and grandchildren are going to continue suffering the horrors they have suffered ever since the establishment of the Republic of Cuba, crowned with dictatorships such as those of Machado and Batista.
The people want to know if we’re going to do a good job of carrying out this revolution or if we’re going to make the same mistakes that previous revolutions made—and, as a result, make them suffer the consequences of our mistakes, for every mistake has terrible consequences for the people; sooner or later, every political mistake takes its toll.
Some circumstances aren’t the same. For example, I think that this time there is a greater chance than ever before that the revolution will really fulfill its destiny. This may explain why the people are so very happy, losing sight a little of how much hard work lies ahead…
What do the people want? An honest government. Isn’t that right? There you have it: an honorable judge as president of the republic. What do you want? That young people whose slates are clean be the ministers of the revolutionary government? There you have them: check out each of the ministers of the revolutionary government, and tell me if there are any thieves, criminals or scoundrels among them.
It’s necessary to talk this way so there will be no demagogy, confusion or splits, and so the people will be immediately aware if anyone becomes ambitious. As for me, since I want the people to command, and I consider the people to be the best troops and prefer them to all the columns of armed men put together, the first thing I will always do, when I see the revolution in danger, is call on the people.
We can prevent bloodshed by speaking to the people. Before there is any shooting here, we must call on the people a thousand times and speak to the people so that, without any shooting, the people will solve the problem. I have faith in the people, and I have demonstrated this. I know what the people are capable of, and I think I have demonstrated this, too. If the people here want it, no more shots will be heard in this country. Public opinion has incredible strength and influence, especially when there is no dictatorship. In eras of dictatorship, public opinion is nothing, but in eras of freedom, public opinion is everything, and the military must bow to public opinion.
How am I doing, Camilo?
The important thing, what I still have to tell you, is that I believe that the actions of the people in Havana today, the mass meetings that were held today, the crowds that filled the streets for kilometers—all of that was amazing, and you saw it; it will be in the movies and photos—I sincerely think that the people went overboard, for it’s much more than we deserve.
Moreover, I know that there never will be such a crowd again, except on one other occasion—the day I’m buried. I’m sure that there will be a large crowd then, too, to take me to my grave, because I will never defraud our people.