After a US spy plane photographed Soviet missiles in Cuba on October 22, 1962, President Kennedy announced a total naval blockade of Cuba. The crisis peaked by October 26 when a massive US air strike against Cuba seemed imminent. Sidelining Cuba, a secret agreement was reached between the US and Soviet governments, whereby Washington agreed not to attack or invade the island if the Soviet missiles were removed.
As the Missile Crisis came to a head in late October, bringing the world to the brink of a nuclear catastrophe, Fidel Castro appeared on Cuban television on October 28, outlining what he called the “Five Points of Dignity.”
FIRST. The economic blockade and all of the other measures that the United States is taking all over the world to bring trade and economic pressure to bear against Cuba must cease.
SECOND. All subversive activities, airlifts and landings of arms and explosives by air and by sea, the organization of mercenary invasions, the sending of spies into our country illegally and acts of sabotage—whether carried out from US territory or from that of accessory countries—must cease.
THIRD. The pirate attacks that are carried out from bases in the United States and Puerto Rico must cease.
FOURTH. All violations of Cuba’s airspace and territorial waters by US planes and warships must cease.
FIFTH. US troops must be withdrawn from the Guantánamo Naval Base, and that part of Cuban territory occupied by the United States must be returned.
As the crisis passed, on November 1, Fidel Castro reviewed the significance of recent events.
We don’t constitute an obstacle to a peaceful solution, a truly peaceful solution. We are neither a warlike nor an aggressive nation. Ours is a peaceful nation, but being peaceful doesn’t mean allowing ourselves to be trampled upon. If anyone should try it, we will fight as much as need be to defend ourselves. The facts bear this out.
We will never constitute an obstacle to a truly peaceful solution. The prerequisites for a truly peaceful solution are the five-point guarantees set forth by the Cuban government.
We want the United States to start giving proof, not promises, of its good faith. Deeds, not words! It would be convincing if the United States were to return the territory it occupies at the Guantánamo Naval Base. That would be much more convincing than any words or promises.
And if the United States doesn’t agree to the guarantees that Cuba wants? Then there won’t be any truly peaceful solution, and we will have to keep on living with this tension that we have endured so far. We want peaceful solutions, but they must also be honorable. We are entitled to peace, a truly peaceful solution, and, sooner or later, we will get it, because we have won that right with our people’s spirit, resistance and honor…
They don’t let us work in peace. More than weapons, we want to use work tools. We want to create, not kill and destroy. Our people aren’t allowed to create and are constantly forced to mobilize, to place themselves on a war footing, to defend themselves, to be ready for anything. They are forced to do this; it isn’t that we want that policy. It’s a policy that the aggressors impose on our country. What our country wants is to work, to develop its resources, to develop its people, and to carry out its peaceful work.
We won’t accept just any old formula. We will accept any formula for peace that is truly honorable. I think that with such a formula, we wouldn’t be the only ones to benefit. Everyone would—the Americas, the rest of the world, the United States. That is, even those responsible for this situation would benefit from a solution of honorable peace for our country…
In the course of this crisis, while this crisis was developing, some differences arose between the Soviet and Cuban governments, but I want to tell all Cubans one thing: This isn’t the place to discuss those problems, because discussing them here could help our enemies, who could benefit from such differences. We must discuss such things with the Soviets at the government and party levels; we have to sit down with them and discuss whatever is needed, using reason and principles; because, above all, we are Marxist-Leninists; we are friends of the Soviet Union. There will be no breach between the Soviet Union and Cuba.
I would like to say something else, too: We have confidence in the Soviet Union’s policy of principles, and we have confidence in the leadership of the Soviet Union—that is, in the government and in the party of the Soviet Union.
If my compatriots ask me for my opinion now, what can I tell them, what advice should I give them? In the midst of a confusing situation, where things haven’t been understood or not understood clearly, what should we do? I would say we must have confidence and realize that these international problems are extremely complex and delicate and that our people, who have shown great maturity, extraordinary maturity, should demonstrate that maturity now…
And, above all, there are some things that need to be said now, when some people may be annoyed because of misunderstandings or differences. It is good to remember, above all, what the Soviet Union has done for us in every one of the difficult moments we have had, what it has done to offset the economic attacks of the United States, the suppression of our sugar quota and the ending of oil shipments to our country. Every time the United States has attacked us—every time—the Soviet Union has extended its hand to us in friendship. We are grateful, and we should say so here, loud and clear…
The principal weapons used by our armed forces were sent to us by the Soviet Union, which hasn’t demanded payment for them.
A few months ago, the Soviet Union decided to cancel all of our country’s debt for weapons.
Some of these matters, of a military nature, must be treated with great care. However, I can tell you one thing: Cuba didn’t own the strategic weapons that were used for its defense. This isn’t the case with the tanks and a whole series of other weapons that do belong to us, but we didn’t own the strategic weapons.
The agreements covering their shipment to our country to strengthen our defenses in the face of threats of attack stated that those strategic weapons, which are very complex and require highly specialized personnel, would remain under the direction of Soviet personnel and would continue to belong to the Soviet Union. Therefore, when the Soviet government decided to withdraw those weapons, which belonged to them, we respected that decision. I’m explaining this so you will understand about their withdrawal…
Don’t think that the withdrawal of the strategic weapons will leave us unarmed. It doesn’t mean that we will be unarmed.
We have impressive—very powerful—means of defense, extraordinary resources with which to defend ourselves. The strategic weapons are leaving, but all the other weapons will stay in our country. They are an extremely powerful means of defense, with which we can handle any situation that may arise. Don’t misunderstand this.
Little by little, the confusion will disappear.
There is one thing that I would like to emphasize today, an appreciation that I would like to express, which refers to the people, to the way the people have behaved during the past few days. The people’s attitude, in terms of determination, courage and discipline, has been more impressive than even the greatest optimists could ever have imagined…
Such a nation is invincible!
Such a nation, whose people confront such difficult situations so serenely and admirably, is a nation that has the right to get what it desires, which is peace, respect, honor and prestige.
We have long-range moral missiles that cannot and will never be dismantled. They are our most powerful strategic weapons, for both defense and attack.
That is why, here and now, I want to express my admiration for the Cuban people. Based on this experience, all revolutionaries feel doubly obliged to struggle and work tirelessly for our people. In closing, I would like to say, from the bottom of my heart, that today I am prouder than ever before of being a son of this nation.