Abbreviations
|
BL |
British Library |
ODNB |
Oxford Dictionary of National Biography |
|
TNA |
The National Archives, Kew |
Prologue
1 Quoted in Rosalind Marshall, Henrietta Maria: The Intrepid Queen (1990), p. 34
2 Marie de Médici’s coronation portrait was painted by Peter Paul Rubens.
3 The incident rankled, however, with Charles I. He referred to it in a letter to Buckingham the following year, when relations between the king and queen had severely deteriorated, blaming ‘Madame St George’ for putting his wife ‘in such a humour of distaste against me’. Sir Charles Petrie, ed., The Letters, Speeches and Proclamations of King Charles I (1935), p. 43
4 Simonds D’Ewes, The Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D’Ewes, Bart., during the reigns of James I and Charles I, ed. J.O. Halliwell, 2 volumes (1845), vol. 1, p. 272
Chapter One
1 See Caroline Hibbard, ‘Translating Royalty: Henrietta Maria and the transition from princess to queen’, The Court Historian, vol. 5, 1 (2000), pp. 15–28
2 Charles I to Buckingham, 26 July 1626, in Sir Charles Petrie, ed., The Letters, Speeches and Proclamations of King Charles I, pp. 42–45
3 Charles I to Buckingham, 7 August 1626, Petrie, Letters, p. 45
4 Quoted in Katie Whitaker, A Royal Passion (2010), p. 85
5 Charles I to Buckingham, Petrie, Letters, p. 52
6 See Whitaker, A Royal Passion, p. 97
7 M. Houssaye, Le Cardinal de Bérulle et le Cardinal de Richelieu, 1625–29 (Paris 1875), quoted in Whitaker, A Royal Passion, p. 89
8 The major naval embarrassment of Buckingham’s career was the siege of Cadiz in October 1626, a disaster in terms of loss of men and morale, though, as has been pointed out, the expedition was seriously underfunded and this was not Buckingham’s fault. See Austin Woolrych, Britain in Revolution (2002), p. 54
9 The duchess erected a monument to her husband in Westminster Abbey but soon got over her loss. The following year she married the earl of Antrim.
Chapter Two
1 Mary Anne Everett Green, ed., Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria (1857), pp. 14–15
2 R. Malcolm Smuts, ‘Art and the material culture of majesty’, in Smuts, ed., The Stuart Court and Europe (1990), p. 93
3 Green, Letters of Henrietta Maria, p. 17
4 Mary Anne Everett Green, Lives of the Princesses of England, vol. 6, p. 101
5 M.G. Brennan, N.J. Kinammon and M.P. Hannay, eds., The correspondence (c.1626–1659) of Dorothy Percy Sidney, Countess of Leicester (2010), p. 117
6 Hester W. Chapman, The tragedy of Charles II in the years 1630–1660 (1964)
7 Richard Cust, Charles I and the Aristocracy, 1625–42 (2013), p. 306
8 H. Ferrero, ed., Lettres de Henriette-Marie de France, reine d’Angleterre, à sa soeur, Christine, Duchesse de Savoie (1881)
9 ODNB entry for Mary Sackville, countess of Dorset
10 British Library (BL) Harleian MSS 6988, f. 95
11 Cust, Charles I and the Aristocracy, p. 312
12 BL Add MSS 70499, f. 196, quoted in ODNB entry for William Cavendish, first duke of Newcastle-upon-Tyne
13 During the 1650s, Charles II tried to improve his skill in languages and did read, though his favourite material tended to be romances.
14 Margaret Cavendish, duchess of Newcastle, The Life of William Cavendish, duke of Newcastle, ed. C.H. Firth (1907), pp. 184–7. Newcastle’s apparent antipathy to religion was remarked on by his enemies.
15 Lettres de Henriette Marie de France, p. 55
16 Green, Lives of the Princesses, vol. 6, pp. 393–4
Chapter Three
1 The term ‘Anglican’ was not in common usage before the Act of Uniformity in 1662 but I have used it here to denote the established Church of England and its hierarchy of bishops.
2 Quoted in Tim Harris, Rebellion, Britain’s First Stuart Kings (2014), p. 364
3 Ibid, p. 369
4 The term ‘Puritan’ is a catch-all to describe the various strands of Protestant belief in England whose primary emphasis was on the understanding of God’s word as shown in the Bible, rather than through the liturgy, sacraments and episcopal organization of the Church of England. The term was actually a pejorative and was not how ‘Puritans’ would have identified themselves. They preferred to think of themselves as ‘the godly’.
5 Episcopacy was explicitly attacked in the riots in Edinburgh and elsewhere.
6 Quoted in Richard Cust, Charles I: a Political Life, p. 249
7 Petrie, Letters of King Charles I, p. 107
8 The statement is curious in that Charles I ruled three kingdoms, not four. Wales was a principality, though perhaps a child in some distress might be forgiven for failing to communicate the difference between kingdoms and countries. The English Crown still claimed titular sovereignty of France but it seems unlikely that this was included in the Prince of Wales’s concerns.
9 S.R. Gardiner, History of England, vol. 9, p. 76
10 Ship money had traditionally been raised as taxation in coastal counties of England to support the navy. Charles I had extended it to the entire country during his personal rule and it was greatly resented.
11 Quoted in Conrad Russell, Fall of the British Monarchies, 1637–42, p. 126, and cited in Cust, Charles I: a political life, p. 260
12 See Michelle Anne White, Henrietta Maria and the English Civil Wars (2006), pp. 33–4
13 C.V. Wedgewood, The King’s Peace, p. 317, quoted in White, Henrietta Maria, p. 40
14 For a fuller treatment, see John Adamson, The Noble Revolt (2007), chapter one
15 Calendar of State Papers Domestic, Charles I, vol. 465, 31 August 1640
16 Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, vol. 22, 21 August 1640
17 David L. Smith, ‘The more posed and wise advice: the fourth earl of Dorset and the English Civil Wars’, The Historical Journal 34, 4, pp. 797–829, presents an interesting picture of an aristocrat less anti-parliament than has often been supposed but says nothing about his reaction to Henrietta Maria’s involvement in the Army Plots of spring 1641.
18 Calendar of the Cecil Papers in Hatfield House, vol. 22, November 1640
19 David L. Smith, ‘The more posed and wise advice: the fourth earl of Dorset and the English Civil Wars’, The Historical Journal, p. 804
20 Cust, Charles I, a political life, pp. 284–5
21 Quoted in ODNB entry for Mary, Princess Royal, by Marika Keblusek. William was referring to a van Dyck portrait of Mary sent to him before the wedding.
Chapter Four
1 J.F.D. Shrewsbury, A History of Bubonic Plague (2005), p. 389
2 Marie de Medici died in Cologne in 1642, still estranged from her son, Louis XIII.
3 Lettres de Henriette-Marie de France, pp. 57–8
4 Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria, p. 354
5 Henry VIII had much of the work on Oatlands done in preparation for his marriage to Anne of Cleves. Instead, he ended up marrying her successor, Katherine Howard, there in the summer of 1540. Oatlands was demolished after the death of Charles I.
6 Father Philip was confined to the Tower of London for a year, accused of attempting to spread popery and influence the Prince of Wales in religious matters.
7 Windebank fled to the continent in 1640.
8 Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, vol. 2, pp. 528–9, quoted in ODNB entry for William Seymour, marquess of Hertford and second duke of Somerset.
9 Ronald Hutton, Charles II (1989), p. 5
10 ‘Proceedings concerning the Prince’, in the House of Commons Journal, vol. 2, 2 November 1641
11 Quoted in Cust, Charles I, p. 314
12 Quoted in Harris, Rebellion, p. 454
13 House of Commons Journal, vol. 2, 4 January 1642. For a fuller account of the attempted arrest of the five members, see Adamson, The Noble Revolt, pp. 494–9
14 Henrietta Maria’s precise involvement remains unknown. S.R. Gardiner in his History of England, vol. X, p. 136, quotes her as goading Charles I when he hesitated with the words ‘Go you coward, and pull these rogues out by the ears, or never see my face again’ but we cannot be sure of what passed between the royal couple on 4 January.
15 Cust, Charles I, p. 332
16 Rosalind Marshall, Henrietta Maria, p. 90
17 Although oft repeated, this story may have been embroidered over time. The Gazette de France, 1642, p. 253, reported that Charles climbed the battlements of Dover Castle to watch the departure of Henrietta and Mary.
18 The role of stadtholder went back as far as the Middle Ages in the Low Countries. It combined elements of magistracy and local leadership that have been likened to the lords-lieutenant of English counties but the House of Orange had tried to invest it with a more national aspect.
19 Memoirs of Sophia, Electress of Hanover, 1630–1680, translated by H. Forester (1888)
20 Green, Lives of the Princesses of England, vol. 6, p. 127
21 Ibid, p. 130
22 See John Callow, The Making of King James II (2000), p. 37
23 The full text is in S.R. Gardiner, Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, pp. 249–53
Chapter Five
1 Eliot Warburton, Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers (1849), vol. ii, p. 489
2 Charles Louis left England in the summer of 1642.
3 Cited in Christopher L. Scott, Alan Turton and Dr Eric von Arni, Edgehill: the battle reinterpreted (2005), p. 79
4 Scott, Turton and von Arni, Edgehill, Appendix D, p. 200
5 Ibid, Appendix E, pp. 201–2
6 This experience forced a change of parliamentary cavalry tactics. Thereafter they met opposing cavalry charges at a trot.
7 J.S. Clarke, ed., The life of James II, king of England (1816), vol. 1, p. 15
8 Sir John Hinton, Memoires (1679), pp. 10–13
9 Scott, Turton and von Arni, Edgehill, p. 151
10 Peter Gaunt, in The English Civil War: a military history (2014), p. 78, puts the number as low as a few hundred on each side.
11 ‘Edgehill Fight’, by Rudyard Kipling, first published in C.R.L. Fletcher and Rudyard Kipling, A School History of England (1911)
12 Their unease was reinforced by the sending of parliamentary representatives to Holland who claimed that the queen had taken valuables without permission and that the goods were not hers to pledge. White, Henrietta Maria, p. 62
13 Green, Letters of Henrietta Maria, p. 72
14 Ibid, p. 87
15 It is difficult to determine how much time Henrietta Maria had actually spent in Mary’s company since they arrived together in the Netherlands. The queen’s focus was on obtaining money and supplies for her husband and her surviving letters make little mention of her daughter.
16 Born Katherine Wotton, Lady Stanhope’s first husband was the heir of the first earl of Chesterfield, but died before his father. Relations between the earl and his widowed daughter-in-law became strained over money matters but this did not stop Katherine from having flirtations with several men, including van Dyck. She was initially cautious about marrying Heenvliet, aware that any children of the marriage would have no property rights in England and that, if she died before her new husband, all her English property would revert to the Crown. Charles I’s support for the marriage seems to have given her the confidence to proceed.
17 Heenvliet to Lady Roxburghe, 9 October 1642, Bodleian Library MS Clarendon 95, f. 85
18 Cited in Gaunt, The English Civil War, p. 170
19 Petrie, Letters of King Charles I, pp. 144–5
20 Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers, vol. II, pp. 438–9.
21 Parliamentarian losses were estimated at around 300 men.
22 Gaunt, The English Civil War, p. 176
23 Letters of King Charles I, p. 145
24 Hutton, Charles II, p. 7
25 For a description of the difficulties that beset Oxford and its royalist occupiers at this time see Ian Roy, ‘The cavalier ideal and the reality’, in Jason McElligot and David L. Smith, eds., Royalists and Royalism during the Civil Wars (2007), pp. 89–111
26 House of Lords Journal, vol. 6, 29 March 1644. The necessities of childbirth were delicately referred to by Mary Anne Everett Green, in her Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria, as her ‘trousseau’. See p. 242
27 Mayerne’s pass was issued on 17 May 1644. See House of Lords Journal for that day.
28 Green, Letters of Henrietta Maria, pp. 244–5
29 Minette means ‘little pussycat’ and has had vulgar associations. Its modern usage is as a reference to a ‘cute chick’.
30 Green, Letters of Henrietta Maria, pp. 244–5
31 Knowledge had scarcely increased since Mary Tudor was diagnosed with ‘hysteria’ for what were probably frequent heavy and painful periods over a century before.
32 Philip A. Knachel, ed., Eikon Basilike: The Portraiture of his sacred majesty in his solitudes and Sufferings (1966), cited in White, Henrietta Maria, p. 152
Chapter Six
1 House of Lords Journal, vol. 6, p. 341
2 Quoted, without attribution, in Patrick Morrah, A royal family: Charles I and his family (1982), p. 73
3 Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, vol. 2, p. 538, quoted in ODNB entry on Algernon Percy, 10th earl of Northumberland
4 Falkland’s death, at the first battle of Newbury in 1643, shook Hyde to the core.
5 W.H. Abbott, Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, vol. 1, p. 314, quoted in Woolrych, Britain in Revolution, p. 302. Cromwell was later exempted from the Self-Denying Ordinance.
6 George Bishop, A more particular and exact relation of the victory obtained by the Parliament’s forces (1645), quoted in Gaunt, The English Civil War, p. 213
7 Abbott, Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, vol. 1, p. 360, quoted in Woolrych, Britain in Revolution, p. 319
8 Petrie, Letters of King Charles I, p. 154
9 Petrie, King Charles, Prince Rupert and the Civil War, p. 9. Rupert was correct that Charles I was considering going north. The king was buoyed by news of the marquess of Montrose’s victories against the Covenanters and entertained the idea of joining his remaining forces with those of supporters of royalism in Scotland. He did not get any farther than Doncaster in Yorkshire before the realization that he could be cut off by a Scottish army allied to parliament and decided to go back to Oxford.
10 Ibid, p. 10
11 Eva Scott, Rupert, prince palatine (1899), pp. 182–3, quoted in ODNB entry for Rupert
12 Ibid, pp. 14–15
13 Quote in Julia Cartwright, Madame: a life of Henrietta, daughter of Charles I and Duchess of Orleans (1901), p. 8
14 Ibid p. 7
15 Ibid p. 12
16 It is possible that Anne Dalkeith meant that they should apply for support from Charles I rather than literally going to join him.
17 S.R. Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War (2002 edition), vol. 3, p. 102
18 Quoted in Callow, The Making of King James II, p. 44
19 The record book of expenses for the royal children is in the West Sussex Record Office, PHA 617 (unfolioed). Northumberland’s losses in the north are in Historical Manuscripts Commission 3rd Report, 1872, ‘The Manuscripts of His Grace the Duke of Northumberland’ at Alnwick Castle, p. 86
20 Petrie, ed., Letters of King Charles I, pp. 204–5
21 J. Loftis, ed., The Memoirs of Anne, Lady Halkett, and Ann, Lady Fanshawe (1979), pp. 117–18
22 Green, ed., Letters of Henrietta Maria, p. 314
23 Ibid, p. 321
24 Hyde did not see Prince Charles again for two years.
Chapter Seven
1 Karen Britland, ‘Exile or Homecoming? Henrietta Maria in France, 1644–69’, in Monarchy and Exile: the politics of legitimacy from Marie de Médicis to Wilhelm II (2011), p. 124
2 See Anthony Adolph, Full of Soup and Gold: the life of Henry Jermyn (2006)
3 Some accounts describe Anne as auburn-haired. Her colouring was evidently a matter of interpretation.
4 See Ruth Kleinman, Anne of Austria, Queen of France (1985), pp. 105–6
5 Quoted, without reference, in Richard Wilkinson, Louis XIV (2007), p. 13
6 Simone Bertière, Mazarin: le maître du jeu (2007), p. 37
7 Quoted in Geoffrey Treasure, Mazarin: the crisis of absolutism in France (1995), p. 45
8 Mademoiselle’s Mémoires, quoted in Vincent J. Pitts, La Grande Mademoiselle at the court of France, 1627–1693 (2000), p. ix
9 Mémoires de Mademoiselle de Montpensier (2006), p. 131
10 Like Prince Charles, Rupert had arrived in Paris in the summer of 1646. He was well received by the French court, where he was made a French field marshal and served with the army against the Spanish. Charles I had written to Henrietta Maria acknowledging his nephew’s passionate nature but asking her to receive him cordially.
11 Quoted in Carola Oman, Henrietta Maria (1936), p. 184
12 He eventually married his first cousin, the archduchess Maria Leopoldine.
13 C.S. Terry, ‘The visits of Charles I to Newcastle in 1633, 39, 41 and 46–7’, Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Archaeologia Aeliana, NS vol. 21 (1899), p. 111
14 Charles I in 1646: Letters of King Charles I to Queen Henrietta Maria (1856), letters of 20 and 26 May, 1646, pp. 40–3
15 Ibid, p. 42
16 Terry, ‘The visits of Charles I to Newcastle’, p. 118
17 The Propositions of the Houses sent to the King at Newcastle, Gardiner, Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, pp. 290–306
18 Petrie, Letters of King Charles I, pp. 202–3
19 Green, Letters of Henrietta Maria, p. 335
20 Charles I in 1646, pp. 76–7
21 Ibid, p. 86
22 Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin pendant son ministère, recueillies et publiées par MA Chéruel, tome II, July 1644–December 1647 (Paris 1889). My translation.
Chapter Eight
1 Sir Thomas Herbert, Memoirs (1702), p. 11
2 Essex’s influence was, in any case, minimal by this time and it is worth pointing out that Holles, who had always hoped to avoid civil war, was committed to limiting the king’s powers in any peace that was negotiated.
3 Quoted in Woolrych, Britain in Revolution, p. 364
4 Petrie, Letters of King Charles I, p. 231
5 House of Lords Journal, vol. 9, 9 July 1647, pp. 321–4
6 Green, Lives of the Princesses of England, p. 356
7 Abbott, Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, vol. I, pp. 473–4
8 The Heads of the Proposals offered by the Army, Gardiner, Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, pp. 316–26
9 Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, vol. 3, p. 172
10 Green, Lives of the Princesses, p. 363
11 Quoted in Paul Seaward, ed., Edward Hyde, Earl of Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, a new selection (2009), p. 297. The assertion that Ashburnham had offered to rush downstairs and kill Hammond when he saw the king’s discomfiture is probably false. Hyde was no friend to Ashburnham, though he was close to Sir John Berkeley, whose advice he evidently thought should have been followed when Charles I escaped from Hampton Court.
12 There seems to be some confusion about Anne’s mother, Jane Drummond, who is often referred to as the countess of Roxburghe, governess to the royal children, who died in 1643. But Anne’s mother, who died in 1647, had married Thomas Murray, Provost of Eton (and tutor to Charles I when he was duke of York), whereas the Jane Drummond who was royal governess married Robert Ker, lord (and later earl) of Roxburghe. William Murray, the king’s servant, was Anne’s cousin.
13 John Loftis, ed., The Memoirs of Anne, Lady Halkett and Ann, Lady Fanshawe (1979), p. 24
14 J. Loftis and P. Hardacre, eds., Colonel Joseph Bampfield’s Apology, ‘Written by Himself and Printed at his Desire’, 1685 (1993), p. 67
15 Bampfield’s Apology, pp. 69–70
16 Green, Lives of the Princesses, vol. 6, p. 148
Chapter Nine
1 The sabbatarianism of the Presbyterians, which threatened to become ever more restrictive during the spring of 1648, was a further cause of public unrest. See Woolrych, Britain in Revolution, p. 406
2 Quoted in Kleinman, Anne of Austria, pp. 201–2
3 William Allen, A faithful memorial of that remarkable meeting . . . at Windsor Castle (1659), in Somers Tracts (1809–15), vol. VI, pp. 498–504
4 Rainsborough had Leveller sympathies and his appointment, which superseded that of Vice-Admiral William Batten, triggered much ill feeling amongst the largely Kentish crews of the warships. The men of his own flagship refused to let him aboard after a visit to the shore and he suffered the ignominy of being packed off to London in a small boat with his family. See ODNB entry for Thomas Rainsborough and also Woolrych, Britain in Revolution, p. 411
5 ‘The Prince of Wales’s court was full of faction and animosity against each other, so that the newcomers (Hyde travelled with Lord Cottington, an elderly peer who was a former chancellor of the exchequer) were not only very well received by the Prince, but very welcome to everybody.’ Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, vol. 3, part I (1720), p. 165. This happy state of affairs did not last long.
6 Ibid, p. 138
7 Quoted in Gardiner, History of the Great Civil War, vol. 4, pp. 220–1
8 BL Sloane MS 3299, f. 147
9 Quoted in Cust, Charles I: a political life, p. 445
10 Jack D. Jones, The Royal Prisoner (1965), p. 118
11 John Adamson, ‘The frightened junto: perceptions of Ireland and the last attempts at settlement with Charles I’, in Jason Peacey, ed., The Regicides and the Execution of Charles I (2001)
12 We do not know precisely how many members were prevented from taking their seats and the purge went on over nearly a week. The Rump, as those who were left were called, numbered 200, less than half of the pre-purge strength. Cromwell later claimed that he did not know about the plans for Pride’s Purge. ‘He declared that he had not been acquainted with this design; but since it was done, he was glad of it and would endeavour to maintain it.’ Ludlow, Memoirs, I, pp. 211–12. Fairfax had already summoned him back from the siege of Pontefract in Yorkshire and he arrived in London the day after Pride’s Purge.
13 Abbott, Writings and Speeches, vol. 1, p. 699
14 Jones, The Royal Prisoner, p. 158
15 See Adamson, ‘The Frightened Junto’, p. 43
16 Ibid, p. 46
17 Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, vol. 3, part 1, p. 89
18 TNA, PRO 31/3/89 (Baschet Transcripts), despatch dated 4 January 1649, f. 58
19 The possibility that the Duke of Gloucester might replace his father was widely known in Europe. It was reported from The Hague in mid-January that, if Charles I was executed, his youngest son would be put on the throne under a protectorate headed by Thomas Fairfax.
20 For the Fronde, see below, chapter eleven
21 Green, Letters of Henrietta Maria, pp. 348–9
22 Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, vol. 3, part 1, p. 252
23 Printed in the appendix of M. Guizot, History of Oliver Cromwell and the English Commonwealth, vol. 1 (1854), pp. 369–70
24 By Blair Worden, in The English Civil Wars, 1640–1660, p. 101
25 See Hopper, ‘Black Tom’, pp. 195–9
26 Petrie, Letters of King Charles I, p. 200
27 Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, vol. 3, part 1, pp. 229–30
28 Petrie, Letters of King Charles I, pp. 259–61
29 Gardiner, Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, pp. 377–80
30 Quoted in Green, Lives of the Princesses, p. 369
31 Ibid, pp. 370–1
32 Petrie, Letters of King Charles I, pp. 261–73
33 R. Lockyer, ed., Sir Thomas Herbert’s Narrative (1959), p. 122
34 See Antonia Fraser, Cromwell, our chief of men (1997), pp. 293–4
35 Hyde, History of the Rebellion, a new selection (2009), p. 336
Chapter Ten
1 Bodleian Library, MS Clarendon 95, f.249
2 Hutton, Charles II, p. 33
3 This letter was translated from French into Italian and then back into English. It contains a number of errors and its provenance is doubtful. The sentiments it contains, however, may well be similar to those of Henrietta Maria. Green, Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria, p. 357
4 Henry Cary, ed., Memorials of the Great Civil War in England, from 1641–1652 (1842), vol. 2, p. 127
5 R.W. Blencowe, ed., Sydney Papers (1825), p. xxi
6 The countess of Carlisle was released on bond from the Tower of London in September 1650 but was not allowed greater freedom till 1652.
7 Blencowe, Sydney Papers, p. xxxiii
8 It is not clear whether Mayerne was actually asked to give his opinion at this stage. His subsequent comments on Elizabeth’s health came after her death. Given the authorities’ determination to remove Elizabeth and Henry from the mainland it seems unlikely that Mayerne’s views, even if sought, would have made any difference.
9 Green, Lives of the Princesses, pp. 382–3
10 This well-intentioned bequest caused the earl and countess of Leicester a great deal of trouble. The government of the Commonwealth viewed Elizabeth’s diamond ornament as the property of the state and accused the Leicesters of purloining it. They were only allowed to keep it after a lengthy lawsuit.
11 Susan Cole, A flower of purpose: A memoir of Princess Elizabeth Stuart, 1635–50, Royal Stuart Papers VIII, The Royal Stuart Society (1975), p. 21
12 House of Commons Journal, 11 September 1650, vol. 6, p. 465
13 Quoted in Cole, A flower of purpose, opposite p. 1
14 Lettres de Henriette-Marie de France, pp. 89–90
Chapter Eleven
1 The print is in the British Library.
2 K.M. Brown et al, eds., Records of the Parliaments of Scotland (RPS), 5 February 1649
3 Antonia Fraser suggests that Lucy may have travelled with her uncle on her mother’s side, the earl of Carbery. She also stoutly defends Lucy against the charge that she was little better than a whore. That may be reasonable – Lucy’s behaviour was no different from that of some of Charles II’s later mistresses, though Nell Gwyn is said to have cheerfully described herself as a whore – but she was certainly unsuccessful in dealing with her situation, or in holding Charles’s affection, if, indeed, she had ever really had it. See Antonia Fraser, Charles II (1979), pp. 64–6
4 Hutton, Charles II, p. 77
5 Lettres de Henriette-Marie de France, p. 73
6 See John Morrill’s ODNB entry for Oliver Cromwell. The traditional view of Cromwell in Ireland is reinforced in Micheál Ó’Siochrú’s God’s Executioner (2008).
7 T. Carlyle and S.C. Lomas, eds., The Letters and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell (1904), The Declaration of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for the Undeceiving of Deluded People, January, 1650, vol. 2, pp. 16–17
8 S.R. Gardiner, ed., Letters and papers illustrating the relations between Charles II and Scotland in 1650 (1894), p. 74
9 Royalist literature cast Neil Macleod of Assynt as the villain who betrayed Montrose. There had been a price on the marquess’s head since the mid-1640s and Neil was in a difficult position in Sutherland, where he could ill afford to displease the Covenanter regime. But it was the wife of one of the Monro clan who first imprisoned Montrose. Cowan, Montrose, p. 290
10 Cowan, Montrose, p. 284
11 S.R. Gardiner, ed., The Hamilton Papers (Camden Society, 1880), p. 255
12 This is discussed at more length in Laura Stewart’s article, ‘Scotland in the later 1640s: “Down-hill all the way”?’ in Michael Braddick, ed., The Oxford Handbook of the English Revolution (2015), pp. 114–36. I am grateful to Dr Stewart for letting me see an early draft of this article.
13 Instructions and correspondence in the Chiddingstone Papers, Chiddingstone Castle, Kent
14 Quoted in Allan I. Macinnes, The British Confederate, Archibald Campbell, Marquess of Argyll, 1607–61 (2011)
15 Ibid, p. 27. Although relations were strained between the seventh earl of Argyll and his elder son (especially after he handed over some of his estates to his son by his second marriage), this character assassination, which originates with Clarendon, is a prophecy which came rather too conveniently true and the story is likely to be apocryphal.
16 J.G. Nichols, ed., The Autobiography of Anne, Lady Halkett (1875), p. 57
17 Anne stayed in Scotland after the king left, nursing wounded troops and standing up to English soldiers who abused her when they stormed Fyvie Castle, the home of the earl of Dunfermline, in late 1651. She eventually shook off Bampfield and married Sir James Halkett, a Scottish widower with several children.
18 As reported by La Grande Mademoiselle in her Mémoires. See Chapman, The Tragedy of Charles II, p. 169
19 Quoted in Stewart, ‘Scotland in the later 1640s’, p. 130
20 The autumn of 1650 in Scotland saw a series of disputes and realignments in politics and the army. It is a confusing period and I have deliberately omitted going into detail about it. Anyone who is interested in Remonstrants and Resolutioners can read about the machinations of these months in David Stevenson’s Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Scotland, 1644–1651 (2003), chapter five.
21 Quoted in John, third marquess of Bute, Scottish Coronations (1902), p. 142
22 Ibid, pp. 192–3
23 Quoted in Stevenson, Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Scotland, p. 173
24 Letter to Lady Hamilton in the Commandery Museum, Worcester, quoted in Malcolm Atkin, Cromwell’s Crowning Mercy, the battle of Worcester, 1651 (1998), p. 99
25 Ibid, p. 165
26 Quoted in Richard Ollard, The Escape of Charles II after the battle of Worcester (2002), p. 38
27 The king’s account of his escape was not actually printed until the Exclusion Crisis of the 1680s. See Brian Weiser, ‘Owning the king’s story: the escape from Worcester’, The Seventeenth Century, XIV, No. 1, Spring 1999, pp. 43–62
Chapter Twelve
1 A Dutch translation of Eikon Basilike appeared within two weeks of the execution of Charles I. See Helmer J. Helmers, The Royalist Republic: Literature, Politics and Religion in the Anglo-Dutch Sphere, 1639–1660 (2015), pp. 115–48
2 The so-called Generality Lands were added as part of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 but they had no local political representation and were directly governed by the States-General, the republic’s national representative body.
3 The seven provinces were Holland, Zeeland, Gelderland, Utrecht, Friesland, Overijssel and Gronigen.
4 The painting was little appreciated at the time. Rembrandt was so hard up that he had to dismantle it and sell it.
5 Quoted in Maarten Prak, The Dutch Republic in the seventeenth century (2005), p. 182
6 L.M. Baker, ed., The Letters of Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia (1953), p. 179
7 Quoted in Green, Lives of the Princesses, vol. 6, p. 164
8 Arthur Bryant, ed., The Letters, Speeches and Declarations of Charles II (1935), pp. 21–2.
9 Henry Nash to William Edgeman, 12 December 1650, in S.R. Gardiner, ed., Letters and Papers Illustrating the relations between Charles II and Scotland in 1650, pp. 148–9. In fact, William II of Orange was not buried until 8 March 1651.
10 Bodleian Library, MS Clarendon 95, f. 334
11 G. Groen van Printsterer, ed., Archives ou correspondance inédite de la Maison d’Orange Nassau (1861), vol. 5, p. 21
12 Both Nicholas and Hyde had their English estates confiscated in 1651, when they were declared traitors.
13 Bodleian Library, MS Clarendon 95, f. 403
14 Lettres de Henriette-Marie de France, p. 93
15 Quoted in Ann Hughes and Julie Sanders, ‘Gender, Exile and The Hague Courts of Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia and Mary, Princess of Orange in the 1650s’, in Philip Mantel and Torsten Riotte, eds., Monarchy and Exile: the politics of legitimacy from Marie de Médicis to Wilhelm II (2011), p. 54
16 Hughes and Sanders, ‘Gender, Exile and the Hague Courts,’ p. 56
17 Ibid, p. 57
18 The first Anglo–Dutch war followed an overture, resisted by the Dutch, that the two republics of England and the United Provinces should consider uniting as one country.
19 Quoted in Mark R.F. Williams, The King’s Irishmen: the Irish in the exiled court of Charles II, 1649–1660 (2014), p. 216
20 For more on the crisis of the Church of England during the 1650s, see Williams, chapter 3.
21 Thurloe, State papers, vol. 1, p. 681
22 Green, Lives of the Princesses, vol. 6, p. 238
23 Ibid., p. 246
24 Green, Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria, p. 383
25 Bryant, ed., The Letters of Charles II, pp. 58–9
Chapter Thirteen
1 Nicholas Papers, vol. 1, pp. 196–7, quoted in John Miller, James II (2000), p. 13
2 Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, vol. 5, pp. 164–5, quoted in Miller, ibid., p. 14
3 It has been suggested that Turenne’s change of heart in respect of the Fronde was partly brought about by envy of Condé’s success. See Callow, The Making of King James II, p. 65
4 Quoted in Miller, James II, p. 16
5 Quoted in Callow, The Making of King James II, p. 67
6 Baker, Letters of Elizabeth of Bohemia, pp. 178–9. A sum of £3,000 p.a. had, in fact, been under discussion as a grant from the English government to Henry.
7 House of Commons Journal, vol. 7, pp. 226–7
8 George F. Warner, ed., Correspondence of Sir Edward Nicholas (The Nicholas Papers) (1892), vol. 2, p. 5
9 Ibid., p. 7
10 Nicholas Papers, vol. 2, p. 55
11 Bodleian Library, Clarendon MS 48, f. 324.
12 Letters of King Charles II, pp. 29–30
13 Rev. W. Macray and Rev. H. Coxe, eds., Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, vol. 2, p. 421
14 Bodleian Library, Clarendon MS 49, f. 137, quoted in Nicole Greenspan, ‘Public Scandal, Political Controversy, and Familial Conflict in the Stuart Courts in Exile: The Struggle to Convert the Duke of Gloucester in 1654’, Albion: a quarterly journal concerned with British studies, October, 2003, vol. 35, pp. 398–427. See also Williams The King’s Irishmen, pp. 262–70
15 Calendar of the Clarendon State Papers, vol. 2, pp. 433–4
16 See Cartwright, Madame, pp. 30–1. The dramatic depiction of a wailing Princess Henriette is repeated in Carola Oman’s biography of Henrietta Maria.
17 Greenspan, ‘Public Scandal’, p. 425. Readers of this article should note that Greenspan is mistaken in writing that Henry died six weeks before the Restoration in 1660. See chapter fifteen.
18 Anna Keay, ‘The Shadow of a King? Aspects of the Exile of King Charles II’ in Mansel and Riotte, eds., Monarchy and Exile, p. 107
19 The challenges of exile for one especially important group of Charles II’s supporters are explored in Williams’s book, The King’s Irishmen, passim.
20 Ibid., p. 222
Chapter Fourteen
1 Quoted in ODNB entry for Oliver Cromwell by John Morrill
2 Elizabeth of Bohemia, Letters, p. 278
3 Article by Jonathan Fitzgibbons, ‘Not in any doubtful dispute? Reassessing the nomination of Richard Cromwell’, Historical Research, vol. 83 (May 2010), pp. 281–300, quoted on p. 296
4 T. Birsh, ed., A collection of the state papers of John Thurloe (1742), vol. 7, p. 374
5 Abbott, Writings and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, vol. 2, p. 425
6 BL Landsdowne MS 823, fols. 89–90, quoted in ODNB entry for Richard Cromwell by Peter Gaunt
7 Thurloe, State Papers, vol. 7, pp. 387–8
8 Lucy Hutchinson, Memoirs of the life of Colonel Hutchinson, ed. James Sutherland (1973), p. 212
9 Letters of King Charles II, pp. 72–3
10 Ibid, p. 70
11 Henry Reece, The Army in Cromwellian England, 1649–60 (2013), p. 197. Reece’s study, based on a previous doctorate and many years of research, is now a key text on this crucial subject.
12 Quoted in F.M.S. McDonald, ‘The timing of General George Monck’s March into England, 1 January 1660’, English Historical Review, vol. 105, no. 415 (April 1990), pp. 363–76
13 Ibid, p. 370
14 See ODNB entry on George Monck by Ronald Hutton.
Chapter Fifteen
1 Frances Henderson, ed., The Clarke Papers, Camden Society 5th series, vol. 27 (2005), p. 362
2 Confined on the island of Jersey for many years, he was still regarded as a focus for discontent against Charles II, though his wife was allowed to join him and they lived in a house on the island, under the sympathetic eye of Christopher Hatton. Lambert’s wife predeceased him but his family continued to do what they could for him and in the latter years of his life he received distinguished visitors, including the king, the duke of York and Samuel Pepys. He eventually perished during the freezing winter of 1683–4, on Drake’s Island in Plymouth Sound, and was buried in St Andrew’s parish church in Plymouth.
3 Letters of King Charles II, p. 83
4 Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution, pp. 465–7
5 Letters of Elizabeth of Bohemia, p. 308
6 BL Add MS 19523
7 Quoted in C.H. Hartmann, The King my Brother (1954), p. 19
8 Quoted in ODNB entry for Prince Henry, duke of Gloucester, by Stuart Handley
9 Green, Lives of the Princesses, vol. 6, p. 310
10 Green, Lives of the Princesses, p. 326
11 TNA, SP 84/164, ff. 116–24
12 Rupert’s companion-in-arms, his younger brother, Maurice, perished in 1652, drowned in a hurricane off the Virgin Islands.
13 Lettres de Henriette-Marie, p. 124
14 The reference to Charles enjoying the discomfiture of others is in Callow, The Making of James II, p. 91. Callow’s account of the chequered background to James’s marriage to Anne Hyde does not agree in several points with John Miller’s in the ODNB, where Miller states that Charles II initially refused James permission to marry Anne.
Chapter Sixteen
1 Hartmann, The King my Brother, p. 258
2 Christian Bouyer, Henriette-Anne d’Angleterre (2006), p. 63
3 Cartwright, Madame, p. 67
4 R.C. Latham and W. Matthews, eds., The Diary of Samuel Pepys (1975), vol. 1, p. 299
5 Quoted in N.N. Barker, Brother to the Sun King (1989), p. 74
6 Ibid, p. 77
7 Ibid, p. 23
8 Pierre la Porte, Mémoires (1839), quoted in Wilkinson, Louis XIV, pp. 15–16
9 Quoted in Bryan Bevan, Charles II’s Minette (1979), p. 54
10 Barker, Brother to the Sun King, p. 79
11 Bevan, Charles II’s Minette, p. 57
12 Madame de La Fayette, Histoire de Madame Henriette d’Angleterre (1988), p. 57
13 Letters of Charles II, p. 121
14 Cartwright, Madame, p. 115
15 Barker, Brother to the Sun King, pp. 82–3
16 Ibid, p. 90
17 This, the first of Louis XIV’s continental wars, was undertaken in respect of his wife’s claim to the Spanish Netherlands on the death of her father, Philip IV of Spain. She had renounced all succession rights on her marriage to Louis, but he ignored this.
18 Quoted in Hartmann, The King my Brother, p. 198
19 For details of this and other items of Henrietta Maria’s extensive inventory see Erin Griffey and Caroline Hibbard, ‘Henrietta Maria’s inventory at Colombes: courtly magnificence and hidden politics’, Journal of the History of Collections, vol. 24, no. 2 (2012), pp. 159–81
20 Green, Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria, p. 412
21 Bossuet, Jacques-Bénigne, Oraisons funèbres, ed. A. Rébelliau (Paris, 1906), p. 73
22 Historical Manuscripts Commission XVI (1), Report on the Manuscripts of the Duke of Buccleuch, p. 438. Montagu did not like Henry Jermyn, as is obvious from this waspish comment.
23 Quoted in Hartmann, The King my Brother, p. 283
24 Archives du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, Paris, MD Angleterre, vol. 26, ff. 99–102, quoted in Barker, Brother to the Sun King, p. 110
25 For a detailed discussion of the background to these negotiations see R. Hutton, ‘The Making of the Secret Treaty of Dover, 1668–1670’, Historical Journal, 29, 2 (1986), pp. 297–318
26 Quoted in Barker, Brother to the Sun King, p. 113
27 Hartmann, The King my Brother, p. 326
28 Jansenism was an austere form of Catholic theology that took root in France during the seventeenth century. Its emphasis was on man’s essential depravity and acceptance of the theology of predestination.
Epilogue
1 Northants Record Office, Isham correspondence, 1379, quoted in ODNB entry for James II by W.A. Speck