INTRODUCTION
Reflections
Mirror, mirror on the wall, am I really an Indian, after all?
I can’t count the number of times in recent years that I have been before a mirror and asked this question. The face that stares back at me always has hazel eyes, light brown hair, light skin, and northern European bone structure. I am continually reminded that I look more like my adopted family’s Lithuanian ancestors than my biological family’s Potawatomi ancestors.
This ambiguity surrounding my identity is undoubtedly due to the fact that most of the mirrors around me are not flat and objective glass surfaces. They are social reflections, in the spirit of sociologist Charles Horton Cooley’s term looking glass self. Cooley argued that who we think we are is a composite of reflections of our personhood provided by the world and people around us. These reflections may be accurate, or they may be distorted, like carnival mirrors that make us look ridiculously tall and thin or impossibly short and fat. They may be idealized versions of what we should be, or negative images of what we should avoid becoming. In any case, the experience of sorting through multiple and often competing social identities is universal. In that sense my tale is a common one.
However, another dimension of my experience is somewhat distinct and is rooted in the legacy of indigenous peoples across the globe. Millions of us are but a few generations removed from millennia spent living in intimate contact with the natural world and in close communion with ancestral spirits. Who we are and who we think we are is not merely a social construct rooted in the fleeting here and now. Who we are and who we think we are is rooted in historical connections with those who have walked on but continue to be with us. Our identity is rooted in our relationships with the land and with a sentient natural world that shares an active understanding with us. When we wander too far from our roots, our ancestors and kin in the natural world call us home, sometimes with gentle whispers, and sometimes in loud voices sounding alarms.
When I have looked in the many mirrors around me since my awakening began, much more than a mere passive reflection has greeted me. Something has reached out, grabbed me, and pulled me through the looking glass. That is when things got interesting and I began to write. It is why I continue to write.
I write with the hope that the universal part of my awakening will resonate with a broad audience. Then, standing on that common ground, I hope that readers will trust me to be their guide so that we may together explore the possibility that some significant part of the more distinct nature of my awakening, the Indian part, may also be made accessible to others.
Surely those who do not have my Potawatomi ancestry are not going to be visited by the spirits of my ancestors. However, I am convinced that ancestral connections and intimate communications with the natural world are not restricted to those with indigenous cultural roots. If we remove the obstacles, we can all let ourselves explore these dormant but beckoning connections. Then we will better understand our relationship to the past, present, and future. We will begin to imagine and create a more positive road map for what is ahead. We will escape from the torturous burden of hyperpresentness inflicted by social media and the diminished selves reflected in the small screens of smartphones. We may even begin to recover a sense of personal and cultural authenticity, for which there is a desperate hunger.
Fig. I.1. The statue “Alice Through the Looking Glass,” on the grounds of Guildford Castle, England.
Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication.
With such high hopes, I begin my storytelling.
Guided Wanderings
Journeys in the modern world are generally carefully scheduled, scripted, planned, and coordinated. They unfold in linear, chronological time. Our destinations are typically selected with considerable forethought; advance reservations are made after consulting travel magazines, brochures, websites, and even algorithms that purport to know our interests and needs better than we do. GPS coordinates in our cars and handheld electronic devices keep us on our chosen paths and eliminate disturbing surprises. Watches or other electronic devices help to keep us on normal everyday time.
While most of our journeys take us away from our immediate daily setting, the journey described in this book has not been a journey away from home. It is a journey, as yet incomplete, homeward.
I have not plodded, or sped along, in linear chronological time. I have not turned pages on the calendar or been able to consult dates on a travel schedule to prepare for what comes next. Instead, I have often strayed from the here and now. I have revisited the present from the perspective of a very distant past, with one of my weary pilgrim’s feet firmly planted in the now, and the other tugging toward a receding distant horizon, my next steps tossing me momentarily even further into the future or past. It has been like a theme park ride that loops and spirals back on to itself until forward, backward, upward, and downward all become breathlessly conflated.
No itinerary was developed. The destination was initially unknown. No hosts or hospitality staff awaited me upon my arrival along the way. Instead guides—familial, nonfamilial, and totally unfamiliar—appeared and sent me hurling in new directions.
With a few momentary exceptions, the journey described here was made without hesitation, invoking one sense of the book’s title Without Reservation.
Without Reservation conveys another reality. This is a tale about a collective journey, one being taken by Native American descendants who are without reservation—those of us who do not live on a reservation and have, at most, occasional exposure to reservations’ cultural richness as well as their challenges and pitfalls. Like me, many Native Americans have spent a lifetime off reservation. We are separated by generations from life on the reserves (as they are called in Canada), or reservations (as they are called in the United States), that European colonists forced upon indigenous peoples of North America. In fact, 70 percent of all Native Americans now live in urban areas—geographically and culturally far from the rez.
This account does not purport to speak for or on behalf of those Native Americans whose lives are deeply embedded in reservation life, those who are currently “on the rez.” Nor does my story pretend to reflect the realities of those whose lives have been connected with the unique and diverse experiences of living within the social, cultural, legal, and geographic bounds of an Indian reservation but for whom this is no longer a daily reality, because they have left. Such itinerant indigenous people are often caught between two worlds in a struggle I cannot adequately capture or represent. Their experience is well documented in a growing body of Native American biographies and in popular fiction produced by Native American authors.
How many Native Americans are there in North America? United States census data for 2010 indicates that 5.2 million people self-reported such status.1 Of these, about 2 million are officially enrolled in federally recognized tribes. In Canada, 1.7 million people self-reported indigenous status in the 2016 census.2 Of those, three quarters of a million people have recognized treaty rights. Nearly six hundred thousand Métis—a uniquely Canadian official indigenous status reflecting a legacy of colonial intermarriage—are now also gaining some legal rights and autonomy. However, the Métis often struggle with their ambiguous status within the world of indigenous people.
So I am one of seven million people living north of the Mexican border who claim Native American ancestry. I am one of the three million people who have a government recognized claim to be called an “Indian.”*1 That is because, in the United States, unlike in Canada, tribes have pretty much been allowed to write their own rules for enrollment. Enrollment status sometimes depends on a documentable ancestral link to historical tribal membership, as with my tribe, rather than on minimum “blood quantum” (a calculation of percentage of “Indian blood”). This process has led to acrimonious disputes within some tribes, especially when treaty settlement claims produce funds to be divided, or when casino earnings are to be divided among tribal members. Canadian Métis have an even more fraught status. Having no quantum requirement, they must document continual historical and current involvement in indigenous community life.
These ambiguous designations of tribal membership have placed many of us in the middle of a long historical struggle about what it means to be an Indian. The matter has been further complicated by the fact that the U.S. government has tried repeatedly to challenge our claims of Indian status and tried to deny our ability to share in treaty rights and enjoy benefits. They would be happy if we just collectively faded away, like some digital image whose pixels fall off the screen one by one until the image finally vanishes.
As off-rez, European-looking, marginal members of the indigenous world, we are sometimes viewed with ambivalence by other Native Americans, especially those with stronger blood quantum or social and cultural connections with Native American tradition. However, I believe that we may prove to be critical allies in the struggle of all indigenous people to preserve their sovereignty, to preserve and revive threatened cultures. As my path of discovery suggests, we may paradoxically even prove to be an underappreciated and unexpected contribution of spiritual rebirth that is so vital to renewal and revival. Being far from the turmoil of life on the reservation, insulated from the temptations of striking financial deals for casino construction and management of lucrative resource extraction agreements, we often inhabit that much maligned, and also envied, space of comfortable middle-class life. This is not the public’s image of an Indian.
Life in mainstream America is certainly easier than life on the rez. However, our middle-class lifestyle too is threatened, not by swashbuckling men in metal armor bearing swords and guns, but by those who would conquer and control all they touch as they parade about in their fine suits. Our lifestyle is threatened by growing economic inequality, increasing burdens of holding multiple jobs, an opiate crisis, and technology that often fragments and distracts rather than uniting us. Many of the more recent and insidious forces of cowboy capitalism present challenges for the mainstream middle class that were once seen as unique to indigenous populations or marginalized racial minorities, such as colonization and marginalization, with mortality rates increasing among the most seriously displaced.
A growing sense of a shattered past and uncertain future in mainstream culture may explain a white middle-class obsession with the image of the “Vanishing Indian.” This widely held historical narrative is a tale that the once triumphant white settlers tell themselves over and over. This is done in a desperate effort to find stories that help them to understand their own increasingly uncertain present and fraught future. If this is the case, perhaps Native American pushback on the Vanishing Indian narrative offers a story of spiritual renewal for the mainstream middle class.
Despite the growing uncertainties of middle-class life in the twenty-first century, the comfort and security of mainstream life may continue to offer many Native Americans like me peace of mind and economic security for some time. With this gift comes an extraordinary, possibly unprecedented, opportunity for self-examination, reflection, and reinvention as we stand with our feet planted in two worlds. But this gift is not only a gift. It is also an awesome responsibility, to be used well and wisely for the benefit of indigenous people as well as the general population.
As my personal journey suggests, the simplest gift, such as sleeping nightly for five months a year on a screened-in porch in a quiet Vermont forest, opens doorways to a world that many thought had vanished. Certainly my twenty-first-century middle-class experience is not to be equated with a lifetime, and even generations, of continual living in intimate contact with a vast and unspoiled nature, as was the case in the precolonial woodlands of North America. However, since the vast majority of my tribe has been forced to abandon those woodlands and live in an arid Oklahoma desert, it may just be that we distant cousins of those Indians have a unique opportunity and responsibility to listen to the whispers of kin and ancestors that are still to be found in the last fragments of a natural world that once covered the Earth and was home to our people.
The subtitle of my journey’s record needs a bit of explanation. I use the word awakening. But my adventure is more than a mere gentle rising from slumber. There is a dimension of urgent desire to recapture something lost, and in my case, enlightenment nearly missed when offered. I see my awakening as a form of rekindling, giving life to smoldering embers nearly extinguished. This image is more than mere metaphor. It touches on the very origins and meaning of my tribal name, the Potawatomi.
Our name dates to the eighth century AD, when three upper midwestern nations of Native Americans—the Ojibwe or Chippewa, the Odawa or Ottawa, and the Potawatomi—formed a Council of the Three Fires. It is part of a larger upper midwestern and southern Canadian confederation of tribes often known today as the Anishinaabe people.
From that confederation came our tribal name, Potawatomi (Bodewadmi), which means “Keepers of the Fire.” Fire may have multiple connotations, just as it does in the Greek myth of Prometheus, which describes how fire was stolen from the gods and given to humans. Over millennia, fire in this myth has been construed in various ways: literally, as controlled combustion; as technics or technology; and as knowledge or enlightenment. These three interpretations of fire suit the narrative of our tribal origin. Fire was critical to the survival of forest dwellers, as was passing along traditional knowledge and the techniques of hunting and agriculture.
The exact mechanics of how the Potawatomi “kept” fire, in its simplest and physical form, are uncertain. But I have been told that embers may have been transported in birds’ nests, which are often lined with dried mud and would serve as an excellent fire-resistant container. The actual ember may have been a tinder fungus (Fomes fomentarius), which can remain smoldering for many hours. The five-thousand-year-old Otzi the Iceman, found in the Alps in 1991, carried four pieces of tinder fungus.
For me, the embers of ancestral connections were nearly extinguished. I did not grow up in a household that made a conscious effort to continue ancestral ceremonies and cultivate ancestral sensitivities. We were not very good keepers of the fire.
My childhood home was in a suburb of Binghamton, New York. The adjoining neighborhood houses were built on an Indian burial ground that was excavated with an indifference that disturbed me even at age four. But neither our family nor neighbors raised any concern over this affront to sacred ground. No archaeological experts were alerted, as would be the case today.
I now cringe at the fact that we played Cowboys and Indians in a group of boulders left by glaciers millennia ago across the street from our house. The boulders were literally a stone’s throw from the burial remains. “The Rocks,” as we called them, were probably used by Native Americans as a marker for their burial ground. I used them to hide from imaginary “Injuns,” and I would shoot my cap gun at them in imitation of Westerns I saw on television and at the reenactment of an Indian attack on a stagecoach that my family paid to see at Frontier Town, near our summer cottage in the Adirondack Mountains.
So it was that my uncle and cousins recently had to guide me on my often bumbling path of fanning the embers of ancestral memories that were nearly extinguished, but which began to glow unexpectedly when a passing wind touched my nest. As a result, for this attenuated middleclass Native American, reclaiming my status as a keeper of the fire has been a process of recovery.
Perhaps somewhere in the past, many generations ago, a relative was charged with the duty of tending the sacred bird’s nest that held smoldering tinder fungus. He or she may have been neglectful and exposed it to rain, or simply delayed feeding the trace of sacred fire. A sense of panic and failure must have seized this person upon realizing the consequences of breaking a long and uninterrupted chain of trust. I envision this keeper of the fire, bent on knee, desperately blowing on the fading embers and cautiously feeding dry leaves or some other fuel in an effort to avoid extinguishing the chain of fire keeping. So too I imagine my role as a somewhat lapsed fire keeper rekindling connections.