Black people are relentless victims of relentless white violence, often at the end of a badge -- for No Reason What So Ever.
That was the biggest news story of 2014 and it was easy to find in the New York Times, CNN, MSNBC, Spike Lee, Oprah, USA Today, and lots of other places.
The President got in on the act in 2014 when he told the Congressional Black Caucus about a “justice gap.” Where “too many young men of color feel targeted by law enforcement. Guilty of walking while black. Driving while black. Judged by stereotypes that fuel fear and resentment and hopelessness.”3
War on black people, anyone?
That is the biggest lie of our generation. Because just the opposite is true.
Black crime and violence against whites, gays, women, seniors, young people and lots of others is astronomically out of proportion.
It just won’t quit. Neither will the excuses. Or the denials. Or the black on white hostility. Or those who encourage it.
That is what ‘Don’t Make the Black Kids Angry’ is about.
In 2013, more and more people began to figure out that the traditional excuses — jobs, poverty, schooling, whatever — for black crime and mayhem were not really working any more. Now they have a new excuse. The ultimate excuse: White racism is everywhere. White racism is permanent. White racism explains everything.
Joshua Adams of Ebony speaks as well as any of the thousands talking about this today in homes, schools, churches, government and media. Even if black people are being convicted of crimes like assault and murder and burglary and rape and selling drugs anywhere from 10 to 20 to 30 to even 40 times more than the rest of the population, Joshua does not want to hear it. Not anymore:4
It’s much easier to point to Black crime than to interrogate a whole litany of violence against the Black community.
What’s missing in their analysis is any mention of the history of institutionalized attacks on Black people …
There’s no call for accountability towards a prison industrial complex sending Black and Brown folks to jail with longer sentences for equal or lesser crimes than any other race.
No statistics are presented to show the over reporting of Chicago crime or to combat the many misconceptions about Black on Black crime in general in America.
And what’s sadder is if their analysis is that shallow, how could they even begin to discuss, let alone understand, the residual effects from the sadistic, prolonged assault on our people that was chattel slavery?
The predator as victim. And vice versa.
Prisons cause crime. So does slavery. And don’t forget white people. They are pretty bad too. To quote the t-shirt: It’s a black thing. We wouldn’t understand. We don’t have to. But we do have to be aware of the danger this Big Lie presents.
Back to Adams: “If you aren’t interested in doing anything but pointing in our direction to underscore some sort of racist, classist, blame-skewing point, then keep our city out your mouth.”
I understand now: A new generation of black leaders and white enablers want to remove black violence from the table and instead focus on the Big Lie: The war on Black People and how racist white people are waging it.
All the time. Everywhere. When just the opposite is true.
That is what this book is about.
For the last five years, black mobs have rampaged and beaten and destroyed and threatened and defied police dozens -- DOZENS -- of times at the upscale Country Club Plaza in Kansas City. They tried everything to fight it. New mayor. New police chief. They begged parents. Pleaded with perpetrators.
“What do you want?” community activists asked the members of the violent mobs. We want to be left alone, they said.
Finally they tried a curfew -- against the advice of former Mayor and now Congressman Emanuel Cleaver, who told them: “All we are going to do is make a lot of black kids angry.”5
And he was right. Racial violence continued. Much of it on video.
You did not know Kansas City and other places in the heartland of Middle America — like Peoria, Des Moines, Minneapolis, Indianapolis and even Green Bay — are now centers of frequent, intense and dangerous black mob violence?
Exactly.
I get emails and Tweets and Facebook messages and phone calls and YouTube videos every day about racial violence from all over the country. They all start the same way: ‘Colin, did you see this?’
They contain links to a black mob beating up a white driver at the scene of an accident. Or 40,000 black people beating, stealing, rioting and rampaging through Virginia Beach. Not for the first time. Or TV writer David Simon of the Wire citing a study that shows how black juries do not like to convict black defendants.
On and on and on until we get to the more than 1,000 new and recent examples of new black mob violence and black-on-white crime and denial and deceit and encouragement documented in this book. Not just from the big cities such as Detroit, Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore.
That’s too easy. But smaller towns, too. Peoria. Springfield. Greensboro. Jersey City. Dover. Monroe. Harrisburg. Charlottesville. Norwalk. New Haven. Utica. Dayton. Tuscaloosa. Texas City. Grand Terrace. Or places you might not expect it: Rochester. Louisville. Minneapolis. Seattle. Portland.
This book also documents the black resentment, black hostility, and black racial consciousness that permeates every part of black media, black churches, black families and black schooling. All of which helps answer a question I usually beg off: “Colin, why is this happening?”
I still do not know. But in this book, we are going to learn where people learn it is OK. We will also talk about how black crime rates are astronomically out of proportion — and how even that vastly understates the true level of black crime and violence.
And lots more: There are so many stories. We better get to it.
Starting with Louisville.