Note: PPAFDR = Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin Delano Roosevelt
Introduction
1. Roosevelt, “Inaugural Address,” March 4, 1933, in PPAFDR—Volume Two: The Year of Crisis, 1933, p. 11, and “ ‘We are Fighting to Save a Great and Precious Form of Government for Ourselves and the World’—Acceptance of the Renomination for the Presidency,” June 27, 1936, in PPAFDR—Volume Five: The People Approve, 1936, p. 235.
2. Roosevelt, “The Annual Message to Congress,” January 6, 1941, in PPAFDR—1940 Volume: War and Aid to Democracies, p. 663.
3. Roosevelt first introduced the idea of America as the “Arsenal of Democracy” in a Fireside Chat radio broadcast on December 29, 1940 (“There Can Be No Appeasement with Ruthlessness . . . We Must Be the Great Arsenal of Democracy,” PPAFDR—1940 Volume, pp. 633–44).
4. Roosevelt, “The Annual Message to Congress,” pp. 664–72 (italics added).
5. Stephen E. Ambrose, Citizen Soldiers: The U.S. Army from the Normandy Beaches to the Bulge to the Surrender of Germany, June 7, 1944–May 7, 1945 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997); Tom Brokaw, The Greatest Generation (New York: Random House, 1998); James Bradley with Ron Powers, Flags of Our Fathers (New York: Bantam Books, 2000); Steven Spielberg, Director, Saving Private Ryan (1998); and Ken Burns and Lynn Novick, Directors, The War (2007), plus Geoffrey C. Ward and Ken Burns, The War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2007). On the FDR Memorial, see Lawrence Halprin, The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial (San Francisco: Chronicle Books, 1997); David Dillon, The FDR Memorial (Washington: Spacemaker Press, 1998); and Robert Dallek, “The Franklin Delano Roosevelt Memorial, Washington, D.C.,” in William E. Leuchtenburg, ed., American Places: Encounters with History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), pp. 67–77. And on the World War II Memorial, see Nicolaus Mills, Their Last Battle: The Fight for the National World War II Memorial (New York: Basic Books, 2004), and Douglas Brinkley, ed., The World War II Memorial: A Grateful Nation Remembers (Washington: Smithsonian Books, 2004).
6. A primary example of the Right’s assaults on FDR is Amity Shlaes, The Forgotten Man: A New History of the Great Depression (New York: HarperCollins, 2007). And on Republicans’ continuing efforts to identify themselves with the Greatest Generation, see Harvey J. Kaye, “Will the Florida GOP Dishonor the Greatest Generation?” Huffington Post, April 5, 2011, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/harvey-j-kaye/florida-gop-veterans_b_844369.html.
7. Emily S. Rosenberg, A Date Which Will Live: Pearl Harbor in American Memory (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003), p. 113ff. In fact, while the critics granted that the tribunes themselves were not necessarily pursuing a conservative agenda, they failed to appreciate the tribunes’ own liberal views. Ambrose, who passed away in 2002, never hid the fact that he had strongly opposed the Vietnam War. Brokaw highlighted the story of the D-day veteran and Florida Democratic congressman Sam Gibbons’s response in 1994 to the House Republican leadership cutting off debate on Medicare reform: “You’re a bunch of dictators, that’s all you are. I had to fight you guys fifty years ago.” And Spielberg stated that in addition to wanting to honor his father’s generation, he made Saving Private Ryan to show warfare’s “grimmest realities: fear, boredom, killing”—which he arguably did so effectively that he ended up making an antiwar statement. See Stephen E. Ambrose, To America: Personal Reflections of an Historian (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2002), pp. 126–47; Brokaw, The Greatest Generation, pp. xxiii–xxvi; and Steven Spielberg quote in Stephen J. Dubner, “Steven the Good,” The New York Times Magazine, February 14, 1999, p. 42.
8. Chip Berlet, “Uniting to Defend the Four Freedoms,” in Chip Berlet, ed., Eyes Right! Challenging the Right Wing Backlash (Boston: South End Press, 1995), pp. 357–60.
9. Lorrie Young, “Opinion: She Looked at a Rockwell Painting and Learned Something about Herself,” San Diego Union-Tribune, November 22, 2000, p. B9.
10. Marcus Raskin and Robert Spero, The Four Freedoms Under Siege: The Clear and Present Danger from Our National Security State (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2007).
11. Wilson Carey McWilliams, “Memories and Heroes,” World View, January 1984, p. 2.
Chapter One
1. Deborah Dash Moore, GI Jews: How World War II Changed a Generation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), pp. 18–19.
2. Leotha Hackshaw quoted in Ronald Takaki, Double Victory: A Multicultural History of America in World War II (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2000), pp. 47–48, and Walter Morris quoted in Tom Brokaw, The Greatest Generation Speaks: Letters and Reflections (New York: Random House, 1999), pp. 227–29. Actually, Morris and his comrades were fighting the Japanese, for the forest fires were ignited by Japanese balloon bombs that had come down in Washington State.
3. Lieutenant Zosel’s letter is included in Bill Adler and Tracy Quinn McLennan, eds., World War II Letters: A Glimpse into the Heart of the Second World War Through the Words of Those Who Were Fighting It (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2002), pp. 77–78.
4. Harold E. Stearns, America: A Re-appraisal (New York: Hillman Curl, 1937), p. 11.
5. Joseph Alsop, FDR, A Centenary Remembrance (New York: Viking, 1982), pp. 11–13.
6. William Howard Taft (1924) quoted in Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., The Crisis of the Old Order: The Age of Roosevelt, Volume 1, 1919–1933 (1957; New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2002 ed.), p. 60, and Harold Stearns, ed., Civilization in the United States: An Inquiry by Thirty Americans (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1922), p. vii.
7. On “The Cult of Prosperity,” see Merle Curti, The Growth of American Thought (New York: Harper & Row, 1964 ed.), pp. 678–84.
8. Irving Bernstein, The Lean Years: A History of the American Worker, 1920–1933 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), pp. 170–88.
9. Sidney Hillman (1914) quoted in Nelson Lichtenstein, “Great Expectations: The Promise of Industrial Jurisprudence and Its Demise, 1930–1960,” in Nelson Lichtenstein and Howell John Harris, eds., Industrial Democracy in America: The Ambiguous Promise (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 118, and Hillman (1918) quoted in Steven Fraser, Labor Will Rule: Sidney Hillman and the Rise of American Labor (New York: Free Press, 1991), p. 144.
10. John Edgerton (1923) quoted in Bernstein, The Lean Years, p. 147. The fullest discussion of “Americanism” can be found in Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002 ed.).
11. On the American Plan and “Americanization,” see Bernstein, The Lean Years, and Lizabeth Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919–1939 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 165, 175–83.
12. William Howard Taft quoted in Bernstein, The Lean Years, p. 191.
13. War Department, Manual of Citizenship Training (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1927), pp. 7–15. I was directed to the Manual by Christopher S. DeRosa, Political Indoctrination in the US Army from World War II to the Vietnam War (Lincoln: University of Nebraska, 2006), pp. 6–7. Also, see Joseph W. Bendersky, “The Jewish Threat”: Anti-Semitic Politics of the U.S. Army (New York: Basic Books, 2000), pp. 121–225.
14. War Department, Manual of Citizenship Training, pp. 6, 16, 43–45 (italics added).
15. See, especially, John Egerton, Speak Now Against the Day: The Generation Before the Civil Rights Movement in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), pp. 15–46.
16. James R. Barrett, “Americanization from the Bottom Up: Immigration and the Remaking of the Working Class in the United States, 1890–1930,” Journal of American History, vol. 79, no. 3, December 1992, pp. 996–1020; Lawrence B. Glickman, A Living Wage: American Workers and the Making of American Consumer Society (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1997), pp. 78–91; and Ron Rothbart, “ ‘Homes Are What Any Strike Is About’: Immigrant Labor and the Family Wages,” Journal of Social History, vol. 23, no. 2, Winter 1989, pp. 267–84.
17. Clayton Sinyai, Schools Of Democracy: A Political History of the American Labor Movement (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006), esp. pp. 1–109; Eugene T. Sweeney, “The AFL’s Good Citizen, 1920–1940,” Labor History, vol. 13, no. 2, Spring 1972, pp. 200–216; Thomas Göbel, “Becoming American: Ethnic Workers and the Rise of the CIO,” Labor History, vol. 29, no. 2, Spring 1988, pp. 174–75; and Cohen, Making a New Deal, pp. 47–48.
18. John L. Lewis, The Miners’ Fight for American Standards (Indianapolis: Bell Publishing, 1925), pp. 11–13, 179.
19. A. Philip Randolph quoted in Beth Tompkins Bates, Pullman Porters and the Rise of Protest Politics in Black America, 1925–1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), p. 92.
20. June Granatir Alexander, Ethnic Pride, American Patriotism: Slovaks and Other New Immigrants in the Interwar Era (Philadelphia, PA: Temple Press, 2004), pp. 63–64, 161–62.
21. Charles and Mary Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (New York: Macmillan, 1927); Claude G. Bowers, Jefferson and Hamilton: The Struggle for Democracy in America (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1925); and Vernon Louis Parrington, Main Currents in American Thought (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1930 one-volume ed.). Quoted words are from Bowers, p. v, and Parrington, vol. 1, p. 285.
22. Blanche Wiesen Cook, Eleanor Roosevelt: Volume One, 1884–1933 (New York: Penguin Books, 1992), pp. 258, 329ff.
23. Richard Lowitt, George W. Norris: The Persistence of a Progressive, 1913–1933 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1971); Patrick J. Maney, Young Bob: A Biography of Robert M. La Follette, Jr. (Madison: Wisconsin Historical Society Press, 2003); J. Joseph Huthmacher, Senator Robert F. Wagner and the Rise of Urban Liberalism (New York: Atheneum, 1968); and Christopher M. Finan, Alfred E. Smith: The Happy Warrior (New York: Hill and Wang, 2002).
24. Philip Abbott, The Exemplary Presidency: Franklin D. Roosevelt and the American Political Tradition (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1990), pp. 43–44.
25. Herbert Hoover, Speech in New York City, October 22, 1928, in The New Day: Campaign Speeches of Herbert Hoover (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1929), pp. 154–56, 168, 175.
Chapter Two
1. Herbert David Croly, The Promise of American Life (1909; New York: BiblioBazaar, 2006 ed.), pp. 11, 21.
2. Conrad Black, Franklin Delano Roosevelt: Champion of Freedom (New York: Public Affairs, 2003), p. 211; Robert S. McElvaine, The Great Depression: America, 1929–1941 (New York: Three Rivers Press, 1993 ed.), esp. pp. 72–79; T. H. Watkins, The Hungry Years: A Narrative History of the Great Depression (New York: Henry Holt, 1999), pp. 3–131; and Studs Terkel, Hard Times: An Oral History of the Great Depression (New York: Pantheon, 1986 ed.), p. 390.
3. Zaragosa Varga, Labor Rights Are Civil Rights: Mexican American Workers in Twentieth-Century America (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005), p. 61.
4. Stephen Skowronek, The Politics Presidents Make: Leadership from John Adams to George Bush (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1993), pp. 260–86.
5. T. H. Watkins, The Great Depression: America in the 1930s (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1993), esp. Chapter 3, “Shades of Revolution,” pp. 76–107.
6. Paul Dickson and Thomas B. Allen, The Bonus Army: An American Epic (New York: Walker & Company, 2004), esp. pp. 153–83.
7. James J. Lorence, Organizing the Unemployed: Community and Union Activists in the Industrial Heartland (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996), pp. 38–42, and Watkins, The Hungry Years, pp. 127–28.
8. Malcolm Cowley, The Dream of the Golden Mountains: Remembering the 1930s (New York: Viking, 1980), pp. 92–93.
9. Vanity Fair’s editors quoted in Frederic A. Ogg, “Does America Need a Dictator?” Current History, September 1932, pp. 641, 646, and 647.
10. Anne O’Hare McCormick, “America in a Mid-August Mood” (August 16, 1931), and “A New Americanism” (September 4, 1932), in Marion Turner Sheehan, ed., The World at Home: Selections from the Writings of Anne O’Hare McCormick (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956), pp. 75, 116; and Gilbert Seldes, The Years of the Locust (America, 1929–1932) (New York: Little, Brown, 1933), p. 279.
11. McCormick, “A New Americanism,” pp. 123–26; and McElvaine, The Great Depression, pp. 197–202.
12. Mary Heaton Vorse, “Rebellion in the Cornbelt: American Farmers Beat Their Plowshares into Swords,” Harper’s, December 1932, reprinted in David A. Shannon, ed., The Great Depression (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1960), p. 127; Roy Rosenzweig, “Radicals and the Jobless: The Musteites and the Unemployed Leagues, 1932–1936,” Labor History, vol. 16, Winter 1975, pp. 52–77; and Robert Cohen, When the Old Left Was Young: Student Radicals and America’s First Mass Student Movement, 1929–1941 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 53.
13. In Democracy at the Crossroads: A Symposium (New York: Brewer, Warren & Putnam, 1932), see Ellis Meredith, “Foreword,” p. 1; Robert F. Wagner, “The Right to Work,” pp. 185–93; and Claude G. Bowers, “Democracy: Its Past and Future,” pp. 246–61.
14. “Shacktown Pulls Through the Winter,” New York Times, March 26, 1933, p. SM12.
15. McCormick, “A New Americanism,” pp. 126–27.
16. Herbert Hoover, “Text of the President’s Address,” New York Times, November 1, 1932, p. 12. Also, see Donald A. Ritchie, Electing FDR: The New Deal Campaign of 1932 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2007), esp. pp. 146–47.
17. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Whither Bound? (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1926), pp. 15–16; Rexford Tugwell, The Democratic Roosevelt: A Biography of Franklin D. Roosevelt (Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books, 1969 ed.), p. 197; and Roosevelt, “Democracy Is Not a Static Thing, It Is an Everlasting March” (October 1, 1935), in PPAFDR—Volume Four: The Court Disapproves, 1935, p. 403. In Thomas Paine and the Promise of America (New York: Hill and Wang, 2005), p. 211, I wrote, “Roosevelt was no radical.” But as my lines here reveal, I have now come to view him rather differently.
18. McCormick, “A Little Left of Center” (November 25, 1934), in The World at Home, p. 249; Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Viking, 1946), pp. 139–40, 330; Tugwell, The Democratic Roosevelt, p. 11; and Gary Scott Smith, Faith and the Presidency (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), pp. 191–220.
19. Roosevelt, “ ‘I Pledge You, I Pledge Myself to a New Deal for the American People,’ The Governor Accepts the Nomination for President” (July 2, 1932), in PPAFDR—Volume One: The Genesis of the New Deal, 1928–1932, p. 650, and Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew, p. 330. On Roosevelt’s ambitions to make the Democratic Party the party of progressive liberalism, see Samuel I. Rosenman, Working with Roosevelt (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1952), pp. 128, 162, 176–78, 463–70.
20. Roosevelt, “The First Inaugural Address as Governor” (January 21, 1929), in PPAFDR—Volume One, pp. 75–77.
21. Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew, pp. 12–31.
22. Max Lerner, “Roosevelt and History” (1938), in Max Lerner, Ideas Are Weapons: The History and Uses of Ideas (New York: Viking, 1940), p. 247; Stanley High, Roosevelt—And Then? (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1937), p. 63; and Frank Kingdon, As FDR Said (New York: Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, 1950), pp. 106–7.
23. Roosevelt, “Campaign Speech” (September 13, 1920), and “Speech Accepting the Democratic Vice Presidential Nomination” (August 9, 1920), in Basil Rauch, ed., The Roosevelt Reader (New York: Rinehart & Co., 1957), pp. 30, 37; and Tugwell, The Democratic Roosevelt, p. 140.
24. Roosevelt, “Is There a Jefferson on the Horizon?” (New York Evening World, December 3, 1925), in Rauch, ed., The Roosevelt Reader, pp. 44–47, and Roosevelt’s Address to Jefferson Day Dinner (April 26, 1930), quoted in Black, Franklin Delano Roosevelt, p. 203.
25. Roosevelt, “Is There a Jefferson on the Horizon?” p. 47.
26. Roosevelt, “Message to the Congress Reviewing the Broad Objectives and Accomplishments of the Administration” (June 8, 1934), and “The First Fireside Chat of 1934—‘Are You Better Off than You Were Last Year?’ ” (June 28, 1934), in PPAFDR—Volume Three: The Advance of Recovery and Reform, 1934, pp. 288, 317–18.
27. Roosevelt, “Radio Address on Brotherhood Day” (February 23, 1936), and “Address at the Dedication of a World War Memorial” (October 14, 1936), in PPAFDR—Volume Five: The People Approve, 1936, pp. 86, 475.
28. Roosevelt, “The ‘Forgotten Man’ Speech” (April 7, 1932), “The Country Needs, the Country Demands Bold, Persistent Experimentation” (May 22, 1932), “I Pledge You, I Pledge Myself to a New Deal for the American People” (July 2, 1932), “New Conditions Impose New Requirements . . .” (September 23, 1932), and “The Philosophy of Social Justice through Social Action” (October 2, 1932), in PPAFDR—Volume One, pp. 625, 645–46, 653–59, 747–54, 774.
29. Roosevelt, “I Pledge You, I Pledge Myself to a New Deal for the American People” (July 2, 1932), “The Philosophy of Social Justice,” and “Campaign Address on the Eight Great Credit Groups of the Nation” (October 21, 1932), in PPAFDR—Volume One, pp. 659, 771–72, 777, 821–22. I would note that FDR’s words in his acceptance speech echoed Moses’ “Would that all the Lord’s people were prophets” (Numbers 11:24–29).
30. On Lewis’s and Hillman’s support of FDR in 1932, see Melvin Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine, John L. Lewis, A Biography (New York: Times Books, 1977), p. 285, and Steven Fraser, Labor Will Rule: Sidney Hillman and the Rise of American Labor (New York: Free Press, 1991), p. 285.
1. Roosevelt, “Inaugural Address” (March 4, 1933), in PPAFDR—Volume Two: The Year of Crisis, 1933, pp. 11, 12, 15.
2. Gardiner C. Means interview in Studs Terkel, Hard Times: An Oral History of the Great Depression (New York: Pantheon, 1986 edition), p. 248, and Edward M. Bernstein interview in Katie Louchheim, ed., The Making of the New Deal: The Insiders Speak (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Unversity Press, 1983), p. 274.
3. John Beecher interview in Terkel, Hard Times, p. 276.
4. On the New Deal, see William E. Leuchtenburg, Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932–1940 (New York: Harper & Row, 1963), and Anthony J. Badger, The New Deal: The Depression Years, 1933–1940 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1989). And on the famous First Hundred Days specifically, see Jonathan Alter, The Defining Moment: FDR’s Hundred Days and the Triumph of Hope (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006), and Anthony J. Badger, FDR: The First Hundred Days (New York: Hill and Wang, 2008).
5. Roosevelt, “Presidential Statement on N.I.R.A.” (June 16, 1933), in PPAFDR—Volume Two, p. 251 (italics added).
6. Irving Bernstein, The Turbulent Years: A History of the American Worker, 1933–1941 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1970), pp. 27–34.
7. Theodore Saloutos, The American Farmer and the New Deal (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1982).
8. Eric Foner, The Story of American Freedom (New York: Norton, 1998), esp. pp. 195–218, and Cass Sunstein, The Second Bill of Rights: FDR’s Unfinished Revolution and Why We Need It More Than Ever (New York: Basic Books, 2004), esp. pp. 61–95.
9. Roosevelt, “Message to the Congress . . .” (June 8, 1934), and “Second Fireside Chat of 1934—‘We Are Moving Forward to Greater Freedom, to Greater Security for the Average Man’ ” (September 30, 1934), in PPAFDR—Volume Three: The Advance of Recovery and Reform, 1934, pp. 292, 422.
10. Jason Scott Smith, Building New Deal Liberalism: The Political Economy of Public Works, 1933–1956 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), pp. 88–98, 113, 121–34; Neil M. Maher, Nature’s New Deal: The Civilian Conservation Corps and the Roots of the American Environmental Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 6, 13, 43–44, 54; Leuchtenburg, Franklin Roosevelt and the New Deal, p. 121; Irving Bernstein, A Caring Society: The New Deal, the Workers, and the Great Depression (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1985), p. 174; and Sarah T. Phillips, This Land, This Nation: Conservation, Rural America, and the New Deal (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2007), pp. 75–148. Also see Nick Taylor, American-Made: The Enduring Legacy of the WPA: When FDR Put the Nation to Work (New York: Bantam Books, 2008); David E. Lilienthal, TVA: Democracy on the March (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1953 ed.); Phoebe Cutler, The Public Landscape of the New Deal (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985); and Henry L. Henderson and David B. Woolner, eds., FDR and the Environment (New York: Palgrave, 2005).
11. Harvard Sitkoff, A New Deal for Blacks: The Emergence of Civil Rights as a National Issue: The Depression Decade (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), esp. pp. 58–83.
12. Harry Hopkins, “Address at WPA Luncheon” (September 19, 1936), in Richard Polenberg, ed., The Era of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1933–1945 (Boston: Bedford Books, 2000), p. 86. Also, see Kirstin Downey, The Woman Behind the New Deal: The Life and Legacy of Frances Perkins (New York: Anchor Books, 2009); T. H. Watkins, Righteous Pilgrim: The Life and Times of Harold L. Ickes, 1874–1952 (New York: Henry Holt, 1990); George McJimsey, Harry Hopkins: Ally of the Poor and Defender of Democracy (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987); Blanche Wiesen Cook, Eleanor Roosevelt: The Defining Years, 1933–1938 (New York: Viking Penguin, 1999); Gary Gerstle, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), pp. 154–55; and Peter H. Irons, The New Deal Lawyers (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1982).
13. Roosevelt, “Radio Address on Brotherhood Day” (February 23, 1936), and “Address at the Dedication of the New Chemistry Building, Howard University, Washington, D.C. . . .” (October 26, 1936), in PPAFDR—Volume Five: The People Approve, 1936, pp. 85–86, 538–39.
14. John B. Kirby, Black Americans in the Roosevelt Era: Liberalism and Race (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1980), esp. pp. 97–151, and Sitkoff, A New Deal for Blacks, pp. 69–71.
15. Roosevelt, “Address before the Federal Council of Churches of Christ in America—‘The Right to a More Abundant Life’ ” (December 6, 1933), in PPAFDR—Volume Two, pp. 517–20, and “Address at San Diego Exposition . . . “We Can Summon our Intelligence . . .” (October 2, 1935), in PPAFDR—Volume Four: The Court Disapproves, 1935, p. 411; and FDR quoted in Frank Freidel, Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Rendezvous with Destiny (Little, Brown and Company, 1990), p. 4.
16. Roosevelt, “A Wider Opportunity for the Average Man—Address Delivered at Green Bay, Wisconsin” (August 9, 1934), in PPAFDR—Volume Three, pp. 370–72. On Roosevelt’s “inclusive” rhetoric and narrative, see Mary E. Stuckey, Defining Americans: The Presidency and National Identity (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2004), pp. 198–242.
17. Viola Elder quoted in Kenneth J. Bindas, Remembering the Great Depression in the Rural South (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007), pp. 39–40; and Hortense Powdermaker, After Freedom: A Cultural Study in the Deep South (1939; New York: Atheneum, 1968 ed.), p. 139.
18. Joe Pullum, “CWA Blues” (1934), in Guido Van Rijn, Roosevelt’s Blues: African-American Blues and Gospel Songs on FDR (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1997), p. 69.
19. Bud Wilbur quoted in Renée Corona Kolvet and Victoria Ford, The Civilian Conservation Corps in Nevada: From Boys to Men (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 2006), p. 59; and James Danner quoted in James Bradley with Ron Powers, Flags of Our Fathers (New York: Bantam, 2000), p. 109, and Maher, Nature’s New Deal, pp. 77–113.
20. Badger, The New Deal, p. 172; John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African Americans (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005 ed.), p. 433; Joseph Huthmacher, Senator Robert F. Wagner and the Rise of Urban Liberalism (New York: Atheneum, 1968), pp. 142–53; Meg Jacobs, Pocketbook Politics: Economic Citizenship in Twentieth-Century America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), pp. 111, 122–23; Rexford Tugwell, “Consumers and the New Deal” (1934), in Tugwell, The Battle for Democracy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1935), p. 286; and Roosevelt, “Annual Message to the Congress” (January 3, 1934), in PPAFDR—Volume Three, p. 13 (also quoted in Jacobs, Pocketbook Politics, p. 123), and “Address at San Diego Exposition . . . ‘We Can Summon Our Intelligence’ ” (October 2, 1935), in PPAFDR—Volume Four, p. 409.
21. Bindas, Remembering the Great Depression, p. 38; Van Rijn, Roosevelt’s Blues, pp. 32, 41; Nancy J. Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln: Black Politics in the Age of FDR (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983), pp. 218–19ff; and Bryant Simon, A Fabric of Defeat: The Politics of South Carolina Millhands (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), p. 82.
22. Rexford Tugwell, The Democratic Roosevelt: A Biography of Franklin D. Roosevelt (Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books, 1969 ed.), p. 52; Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine, The People and The President: America’s Conversation with FDR (Boston: Beacon Press, 2002), p. 5; Leila A. Sussman, Dear FDR: A Study of Political Letter-Writing (Totowa, NJ: Bedminster Press, 1963), p. 141; Gerald Markowitz and David Rosner, “Slaves of the Depression”: Workers’ Letters about Life on the Job (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987), pp. 6, 15; Robert S. McElvaine, ed., Down and Out in the Great Depression: Letters from the “Forgotten Man” (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1983); and A. Philip Randolph, “The Crisis of the Negro and the Constitution” (1937), in August Meier, Elliott Rudwick, and Francis L. Broderick, eds., Black Protest Thought in The Twentieth Century (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971 ed.), p. 206.
23. Edward Levinson, Labor on the March (1938; Ithaca, NY: Industrial Relations Press, 1995 ed.), pp. 52, 79; Thomas F. Burke quoted in Samuel G. Freedman, The Inheritance: How Three Families and the American Political Majority Moved from Left to Right (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996), p. 103; and Rose Pesotta, Bread upon the Waters (1944; Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1987 ed.), p. 97.
24. Pesotta, Bread upon the Waters, esp. pp. 48, 98, 211–12.
25. Göbel, “Becoming American”; Gary Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002 ed.), p. 126ff; Simon, A Fabric of Defeat, pp. 79–93; Beth Tompkins Bates, Pullman Porters and the Rise of Protest Politics in Black America, 1925–1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001), p. 136; Pesotta, Bread upon the Waters, p. 26; and George Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 261.
26. Bernstein, Turbulent Years, pp. 39–41, and Milton Derber, The American Idea of Industrial Democracy, 1865–1965 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1970), p. 300.
27. Levinson, Labor on the March, esp. pp. 55–57; Bernstein, Turbulent Years, pp. 217–317; Simon, A Fabric of Defeat, pp. 90–108; Janet Irons, Testing the New Deal: The General Strike of 1934 in the American South (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2000); and Gerstle, Working-Class Americanism, pp. 127–37.
28. Cletus E. Daniel, Bitter Harvest: A History of California Farmworkers (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981); Vicki L. Ruiz, Cannery Women, Cannery Lives: Mexican Women, Unionization, and the California Food Processing Industry, 1930–1950 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press); Howard Kester, Revolt Among the Sharecroppers (1935; Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1997); and Donald H. Grubbs, Cry from the Cotton: The Southern Tenants Farmers’ Union (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1971).
29. James MacGregor Burns, Roosevelt: The Lion and the Fox (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1956), pp. 200–202, and Doug Rossinow, Visions of Progress: The Left-Liberal Tradition in America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), pp. 103–42.
30. Landon R. Y. Storrs, Civilizing Capitalism: The National Consumers’ League, Women’s Activism, and Labor Standards in the New Deal Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), pp. 125–52; Annelise Orleck, Common Sense and a Little Fire: Women and Working-Class Politics in the United States, 1900–1965 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 229–40; and Jacobs, Pocketbook Politics, pp. 130–35.
31. Aaron Copland quoted in Elizabeth B. Crist, Music for the Common Man: Aaron Copland During the Depression and War (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 4; Alfred Kazin, On Native Grounds: An Interpretation of Modern American Prose Literature (1942; New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1982 ed.), p. 489; Earl Browder, “Who Are the Americans?” (1935), in Earl Browder, What Is Communism? (New York: Workers Library Publishers, 1936), pp. 19–21; and Michael Denning, The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth Century (London: Verso, 1996).
32. Carl Sandburg, The People, Yes (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1936).
33. Jonathan Scott Holloway, Confronting the Veil: Abram Harris Jr., E. Franklin Frazier, and Ralph Bunche, 1919–1941 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), pp. 1–34, and Beth Tompkins Bates, Pullman Porters and the Rise of Protest Politics in Black America, 1925–1945, pp. 126–47.
34. Patricia Sullivan, Days of Hope: Race and Democracy in the New Deal Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), pp. 3, 91, and Robin Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: Alabama Communists During the Great Depression (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1990).
35. Roosevelt, “A Radio Address to the Young Democratic Clubs of America” (August 24, 1935), in PPAFDR—Volume Four, p. 343, and Robert Cohen, When the Old Left Was Young: Student Radicals and America’s First Mass Student Movement, 1929–1941 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 141–42, 189–95.
Chapter Four
1. Anne O’Hare McCormick, “Roosevelt Surveys His Course” (July 8, 1934), in Marion Turner Sheehan, ed., The World at Home: Selections from the Writings of Anne O’Hare McCormick (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956), p. 227; and I. F. Stone, “In Defense of Campus Radicals” (May 19, 1969), in Karl Weber, ed., The Best of I. F. Stone (New York: Public Affairs, 2006), p. 47.
2. Max Lerner, “Roosevelt and History” (1938), in Max Lerner, Ideas Are Weapons: The History and Uses of Ideas (New York: Viking, 1940), p. 245.
3. Herbert Hoover, The Challenge to Liberty (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1935), pp. 9, 23–28, 109ff.
4. George Wolfskill, The Revolt of the Conservatives: A History of the American Liberty League, 1934–1940 (Cambridge, MA: Houghton Mifflin, 1962); Frederick Rudolph, “The American Liberty League, 1934–1940,” American Historical Review, vol. 56, no. 1, October 1950, pp. 19–33; and Raoul E. Desvernine, Democratic Despotism (New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1936).
5. Wolfskill, Revolt; Jerold S. Auerbach, Labor and Liberty: The La Follette Committee and the New Deal (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1966), esp. pp. 97–130; Stuart Ewen, PR! A Social History of Spin (New York: Basic Books, 1996), pp. 288–336; and Richard S. Tedlow, “The National Association of Manufacturers and Public Relations During the New Deal,” Business History Review, vol. 50, no. 1, Spring 1976, pp. 25–45.
6. Rudolph, “The American Liberty League,” pp. 20–21, and Wolfskill, Revolt, esp. pp. 57–79.
7. Albert Fried, FDR and His Enemies (New York: Palgrave, 1999), pp. 1–144; Alan Brinkley, Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin and the Great Depression (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982); Donald Warren, Radio Priest: Charles Coughlin, The Father of Hate Radio (New York: Free Press, 1996); and Edwin Amenta, When Movements Matter: The Townsend Plan and the Rise of Social Security (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006).
8. Francis Brown, “Three ‘Pied Pipers’ of the Depression,” New York Times Magazine, March 17, 1935, in Carl Degler, ed., The New Deal (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1970), pp. 64–71, and Sinclair Lewis, It Can’t Happen Here (1935; New York: Signet Classics, 2005).
9. Frances Perkins, The Roosevelt I Knew (New York: Viking, 1946), p. 283.
10. Roosevelt, “Annual Message to the Congress” (January 4, 1935), in PPAFDR—Volume Four: The Court Disapproves, 1935, pp. 16–22.
11. Irving Bernstein, The Turbulent Years: A History of the American Worker, 1933–1941 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1970), pp. 318–51.
12. Alfred Sloan quoted in Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., The Coming of the New Deal—The Age of Roosevelt, Volume 2, 1933–1935 (1958; New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2003 ed.), pp. 311 and 405.
13. Robert Zieger, The CIO, 1933–1935 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 22–41; Robert Cohen, When the Old Left Was Young: Student Radicals and America’s First Mass Student Movement, 1929–1941 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 141–42; and John B. Kirby, Black Americans in the Roosevelt Era: Liberalism and Race (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1980), pp. 164–70.
14. Roger Kennedy and Nick Larson, When Art Worked: The New Deal, Art and Democracy—An Illustrated Documentary (New York: Rizzoli, 2009), p. 26; Nick Taylor, American-Made: The Enduring Legacy of the WPA—When FDR Put the Nation to Work (New York: Bantam Books, 2008), pp. 245–318; Jane De Hart Matthews, “Arts and the People: The New Deal Quest for Cultural Democracy,” Journal of American History, vol. 62, no. 2, September 1975, pp. 316–39; Francis V. O’Connor, ed., Art for the Millions: Essays from the 1930s by Artists and Administrators of the WPA Federal Art Project (Greenwich, CT: New York Graphic Society, 1973); and Susan Quinn, Furious Improvisation: How the WPA and a Cast of Thousands Made High Art Out of Desperate Times (New York: Walker and Company, 2008).
15. Irving Bernstein, A Caring Society: The New Deal, the Workers, and the Great Depression (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1985), pp. 160–64; Harvard Sitkoff, A New Deal for Blacks: The Emergence of Civil Rights as a National Issue—The Depression Decade (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), p. 73; Kriste Lindenmeyer, The Greatest Generation Grows Up: American Childhood in the 1930s (Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2005), pp. 18, 217–24; and Richard A. Reiman, The New Deal & American Youth: Ideas & Ideals in a Depression Decade (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1992).
16. Roosevelt, “Annual Message to the Congress” (January 3, 1936), in PPAFDR—Volume Five: The People Approve, 1936, pp. 11–16.
17. Roosevelt, “We Are Fighting to Save a Great and Precious Form of Government for Ourselves and the World—Acceptance of the Renomination for the Presidency” (June 27, 1936), in PPAFDR—Volume Five, pp. 231–33.
18. Ibid.
19. Ibid., p. 234.
20. Ibid., p. 235.
21. Everett Carl Ladd, Jr., with Charles D. Hadley, Transformations of the American Party System: Political Coalitions from the New Deal to the 1970s (New York: W. W. Norton, 1975), pp. 42–87.
22. Roosevelt, “The United States Is Rising and Is Rebuilding on Sounder Lines,” in PPAFDR—1938 Volume: The Continuing Struggle for Liberalism, pp. 167–68; Susan Dunn, Roosevelt’s Purge: How FDR Fought to Change the Democratic Party (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010); and Patricia Sullivan, Days of Hope: Race and Democracy in the New Deal Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), pp. 61–66.
23. Florida workingman’s letter quoted in William E. Leuchtenburg, The White House Looks South (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005), p. 89; “Youth Vote Hitler ‘Most Hated’ Man,” New York Times, January 27, 1939, p. 21; and James T. Patterson, Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1967).
24. Bernstein, A Caring Society, pp. 131–45.
25. Peter H. Irons, A People’s History of the Supreme Court (New York: Penguin, 2006 ed.), pp. 318–33, and John Wertheimer, “A ‘Switch in Time’ Beyond the Nine: Civil Liberties and the ‘Constitutional Revolution’ of the 1930s” (Davidson College, unpublished paper, 1999).
26. Roosevelt, Introduction (1938) to PPAFDR—Volume Two: The Year of Crisis, 1933, p. 9.
27. Roosevelt, “All of Us, and You and I Especially” (April 21, 1938), and “A Greeting to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People” (June 25, 1938), in PPAFDR—1938 Volume, pp. 259, 401.
28. Frank Murphy, In Defense of Democracy (Washington, DC: American Council on Public Affairs, 1940), pp. 14–15. On the creation of the Civil Liberties Unit/Civil Rights Section, see Kevin J. McMahon, Reconsidering Roosevelt on Race: How the Presidency Paved the Road to Brown (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), esp. pp. 144–45.
29. Sidney Fine, Sit-Down: The General Motors Strike of 1936–1937 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1969).
30. Thomas Guglielmo, White on Arrival: Italians, Race, Color, and Power in Chicago, 1890–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 139.
31. J. Morris Jones, Americans All, Immigrants All (Washington, DC: Federal Radio Education Committee, 1939); Diana Selig, Americans All: The Cultural Gifts Movement (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), esp. pp. 243–49; and Barbara Diane Savage, Broadcasting Freedom: Radio, War, and the Politics of Race, 1938–1948 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), pp. 21–105.
32. Michael Denning, The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth Century (London: Verso, 1996), esp. pp. 115–18.
33. Sitkoff, A New Deal for Blacks, p. 258; Sullivan, Days of Hope, pp. 92–101; Thomas Krueger, And Promises to Keep: The Southern Conference on Human Welfare, 1938–1948 (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 1967), pp. 16–59; and Irons, A People’s History of the Supreme Court, pp. 370–71.
34. Lewis A. Erenberg, Swingin’ the Dream: Big Band Jazz and the Rebirth of American Culture (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998).
35. Raymond Arsenault, The Sound of Freedom: Marian Anderson, the Lincoln Memorial, and the Concert That Awakened America (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2009), and “Public Approves Active First Lady,” New York Times, January 16, 1939, p. 3, discussed in Blanche Wiesen Cook, Eleanor Roosevelt: The Defining Years, 1933–1938 (New York: Viking Penguin, 1999), p. 574.
36. Charles F. McGovern, Sold American: Consumption and Citizenship, 1890–1945 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006), pp. 262, 322, and Jacobs, Pocketbook Politics, pp. 172–73, 313–15.
37. Ewen, PR!, pp. 288–321, and Wendy L. Wall, Inventing the “American Way”: The Politics of Consensus from the New Deal to the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 48–55.
38. Dr. Ralph W. Robey, Index of Abstracts of Social Science Textbooks (National Association of Manufacturers, 1940); Joel Spring, Educating the Consumer-Citizen: A History of the Marriage of Schools, Advertising and the Media (Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Publishers, 2003), pp. 125–35; William Pencak, For God and Country: The American Legion, 1919–1941 (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1989), pp. 272–73; and Gary B. Nash, Charlotte Crabtree, and Ross E. Dunn, History on Trial: Culture Wars and the Teaching of the Past (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1997), pp. 40–45.
39. John Egerton, Speak Now Against the Day: The Generation Before the Civil Rights Movement in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), pp. 173–74.
40. Roosevelt, “The Fight for Social Justice . . .” (November 4, 1938), in PPAFDR—1938 Volume, p. 586.
41. Arthur Garfield Hays, Democracy Works (New York: Random House, 1939), pp. 32, 56; Archibald MacLeish, America Was Promises (New York: Duell, Sloan & Pearce, 1939); and Chicago Defender, “Editorial” (July 22, 1939), quoted in Sitkoff, A New Deal for Blacks, p. 301.
42. George Sanchez, Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture and Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900–1945, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 247–49, and Mario T. García, Mexican Americans: Leadership, Ideology, and Identity, 1930–1960 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989), p. 166.
Chapter Five
1. Roosevelt, “The Annual Message to Congress” (January 6, 1941), PPAFDR—1940 Volume: War and Aid to Democracies, p. 663–72.
2. “The Presidency,” Time, January 13, 1941, p. 9; Roosevelt, “There Can Be No Appeasement . . .” (December 29, 1940), in PPAFDR—1940, pp. 633–43; and Jerome S. Bruner, Mandate from the People (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1944), p. 23.
3. Samuel I. Rosenman, Working with Roosevelt (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1952), p. 262.
4. Ibid., pp. 262–63.
5. “The Presidency,” Time, January 13, 1941, p. 9.
6. Ibid.
7. “Roosevelt Rallies Democracy for Finish Fight on the Axis,” Newsweek, January 13, 1941, pp. 13–14; “Our Purpose and Our Pledge,” New York Times, January 7, 1941, p. 22; and Samuel Grafton, An American Diary (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Doran and Company, 1943), p. 85.
8. Roosevelt’s greatest lesson on Americans’ isolationist feelings came in the wake of his famous 1937 “Quarantine Speech,” wherein he proposed that “peace-loving nations” essentially corral the countries responsible for the “present reign of terror and international lawlessness.” Which seemed a reasonable proposal but, as he later noted, it “fell upon deaf ears—even hostile and resentful ears” and “became the subject of bitter attack.” See Roosevelt, “The Will for Peace . . .” (October 5, 1937), in PPAFDR—1937 Volume: The Constitution Prevails, pp. 406–11; and for his reflective remarks, see his Introduction (1941) to PPAFDR—1939 Volume: War—And Neutrality, p. xxviii.
9. Robert Dallek, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, 1932–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), pp. 153–56.
10. Roosevelt, “A ‘Fireside Chat’ ” (October 12, 1937), in PPAFDR—1937, p. 437, and “The Fight for Social Justice . . .” (November 4, 1938), in PPAFDR—1938 Volume: The Continuing Struggle for Liberalism, pp. 585–86; and on FDR’s pedagogy on the threat of fascism and war, see Rosenman, Working with Roosevelt, pp. 171–80.
11. Roosevelt, “Dictatorships Do Not Grow Out of Strong and Successful Governments . . .” (April 14, 1938), and “If the Fires of Freedom . . .” (June 30, 1938), in PPAFDR—1938, pp. 242, 418.
12. Jerome S. Bruner, Mandate from the People, p. 19.
13. David F. Schmitz, The Triumph of Internationalism: Franklin D. Roosevelt and a World in Crisis, 1933–1941 (Dulles, VA: Potomac Books, 2007), pp. 17–38; and David Kennedy, Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 387–88.
14. Donald Warren, Radio Priest: Charles Coughlin, The Father of Hate Radio (New York: Free Press, 1996), pp. 129–98; Neil Baldwin, Henry Ford and the Jews: The Mass Production of Hate (New York: Public Affairs, 2001); Doris Kearns Goodwin, No Ordinary Time: Franklin and Eleanor—The Home Front in World War II (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), pp. 172–76; Joseph W. Bendersky, “The Jewish Threat”: Anti-Semitic Politics of the U.S. Army (New York: Basic Books, 2000), pp. 227–86; William Pencak, For God and Country: The American Legion, 1919–1941 (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1989), pp. 257–63; and Stephen H. Norwood, The Third Reich in the Ivory Tower: Complicity and Conflict on American Campuses (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009).
15. Robert E. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins: An Intimate History (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1948), pp. 367–68; Allen J. Lichtman, White Protestant Nation: The Rise of the Conservative Movement (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2008), p. 107; and for a contemporary exposé of corporate collusion with German industry, see George Seldes, Facts and Fascism (New York: In Fact, 1943), pp. 11–104.
16. Peter Carroll, The Odyssey of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade: Americans in the Spanish Civil War (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 1994).
17. Roosevelt, “I Have Seen War . . . I Hate War” (August 14, 1936), in PPAFDR—Volume Five: The People Approve, 1936, p. 289, and Dallek, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, pp. 102–21.
18. Robert Dallek, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, pp. 171–313; and Kennedy, Freedom from Fear, pp. 655–61. Regarding the refugee question, the United States did admit 105,000 refugees during the course of the 1930s—more than any other nation. But FDR’s actions—or lack thereof—remain the subject of heated debate. See Richard Breitman and Allan J. Lichtman, FDR and the Jews (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2013).
19. John Egerton, Speak Now Against the Day: The Generation Before the Civil Rights Movement in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), p. 203; Geoffrey S. Smith, To Save A Nation: American Countersubversives, the New Deal, and the Coming of World War II (New York: Basic Books, 1973), pp. 152–53, 174–79; and for “A Cross-Section of Non-Interventionist Opinion,” see Nancy Schoonmaker and Doris Fielding Reid, eds., We Testify (New York: Smith & Durrell, 1941).
20. Stephen Vincent Benét, “Democracy Is the Revolution” (November 20, 1940), in Benét, A Summons to the Free (New York: Farrar & Rienhart, 1941), p. 20.
21. Philip Gleason, “World War II and the Development of American Studies,” American Quarterly, vol. 36, no. 3, September 1984, pp. 343–58; Harvey J. Kaye, Thomas Paine and the Promise of America (New York: Hill & Wang, 2005), pp. 216–18; Barry Schwartz, Abraham Lincoln in the Post-Heroic Age: History and Memory in Late Twentieth-Century America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008), pp. 57–66; Bernard Smith, ed., The Democratic Spirit: A Collection of American Writings from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1941); Norman Cousins, ed., A Treasury of Democracy (New York: Coward-McCann, 1942); Wallace P. Rusterholtz, American Heretics and Saints (Boston: Manthorne & Burack, 1938); Allan Seager, They Worked for a Better World (New York: Macmillan, 1939); Joseph H. Fichter, S.J., ed., Roots of Change (New York: D. Appleton–Century, 1939); Ralph Henry Gabriel, The Course of American Democratic Thought (New York: Ronald Press, 1940); George S. Counts, The Prospects of Democracy (New York: John Day, 1938); Edward Bernays, Speak Up for Democracy (New York: Viking Press, 1940), pp. vii–viii; Perrett, Days of Sadness, p. 123; T. V. Smith and Robert A. Taft, “Forward America: A Debate” (May 16, 1939), in A. Craig Baird, ed., Representative American Speeches: 1938–1939 (New York: H. W. Wilson Company, 1939), pp. 119–37; William T. Hutchinson, ed., Democracy and National Unity (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941); Prudence Cutwright and W. W. Charters, eds., Democracy Readers; A Series of Nine Books (New York: Macmillan, 1940); Hilah Paulmier and Robert Haven Schauffler, eds., Democracy Days (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1942); and Dramatists Play Services, America in Action: Twelve One-Act Plays for Young People—Dealing With Freedom and Democracy (New York: Thomas A. Crowell, 1941).
22. Paul Milkman, PM: A New Deal in Journalism, 1940–1948 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1997), pp. 12–13, 41, 59.
23. Richard W. Steele, “The War on Intolerance: The Reformulation of American Nationalism, 1939–1941,” Journal of American Ethnic History, vol. 9, no. 1, September 1989, pp. 11–33; Wendy L. Wall, Inventing the “American Way”: The Politics of Consensus from the New Deal to the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 63–87; Louis Finkelstein, J. Elliot Ross, and William Adams Brown, The Religions of Democracy (New York: Devon-Adair, 1941); James Boyd, The Free Company Presents . . . (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1941); Howard Blue, Words at War: World War II Era Radio Drama and the Postwar Broadcasting Industry Blacklist (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2002), pp. 89–95; Albert Wertheim, Staging the War: American Drama and World War II (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004), pp. 177–82; and J. Bradley Creed, “Freedom For and Freedom From: Baptists, Religious Liberty, and World War II,” Baptist History and Heritage, vol. xxxvi, Summer/Fall 2001, no. 3, p. 38.
24. “I Hear America Singing,” Time, July 8, 1940, and “American-Day Fete in Park Attracts Record City Crowd,” New York Times, May 22, 1940, p. 1; and “Patriotic Display at the Fair Today,” New York Times, October 15, 1940, p. 28.
25. Robert A. Divine, The Reluctant Belligerent: American Entry into World War II (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979 ed.), pp. 86–96; William Allen White, ed., Defense for America (New York: Macmillan, 1940); “New Group Maps Democracy Drive,” New York Times, October 10, 1940, p. 22; Michelle Hilmes, Radio Voices: American Broadcasting, 1922–1952 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1997), pp. 238–39; and Philip Seib, Broadcasts from the Blitz: How Edward R. Murrow Helped Lead America Into War (Washington, DC: Potomac Books, 2006).
26. Archibald MacLeish, “The American Cause” (1940—published as a book in 1941), in MacLeish, A Time to Act: Selected Addresses (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1943), p. 116; Lerner, It Is Later Than You Think; Lewis Mumford, Men Must Act (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1939); and Samuel Grafton, All Out! How Democracy Will Defend America—Based on the French Failure, the English Stand, and the American Program (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1940).
27. Robert H. Jackson, “The Call for a Liberal Bar” (1938), in Ann Fagan Ginger and Eugene Tobin, eds., The National Lawyers Guild: From Roosevelt to Reagan (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988), pp. 23–24—also quoted and discussed in Kevin J. McMahon, Reconsidering Roosevelt on Race: How the Presidency Paved the Road to Brown (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), p. 137, and Risa L. Goluboff, The Lost Promise of Civil Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), p. 27.
28. “Mayor Dedicates Plaza of Freedom,” New York Times, May 1, 1939, p. 4.
29. Charles E. Merriam, What Is Democracy? (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941), pp. 77–80.
30. Eleanor Roosevelt, The Moral Basis of Democracy (New York: Howell, Soskin & Co., 1940), pp. 12, 24–37, 48, “Civil Liberties—The Individual and the Community” (1940), in Allida M. Black, What I Hope to Leave Behind: The Essential Essays of Eleanor Roosevelt (New York: Carlson Publishing, 1995), p. 153; “The Four Equalities,” The New Threshold, no. 1, August 1934, pp. 4, 34; and Diane M. Blair, “We Go Ahead Together or We Go Down Together: The Civil Rights Rhetoric of Eleanor Roosevelt,” in James Arnt Aune and Enrique D. Rigsby, eds. Civil Rights Rhetoric and the American Presidency (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2005), pp. 62–82.
31. Roosevelt, “Campaign Address at Cleveland, Ohio” (November 2, 1940), in PPAFDR—1940, pp. 547–52.
32. Roosevelt, “Campaign Address at Boston” (October 30, 1940), in ibid., p. 517.
33. Stephen Vincent Benét, “The Power of the Written Word” (November 14, 1940), in Benét, A Summons to the Free, pp. 10–12.
34. Eliot Janeway, “The Four Freedoms vs. ‘The New Order,’ ” in Edward Taylor, Edgar Snow, and Eliot Janeway, Smash Hitler’s International: The Strategy of a Political Offensive Against the Axis (New York: Greystone Press, 1941), pp. 72–96, and William Allen White quoted in William J. vanden Heuvel, “The Four Freedoms,” in Stuart Murray and James McCabe, Norman Rockwell’s Four Freedoms (New York: Gramercy Books, 1993), p. 108.
35. Divine, The Reluctant Belligerent, pp. 149–50; Bruner, Mandate from the People, p. 21; Lee Kennett, G.I.: The American Soldier in World War II (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997 ed.), p. 6; and Dallek, Franklin D. Roosevelt and American Foreign Policy, p. 302.
36. Philip Abbott, The Exemplary Presidency: Franklin D. Roosevelt and the American Political Tradition (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1990), esp. pp. 152–80, and Alfred Haworth Jones, Roosevelt’s Image Brokers: Poets, Playwrights, and the Use of the Lincoln Symbol (Port Washington, NY: Kennikat Press, 1974).
37. James MacGregor Burns, Roosevelt: The Soldier of Freedom, 1940–1945 (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1970), pp. 132–33; Ian Kershaw, Fateful Choices: Ten Decisions That Changed the World, 1940–1941 (London: Penguin Books, 2008), pp. 184–242, 298–330; and Roosevelt and Churchill, “The Atlantic Charter” (August 14, 1941), in PPAFDR—1941 Volume: The Call to Battle Stations, pp. 314–15.
38. Elizabeth Borgwardt, A New Deal for the World: America’s Vision for Human Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), esp. pp. 1–4, 21–28.
39. Meg Jacobs, Pocketbook Politics: Economic Citizenship in Twentieth-Century America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), pp. 182–89.
40. Julia M. Seibel, “Soldiers on the Homefront: Protecting the Four Freedoms through the Office of Civilian Defense,” in Thomas C. Howard and William D. Pederson, eds., Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Formation of the Modern World (New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2003), pp. 169–72.
41. Seibel, in ibid., pp. 173–87, and Matthew Dallek, “Civic Security,” Democracy, no. 7, Winter 2008, p. 14.
42. John Wertheimer, “A ‘Switch in Time’ Beyond the Nine: Civil Liberties and the ‘Constitutional Revolution’ of the 1930s” (Davidson College, unpublished paper, 1999), pp. 31–41; Mary Anderson, “The Four Freedoms,” and A. Philip Randolph, “Chart and Compass,” in John Waterman Wise, ed., Our Bill of Rights: What It Means to Me—A National Symposium (New York: Bill of Rights Sesqui-Centennial Committee, 1941), pp. 15–18, 112–13; and Norman Corwin, We Hold These Truths (1941), in More by Corwin: 16 Radio Dramas by Norman Corwin (New York: Henry Holt, 1944), p. 85—a recording of which is available at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6f6LIfSnctY.
43. Lawrence R. Samuel, Pledging Allegiance: American Identity and the Bond Drive of World War II (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1997), esp. pp. 13–19, 31–35, and William A. Bacher, ed., The Treasury Star Parade (New York: Farrar & Rinehart, 1942).
44. Sherwood, Roosevelt and Hopkins, p. 266.
45. I. F. Stone, “Aviation’s Sitdown Strike” (August 17, 1940), in I. F. Stone, A Nonconformist History of Our Times: The War Years, 1939–1945 (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1988), pp. 17–23; Nelson Lichtenstein, Labor’s War at Home: The CIO in World War II (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 31; Henry Stimson quoted in Brian Waddell, The War Against the New Deal: World War II and American Democracy (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2001), p. 54; and Bruce Catton, The War Lords of Washington (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1948), pp. 28–40.
46. Neil A. Wynn, The Afro-American and the Second World War (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1993 rev. ed.), pp. 21–23.
47. Frank A. Warren, Noble Abstractions: American Liberal Intellectuals and World War II (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1999), pp. 108–10.
48. Milton Derber, The American Idea of Industrial Democracy, 1865–1965 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1970), pp. 158–63ff, 368–82; Walter P. Reuther, “500 Planes a Day” (December 23, 1940), in Henry M. Christman, ed., Walter P. Reuther Selected Papers (New York: Macmillan, 1961), pp. 1–12; and Nelson Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther: The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit (New York: Basic Books, 1995), pp. 161–70.
49. Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935–1955 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 111–20.
50. Lichtenstein, Labor’s War at Home, pp. 60–63.
51. Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919–1950 (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2008), pp. 7, 158, 358; A. Philip Randolph, “Call to the March” (January 1941), in August Meier, Elliott Rudwick, and Francis L. Broderick, Black Protest Thought in the Twentieth Century (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971 ed.), pp. 221–24; and Lucy G. Barber, Marching on Washington: The Forging of an American Political Tradition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), p. 121.
52. Gilmore, Defying Dixie, pp. 360–61; Barber, Marching on Washington, pp. 126–34; and David Brody, “The New Deal and World War II,” in John Braeman, Robert H. Bremner, and David Brody, eds., The New Deal: The National Level (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1975), p. 275.
53. Patricia Sullivan, Days of Hope: Race and Democracy in the New Deal Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), pp. 114–15ff, and Barbara Diane Savage, Broadcasting Freedom: Radio, War, and the Politics of Race, 1938–1948 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999), pp. 63–76.
54. “The Sun: Its Credo,” Chicago Sun, December 4, 1941—on which see “New Chicago Sun Begins Career,” New York Times, December 4, 1941, p. 27.
Chapter Six
1. Joseph Goebbels quoted in Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919–1950 (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2008), p. 170.
2. For America’s production figures, see John Keegan, ed., Oxford Companion to World War II (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001 ed.); Gerald Nash, The Great Depression and World War II: Organizing America (New York: St. Martin’s, 1979), p. 135; and David Kennedy, Freedom from Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929–1945 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 655.
3. Emily Yellin, Our Mothers’ War: American Women at Home and at the Front During World War II (New York: Free Press, 2004), pp. 167–74.
4. Samuel Hynes, Introduction to Reporting World War II: American Journalism, 1938–1946 (New York: Library of America, 2001 ed.), p. xix, and Ernest Montoya quoted in Maggie Rivas-Rodriguez et al., eds., A Legacy Greater Than Words: Stories of U.S. Latinos & Latinas of the World War II Generation (Austin, TX: U.S. Latino & Latina Oral History Project, 2006), p. xxvii.
5. Hadley Cantril, “The Mood of the Nation,” New York Times, September 27, 1942, p. SM18; Selden Menefee, Assignment: U.S.A. (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943), p. 3; and Daniel Inouye’s “memoir” in Tom Brokaw, The Greatest Generation (New York: Random House, 1998), p. 356.
6. Nelson Lichtenstein, Labor’s War at Home: The CIO in World War II (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 67–109, and Andrew E. Kersten, Labor’s Home Front: The American Federation of Labor During World War II (New York: New York University Press, 2006), pp. 102–3.
7. Meg Jacobs, Pocketbook Politics: Economic Citizenship in Twentieth-Century America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), pp. 191–95, and Nelson Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther: The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995), p. 176.
8. John Bush Jones, The Songs that Fought the War: Popular Music and the Home Front: 1939–1945 (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2006), p. 45; Ronald Takaki, Double Victory: A Multicultural History of America in World War II (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 2000), p. 20; Gilmore, Defying Dixie, pp. 370, 386; Patricia Sullivan, Lift Every Voice: The NAACP and the Making of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: New Press, 2009), p. 267; and Harvard Sitkoff, “African American Militancy in the World War II South: Another Perspective,” in Neil R. McMillen, ed., Remaking Dixie: The Impact of World War II on the South (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1997), pp. 76–77.
9. Kevin J. McMahon, Reconsidering Roosevelt on Race: How the Presidency Paved the Road to Brown (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), pp. 144–76; Risa L. Goluboff, The Lost Promise of Civil Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007), pp. 51–80; Michael Anderson, “Politics, Patriotism, and the State: The Fight over the Soldier Vote, 1942–1944,” in Andrew E. Kersten and Kriste Lindenmeyer, eds., Politics and Progress: American Society and State since 1865 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001), pp. 85–100; and Alexander Keyssar, The Right to Vote: The Contested History of Democracy in the United States (New York: Basic Books, 2000), pp. 246–47.
10. Francis Biddle, Democratic Thinking: The William H. White Lectures at the University of Virginia [1942–1943] (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1944), p. 10.
11. Thomas J. Wallner quoted in Catton, The War Lords of Washington, pp. 180–81, and W. P. Witherow quoted in John MacCormac, This Time for Keeps (New York: Viking Press, 1943), p. 146.
12. Representatives Gifford and Cox quoted in Lawrence W. Levine and Cornelia R. Levine, eds., The People and the President: America’s Conversation with FDR (Boston: Beacon Press, 2002), p. 523, and Max Lerner, “Stand and Fight” (July 7, 1943), in Public Journal: Marginal Notes on Wartime America (New York: Viking Press, 1945), pp. 170–71.
13. Richard Polenberg, One Nation Divisible: Class, Race, and Ethnicity in the United States Since 1938 (New York: Penguin Books, 1980), pp. 67–85; Richard Steele, “Violence in Los Angeles: Sleepy Lagoon, the Zoot-Suit Riots, and the Liberal Response,” in Richard Griswold del Castillo, ed., World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008), pp. 41–48; and Neil A. Wynn, The Afro-American and the Second World War (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1993 rev. ed.), pp. 68–71.
14. Max Lerner, “Against the Police State” (April 6, 1944), in Public Journal, p. 81, and Roger Daniels, Prisoners Without Trial: Japanese Americans in World War II (New York: Hill and Wang, 2004 ed.), pp. 22–48.
15. Archibald MacLeish, “The Image of Victory” (May 15, 1942), in A Time to Act: Selected Addresses (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1943), p. 183.
16. John Mason Brown, To All Hands: An Amphibious Adventure (New York: Whittlesey House, 1943), p. 224.
17. Ibid., p. 224.
18. Max Lerner, It Is Later Than You Think: The Need for a Militant Democracy (New York: Viking, 1943 ed.), p. xxxii.
19. Hadley Cantril, ed., Public Opinion 1935–1946 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1951), p. 1062.
20. Jerome S. Bruner, Mandate from the People (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1944), pp. 27–28, and “I Married My Soldier Anyway,” Good Housekeeping, June 1942, p. 74, quoted in Yellin, Our Mothers’ War, pp. 5–6.
21. Paul Fussell, The Boys’ Crusade: The American Infantry in Northwestern Europe, 1944–1945 (New York: Modern Library, 2003), p. 8; Peter Schrijvers, The Crash of Ruin: American Combat Soldiers During World War II (New York: New York University Press, 1998), pp. 223–59; Peter Schrijvers, The GI War Against Japan: American Soldiers in Asia and the Pacific During World War II (New York: New York University Press, 2005); Lee Kennett, G.I.: The American Soldier in World War II (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1997 ed.), p. 184; and Brown, To All Hands, pp. 51, 62–64.
22. Christopher S. DeRosa, Political Indoctrination in the U.S. Army from World War II to the Vietnam War (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2006), pp. 19–22, and Benjamin L. Alpers, “This Is the Army: Imagining a Democratic Military in World War II,” Journal of American History, vol. 85, June 1998, esp. pp. 153–56.
23. War Department, Manual of Citizenship Training (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1927); Colonel Clayton E. Wheat, ed., The Democratic Tradition in America (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1943); and the Director of Morale Services Division quoted in Charles G. Bolte, The New Veteran (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1945), p. 86.
24. Deborah Dash Moore, GI Jews: How World War II Changed a Generation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004), pp. 118–23, and Dan Kurzman, No Greater Glory: The Four Immortal Chaplains and the Sinking of the Dorchester in World War II (New York: Random House, 2004), p. ix.
25. Samuel A. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949), vol. I, pp. 431–37.
26. Ibid., p. 508, and vol. II, p. 151; and Captain Tania M. Chacho, “Why Did They Fight? American Airborne Units in World War II,” Defence Studies, vol. 1, no. 3, Autumn 2001, p. 70.
27. Bill Mauldin, Up Front (1945; New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2000 ed.), p. 50; E. B. Sledge, With the Old Breed at Peleliu and Okinawa (1981; New York: Presidio Press, 2007 ed.), pp. 39–40; Margaret Bourke-White, “The Purple Heart Valley”: A Combat Chronicle of the War in Italy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1944), pp. 78–79; Schrijvers, The Crash of Ruin, p. 56; Samuel Hynes, The Soldiers’ Tale: Bearing Witness to Modern War (New York: Viking Penguin, 1997), p. 163; Ernie Pyle quoted in Fussell, The Boys’ Crusade, p. 23; and Kennett, G.I., p. 83.
28. Donald L. Miller, Masters of the Air: America’s Bomber Boys Who Fought the Air War Against Nazi Germany (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2006), pp. 167–68.
29. Stanley Silverman quoted in I. Kaufman, American Jews in World War II: The Story of 550,000 Fighters for Freedom (New York: Dial Press, 1947), pp. 55–56.
30. Gary Gerstle, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001), p. 227; Donald L. Miller, The Story of World War II (New York: Touchstone, 2001 ed.), pp. 331–32, 474–78; Wynn, The Afro-American and the Second World War, pp. 35–37; and the Memoir of Commander Ethan A. Hurd, in Carol Adele Kelly, ed., Voices of My Comrades: America’s Reserve Officers Remember World War II (New York: Fordham University Press, 2007), pp. 204–5.
31. Frederick Lewis Allen, “Three Years of It: America at War, 1941–1944,” Harper’s Magazine, December 1944, p. 13.
32. Takaki, Double Victory, p. 182.
33. Chaplain Albert S. Goldstein, “Faith and the Army: Part Two,” The Jewish Layman, November 1943, p. 22; Miller, Masters of the Air, p. 13; and Kaufman, American Jews in World War II, pp. 18–41, 206–27.
34. Raul Morin, Among the Valiant: Mexican Americans in WWII and Korea (Alhambra, CA: Borden Publishing, 1966), p. 24, and Richard Griswold del Castillo, “The War and Changing Identities: Personal Transformations,” in Griswold del Castillo, ed., World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights, pp. 49–73.
35. Mas Takahashi quoted in Michael Takiff, Brave Men, Gentle Heroes: American Fathers and Sons in World War II and Vietnam (New York: Harper, 2004), p. 456, and Robert Asahina, Just Americans: How Japanese Americans Won a War at Home and Abroad—The Story of the 100th Battalion/442d Regimental Combat Team in World War II (New York: Gotham Books, 2006).
36. Raymond Nakai quoted in Jere Franco, Crossing the Pond: The Native American Effort in World War II (Denton: University of North Texas Press, p. 61. See also Kenneth William Townsend, World War II and the American Indian (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2000), esp. pp. 61–80, 125–50.
37. Al Banker quoted in Melton A. McLaurin, The Marines of Montford Point: America’s First Black Marines (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2007), p. 23; Elaine Bennett quoted in Brenda L. Moore, To Serve My Country, to Serve My Race (New York: New York University Press, 1996), p. 9; and May Miller quoted in Yellin, Our Mothers’ War, p. 208.
38. Private Williams’s letter (1942?) quoted in Leon F. Litwack, How Free is FREE?: The Long Death of Jim Crow (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009), p. 55; Maggi M. Morehouse, Fighting in the Jim Crow Army: Black Men and Women Remember World War II (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2000), pp. 99–108; Wynn, The Afro-American and the Second World War, pp. 28–29; Walter White, A Rising Wind (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Doran, and Company, 1945), p. 34; Neil R. McMillen, “Fighting for What We Didn’t Have: How Mississippi’s Black Veterans Remember World War,” in Neil R. McMillen, ed., Remaking Dixie, pp. 93–110; Miller, The Story of World War II, pp. 246–50; McLaurin, The Marines of Montford Point, pp. 118–55; and Robert F. Jefferson, Fighting for Hope: African American Troops of the 93rd Division in World War II and Postwar America (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008).
39. John Hersey, Into the Valley: A Skirmish of the Marines (1943; New York: Schocken, 1989 ed.), pp. 59–60.
40. Miller, The Story of World War II, pp. 297–98, 503; Moore, GI Jews, pp. 179–82; and Stephen Ambrose, Citizen Soldiers (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1997), p. 473.
41. Rene Gagnon letter quoted in James Bradley with Ron Powers, Flags of Our Fathers (New York: Bantam Books, 2000), p. 217, and Lieutenant Shannon’s letter is in Bill Adler and Tracy Quinn McLennan, eds., World War II Letters: A Glimpse into the Heart of the Second World War Through the Words of Those Who Were Fighting It (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2002), p. 83.
42. Archibald MacLeish note to FDR quoted in John Morton Blum, V Was for Victory: Politics and American Culture During World War II (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1976), p. 29, and Roosevelt, “The Peoples of All United Nations . . .” (February 12, 1943), in PPAFDR—1943 Volume: The Tide Turns, pp. 73–74.
43. Richard W. Steele, “The Pulse of the People: Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Gauging of American Public Opinion,” Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 9, no. 4, October 1974, pp. 207–15.
44. MacCormac, This Time for Keeps; Herbert Agar, A Time for Greatness (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1942), p. 145; and Biddle, Democratic Thinking, p. 6.
45. Henry A. Wallace, “The Price of Free World Victory” (May 8, 1942), in Henry A. Wallace, The Century of the Common Man: Selected from Recent Public Papers (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943), pp. 14–23; Max Lerner, “The People’s Century” (1941), in Max Lerner, Ideas for the Ice Age: Studies in a Revolutionary Era (New York: Viking Press, 1941), p. 57; Henry R. Luce, The American Century (New York: Farrar & Rienhart, 1941); and Norman D. Markowitz, The Rise and Fall of the People’s Century: Henry A. Wallace and American Liberalism, 1941–1948 (New York: Free Press, 1973), pp. 49–52.
46. Eleanor Roosevelt, “Race, Religion, and Prejudice” (New Republic, May 11, 1942), in Allida M. Black, ed., What I Hope to Leave Behind: The Essential Essays of Eleanor Roosevelt (New York: Carlson Publishing, 1995), p. 159.
47. Norman Corwin et al., This Is War!: A Collection of Plays About America on the March (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1942); William L. Bird, Jr., and Harry B. Rubinstein, Design for Victory: World War II Posters on the American Home Front (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 1998), p. 27; and Office of War Information, The United Nations Fight for the Four Freedoms (Washington, DC, 1942).
48. Ellen G. Landau, Artists for Victory: An Exhibition Catalog (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1983); Robert O. Ballou and Irene Rakosky, A History of the Council on Books in Wartime, 1942–1946 (New York, 1946); Arch Oboler and Stephen Longstreet, eds., Free World Theater: Nineteen New Radio Plays (New York: Random House, 1944); Elizabeth B. Crist, Music for the Common Man: Aaron Copland During the Depression and World War II (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005); and Edwin McNeill Poteat, Four Freedoms and God (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1943).
Chapter Seven
1. Norman Corwin, A Moment of the Nation’s Time (1943) in More by Corwin: 16 Radio Dramas by Norman Corwin (New York: Henry Holt, 1944), pp. 359–63, and Ellen G. Landau, Artists for Victory: An Exhibition Catalog (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1983), pp. 2–3, 36–37, 38–39, 55.
2. Wendell Willkie, One World (1943), full text included in Prefaces to Peace (New York: Books in Wartime/Cooperatively published by Simon & Schuster et al., 1943), pp. 138, 121; and Ellsworth Barnard, Wendell Willkie, Fighter for Freedom (Marquette: Northern Michigan University Press, 1966), p. 412.
3. Norman Rockwell’s Four Freedoms, Saturday Evening Post, Freedom of Speech, February 20, Freedom of Worship, February 27, Freedom from Want, March 6, and Freedom from Fear, March 13; Stuart Murray and James McCabe, eds., Norman Rockwell’s Four Freedoms (New York: Gramercy Books, 1993), pp. 61–69; and Carlos Bulosan, “Freedom from Want” (Saturday Evening Post, March 6, 1943), reprinted in Murray and McCabe, op. cit., pp. 131–34.
4. Lawrence R. Samuel, Pledging Allegiance: American Identity and the Bond Drive of World War II (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1997), pp. 68–69, and Murray and McCabe, Norman Rockwell’s Four Freedoms, pp. 71–91.
5. Private Albert B. Gerber, “What I Am Fighting For,” Saturday Evening Post, July 24, 1943, p. 25. The complete series of four essays ran in the magazine from July 10 through July 31, 1943.
6. Editorial, “The Four Freedoms Are an Ideal,” Saturday Evening Post, September 25, 1943, p. 112.
7. Four Freedoms on the Home Front, Inc., Freedom from Racketeering Labor Leaders (Washington Crossing, NJ, 1944), p. 8.
8. “Fuller Warns Bankers,” New York Times, May 21, 1942, p. 31.
9. Sydney Weinberg, “What to Tell America: The Writers’ Quarrel in the Office of War Information,” Journal of American History, vol. 55, June 1968, pp. 84–86; Allan W. Winkler, The Politics of Propaganda: The Office of War Information, 1942–1945 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1978), pp. 63–65ff; and Frank W. Fox, Madison Avenue Goes to War: The Strange Military Career of American Advertising, 1941–1945 (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 1975).
10. John Bush Jones, All-Out for Victory! Magazine Advertising and the World War II Home Front (Waltham, MA: Brandeis University Press, 2009), pp. 5, 46–48.
11. “Urges Fifth Freedom,” New York Times, August 15, 1943, p. 30; Nicholas Murray Butler, “What Does Freedom Mean?” (September 5, 1943), in Vital Speeches of the Day, September 15, 1943, p. 711; Eric Foner, The Story of American Freedom (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1998), p. 230; and Rep. Edith Norse Rodgers’s letter to The Saturday Evening Post in Murray and McCabe, Norman Rockwell’s Four Freedoms, p. 65.
12. Caroline F. Ware, The Consumer Goes to War: A Guide to Victory on the Home Front (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1942), pp. 193–93ff, 196–99, 226, and Michael Kazin, “America’s Labor Day: The Dilemma of a Workers’ Celebration,” Journal of American History, vol. 78, no. 4, March 1992, p. 1319.
13. Langston Hughes, “How About It, Dixie” (October 1942), in Arnold Rampersad, ed., The Collected Poems of Langston Hughes (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1994), p. 291, and Selden Menefee, Assignment: U.S.A. (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1943), pp. 170–71.
14. Richard Gosser quoted in Nelson Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther: The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit (New York: Basic Books, 1995), p. 199; Nelson Lichtenstein, Labor’s War at Home: The CIO in World War II (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 89ff, 117–35; Robert Zieger, The CIO, 1933–1935 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 150–73; and James B. Atleson, Labor and the Wartime State: Labor Relations and Law During World War II (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), pp. 130–57.
15. Max Lerner, “Who Are the Strikers?” (December 29, 1943), in Public Journal: Marginal Notes on Wartime America (New York: Viking Press, 1945), p. 189.
16. Roi Ottley, “New World A-Coming”: Inside Black America (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1943), p. 307; Mabel K. Staupers quoted in Emily Yellin, Our Mothers’ War: American Women at Home and at the Front During World War II (New York: Free Press, 2004), p. 209; and Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919–1950 (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2008), p. 389.
17. Mary McLeod Bethune, “ ‘Certain Unalienable Rights,’ ” in Rayford W. Logan, ed., What the Negro Wants (1943; South Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2001 ed.), pp. 248–49; and Robert J. Norrell, The House I Live In: Race in the American Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 127.
18. Neil A. Wynn, The Afro-American and the Second World War (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1993 rev. ed.), p. 108.
19. Roosevelt, “Address to the Congress on the State of the Union” (January 7, 1943), and “Message to Congress Transmitting . . .” (March 10, 1943), in PPAFDR—1943 Volume: The Tide Turns, pp. 30–31, 122–23; Arthur J. Altmeyer, The Formative Years of Social Security: A Chronicle of Social Security Legislation and Administration (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1968), p. 146; “New Bill of Rights Is Urged for Peace,” New York Times, November 15, 1942; Marion Clawson, New Deal Planning: The National Resources Planning Board (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), p. 137; National Resources Planning Board, Security, Work, and Relief Policies; and National Resources Development Report for 1943.
20. National Resources Development Report for 1943, p. 3, and National Resources Planning Board, Security, Work, and Relief Policies, p. 1.
21. John Morton Blum, V Was for Victory: Politics and American Culture During World War II (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1976), pp. 238–39; Editorial, “Post-War Planning,” New York Times, March 12, 1943, p. 16; and National Association of Manufacturers, JOBS—FREEDOM—OPPORTUNITY in the Postwar Years (New York, March 1943).
22. Twentieth Century Fund, Wartime Facts and Postwar Problems: A Study and Discussion Manual (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1943), pp. iv, 4.
23. I. F. Stone, “Planning and Politics” (March 20, 1943), in I. F. Stone, A Nonconformist History of Our Times: The War Years, 1939–1945 (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1988), pp. 159–63. Also, see Bruce Bliven, Max Lerner, and George Soule, “Charter for America,” New Republic, April 19, 1943, p. 542.
24. Jerome S. Bruner, Mandate from the People (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1944), pp. 153–59, 256–57.
25. Ibid., pp. 170–79, 188–91.
26. Ibid., p. 174, and Hadley Cantril, ed., Public Opinion 1935–1946 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1951), p. 200.
27. Roosevelt, “The Massed, Angered Forces of Common Humanity Are on the March . . .” (July 28, 1943), in PPAFDR—1943 Volume, pp. 333–34; Samuel I. Rosenman, Working with Roosevelt (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1952), p. 395, and Glenn C. Altschuler and Stuart M. Blumin, The G.I. Bill: A New Deal for Veterans (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 44–45.
28. Beardsley Ruml, “A Fighting Creed for America,” New York Times, June 20, 1943, p. SM8, and Unfinished Business (New York: J. J. Little and Ives, 1943); and “First Lady Adds to Four Freedoms,” New York Times, July 15, 1943, p. 13 (referring to Eleanor Roosevelt, “The Four Equalities,” The New Threshold, no. 1, August 1943, pp. 4, 34).
29. J. Joseph Huthmacher, Senator Robert F. Wagner and the Rise of Urban Liberalism (New York: Atheneum, 1968), pp. 292–93, and Andrew E. Kersten, Labor’s Home Front: The American Federation of Labor During World War II (New York: New York University Press, 2006), pp. 189–215.
30. Zieger, The CIO, pp. 181–83.
31. Office of War Information, Battle Stations for All: The Story of the Fight to Control Living Costs (Washington, DC: Office of War Information, February 1943), pp. 7, 46, 53, 100, and Meg Jacobs, Pocketbook Politics: Economic Citizenship in Twentieth-Century America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), pp. 197, 200, 202–3.
32. Andrew Kersten, A. Philip Randolph: A Life in the Vanguard (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007), pp. 64–65.
33. Christopher Paul Moore, Fighting for America: Black Soldiers—The Unsung Heroes of World War II (New York: Ballantine Books, 2005), p. 132; and Thomas Cripps and David Culbert, “The Negro Soldier (1944): Film Propaganda in Black and White,” American Quarterly, vol. 31, no. 5, Winter 1979, pp. 616–40.
34. Anderson, “Politics, Patriotism, and the State,” pp. 91–95, and Max Lerner, “The Betrayal of Ten Million” (December 6, 1943), in Public Journal, pp. 172–73.
35. Margaret Bourke-White, “The Purple Heart Valley”: A Combat Chronicle of the War in Italy (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1944), p. 74.
36. Private Herrett S. Wilson quoted in Judy Barrett Litoff and David C. Smith, eds., Since You Went Away: World War II Letters from American Women on the Home Front (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1991), p. 267.
37. Charles G. Bolte, The New Veteran (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1945), pp. 34–35; Bill Mauldin, Up Front (1945; New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2000 ed.), p. 130; and Kersten, Labor’s Home Front, p. 62. Bolte, an American, was wounded while serving in the British Army. Determined to fight the Nazis, he and a number of other Yanks had volunteered to do so before the United States entered the war—on which, see Rachel S. Cox, Into Dust and Fire: Five Young Americans Who Went First to Fight the Nazi Army (New York: New American Library, 2012).
38. John Steinbeck, “The Shape of the World” (July 16, 1943), in Steinbeck, Once There Was a War (1958; New York: Penguin Books, 2007 ed.), pp. 68–70.
39. Ibid.
40. Roosevelt, “The Nine Hundred and Twenty-ninth Press Conference (Excerpts)” (December 28, 1943), in PPAFDR—1943 Volume, p. 573.
Chapter Eight
1. For a video of FDR pronouncing the Second Bill of Rights, see http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3EZ5bx9AyI4&feature=related.
2. Roosevelt, “Unless There Is Security at Home, There Cannot Be Lasting Peace in the World—Message to the Congress on the State of the Union” (January 11, 1944), in PPAFDR—1944–45, Volume: Victory and the Threshold of Peace, pp. 32–37.
3. Ibid., p. 37.
4. “The Soldiers’ President?” Time, January 24, 1941, pp. 11–12.
5. Roosevelt, “Unless There Is Security at Home,” p. 40, and Cass R. Sunstein, The Second Bill of Rights: FDR’s Unfinished Revolution and Why We Need It More Than Ever (New York: Basic Books, 2004).
6. Roosevelt, “Unless There Is Security at Home,” pp. 40–41.
7. Ibid., p. 42.
8. Roosevelt, “The President Vetoes a Revenue Bill . . .” (February 22, 1944); “Message to the Congress on Soldier Vote Legislation” (January 25, 1944); and “Statement of the President on Allowing Soldier Vote Bill to Become Law Without His Signature,” pp. 111–16, in PPAFDR—1944–45 Volume.
9. David B. Ross, Preparing for Ulysses: Politics and Veterans During World War II (New York: Columbia University Press, 1969), pp. 77–103; Glenn C. Altschuler and Stuart M. Blumin, The G.I. Bill: A New Deal for Veterans (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), pp. 58–64ff; and Suzanne Mettler, “The Creation of the G.I. Bill of Rights in 1944: Melding Social and Participatory Citizenship Ideals,” Journal of Policy History, vol. 17, no. 4, 2005, pp. 360–67.
10. Roosevelt, “The President Signs the G.I. Bill of Rights” (June 22, 1944), in PPAFDR—1944–45 Volume, p. 182; Ross, Preparing for Ulysses, pp. 103–24; Altschuler and Blumin, The G.I. Bill, pp. 8, 64–71; and Edward Humes, Over Here: How the G.I. Bill Transformed the American Dream (Orlando, FL: Harcourt, 2006), esp. pp. 4–5.
11. Doris Kearns Goodwin, No Ordinary Time: Franklin and Eleanor—The Home Front in World War II (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994), pp. 491–501.
12. The People’s Program (1944) reprinted in Joseph Gaer, The First Round: The Story of the CIO Political Action Committee (New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1944), pp. 185–212; Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935–1955 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 181–85; and Steven Fraser, Labor Will Rule: Sidney Hillman and the Rise of American Labor (New York: Free Press, 1991), pp. 502–16.
13. Zieger, The CIO; Fraser, Labor Will Rule; CIO-PAC, Full Employment: Proceedings of the Conference on Full Employment (New York: CIO Political Action Committee, January 15, 1944); and Gaer, The First Round, which provides a full collection of CIO-PAC pamphlets.
14. This Is Your America (1944) in Gaer, The First Round, pp. 17–47; Zieger, The CIO, pp. 183–84.
15. American Federation of Labor, Post-War Program (April 12, 1944), pp. 3, 19–20, and Andrew E. Kersten, Labor’s Home Front: The American Federation of Labor During World War II (New York: New York University Press, 2006), p. 209.
16. James B. Atleson, Labor and the Wartime State: Labor Relations and Law During World War II (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), p. 141.
17. Meg Jacobs, Pocketbook Politics: Economic Citizenship in Twentieth-Century America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), p. 212.
18. Zieger, The CIO, p. 150.
19. “American-Day Fete in Park Attracts Record City Crowd,” New York Times, May 22, 1944, p. 1, and Rev. Brendan Larnen, The Four Freedoms (Washington, DC: National Council of Catholic Men, 1944), pp. 5, 15–16.
20. Walter White et al., “A Declaration by Negro Voters” (January 1944), in August Meier, Elliott Rudwick, and Francis L. Broderick, eds., Black Protest Thought in the Twentieth Century (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971 ed.), p. 267.
21. Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1944), pp. xlviii, 5, 1019, 1021.
22. Michael J. Klarman, From Jim Crow to Civil Rights: The Supreme Court and the Struggle for Racial Equality (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 137–41, 236–48; Osceola McKaine quoted in Patricia Sullivan, Days of Hope: Race and Democracy in the New Deal Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), pp. 189–91; John Egerton, Speak Now Against the Day: The Generation Before the Civil Rights Movement in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), pp. 227–28; and Neil A. Wynn, The Afro-American and the Second World War (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1993 rev. ed.), p. 37.
23. Jules Witcover, Party of the People: A History of the Democrats (New York: Random House, 2003), pp. 401–8; “Democratic Platform of 1944,” in Donald Bruce Johnson, ed., National Party Platforms: Volume 1, 1840–1956 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978 ed.), pp. 402–4; and Susan Dunn, Roosevelt’s Purge: How FDR Fought to Change the Democratic Party (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), pp. 231–35. Roosevelt also secretly reached out to Wendell Willkie to explore the possibility of bringing together all liberals and progressives in a single party and leaving conservative Democrats and Republicans to do whatever they wished. Willkie himself liked the idea, for his increasingly liberal views were alienating him from his own party. However, he insisted that the two of them wait until after the November elections to move on it—which would turn out to be too late, for Willkie, who was only fifty-two at the time, died suddenly that October (Samuel I. Rosenman, Working with Roosevelt [New York: Harper & Brothers, 1952], pp. 445–54, 463–70).
24. Lewis Gould, Grand Old Party: A History of the Republicans (New York: Random House, 2003), pp. 295–99, and Joseph P. Kamp, VOTE CIO . . . And Get a Soviet America (New York: Constitutional Educational League, 1944).
25. “Republican Platform of 1944,” in Donald Bruce Johnson, ed., National Party Platforms: Volume 1, pp. 407–13; and Thomas E. Dewey quoted in Carol P. Kaplan and Lawrence Kaplan, “Public Opinion and the ‘Economic Bill of Rights,’ ” Journal of Progressive Human Services, vol. 4, no. 1, 1993, p. 49.
26. Roosevelt, “ ‘We Are Not Going to Turn Back the Clock’—Campaign Address at Soldiers’ Field, Chicago” (October 28, 1944), in PPAFDR—1944–45 Volume, p. 371, and Rosenman, Working with Roosevelt, pp. 471–506.
27. Roosevelt, “ ‘As for Myself . . .’ —Campaign Address at Fenway Park, Boston” (November 4, 1944), in PPAFDR—1944–45 Volume, p. 398.
28. Michael Anderson, “Politics, Patriotism, and the State: The Fight over the Soldier Vote, 1942–1944,” in Andrew E. Kersten and Kriste Lindenmeyer, eds., Politics and Progress: American Society and State since 1865 (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001), p. 95.
29. Robert Emmett Sherwood (on FDR’s passing), April 13, 1945, in Donald Porter Geddes, Franklin Delano Roosevelt—A Memorial (New York: Pitman Publishing, 1945), pp. 48, 52–53.
30. Detroit woman quoted in James Agee, “A Soldier Died Today” Time, April 23, 1945, in Samuel Hynes, The Soldiers’ Tale: Bearing Witness to Modern War (New York: Viking Penguin, 1997), pp. 623–24; Private First Class Lester Rebuck quoted in Debs Myers, Jonathan Kilbourn, and Richard Harrity, eds., Yank—The GI Story of the War (New York: Duell, Sloan & Pearce, 1947), p. 229.
31. Rebuck quote in Yank; editors of Yank also quoted in Yank, p. 225; and I. F. Stone, “Farewell to F.D.R.” (April 21, 1945), in I. F. Stone, A Nonconformist History of Our Times: The War Years, 1939–1945 (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1988), pp. 272–74.
32. Norman Corwin, “On a Note of Triumph” (1945), in Corwin, Untitled and Other Radio Dramas (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1947), p. 441.
33. Harvey J. Kaye, “Celebrating the Vets of World War II Without Betraying the Sixties,” January 13, 2000, http://www.tompaine.com/Archive/scontent/2661.html, reprinted in Kaye, Are We Good Citizens? (New York: Teachers College Press, 2001), pp. 84–86.
34. The line “file away the Four Freedoms with the Ten Commandments” is drawn from Edward Newhouse, “The Four Freedoms—A Short Story,” New Yorker, February 10, 1945, pp. 236ff.
35. Norman Corwin, “14 August” (1945), in Corwin, Untitled and Other Radio Dramas, pp. 503–4.
Chapter Nine
1. William Harlan Hale, The March of Freedom: A Layman’s History of the American People (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1947), pp. 277–78.
2. Ibid.
3. Frank Donovan, Mr. Roosevelt’s Four Freedoms: The Story Behind the United Nations Charter (New York: Dodd, Mead & Company, 1966), and Elizabeth Borgwardt, A New Deal for the World: America’s Vision for Human Rights (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005), esp. pp. 184–93.
4. Walter Reuther, “Our Fear of Abundance,” New York Times Magazine, September 16, 1945, reprinted in Henry M. Christman, ed., Walter P. Reuther: Selected Papers (New York: Macmillan, 1961), pp. 13–21, and Jack Metzgar, Striking Steel: Solidarity Remembered (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2000), p. 227.
5. Harry Truman, “Special Message to the Congress Presenting a 21-Point Program for the Reconversion Period,” September 6, 1945, The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=12359&st=&st1=#axzz1SOJJ7v72.
6. Stuart Chase, For This We Fought: Guide Lines to America’s Future (New York: Twentieth Century Fund, 1946), pp. 124–25ff; Henry A. Wallace, Sixty Million Jobs (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1945); and Chester Bowles, Tomorrow Without Fear (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1946).
7. Walter P. Reuther, “This is Your Fight!” Nation, January 12, 1946, pp. 35–36.
8. Robert H. Zieger, The CIO, 1935–1955 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), p. 243; Kevin Boyle, The UAW and the Heyday of American Liberalism, 1945–1968 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), p. 25; Nelson Lichtenstein, “From Corporatism to Collective Bargaining: Organized Labor and the Eclipse of Social Democracy in the Postwar Era,” in Steve Fraser and Gary Gerstle, eds., The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 1930–1980 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), p. 126ff; George Lipsitz, Rainbow at Midnight: Labor and Culture in the 1940s (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), esp. pp. 99–154 (Robert Taft quoted on p. 172); and Metzgar, Striking Steel, pp. 28–29.
9. CIO Political Action Committee, The People’s Program for 1946: Pamphlet of the Month No. 11 (New York, 1946); Barbara S. Griffith, The Crisis of American Labor: Operation Dixie and the Defeat of the CIO (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1988); Timothy J. Minchin, What Do We Need a Union For? The TWUA in the South, 1945–1955 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), pp. 26–47; and F. Ray Marshall, Labor in the South (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1967), pp. 246–69.
10. Stephen F. Lawson, Running for Freedom: Civil Rights and Black Politics in America Since 1941 (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1997 ed.), pp. 21–26; John Dittmer, Local People: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Mississippi (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1994), p. 9; Jennifer E. Brooks, Defining the Peace: World War II Veterans, Race, and the Remaking of Southern Political Tradition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), pp. 28–29; Robert J. Norrell, The House I Live In: Race in the American Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 138; Robert J. Saxe, Settling Down: World War II Veterans’ Challenge to the Postwar Consensus (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), pp. 155–90; and Harvard Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality (New York: Hill and Wang, 2008 ed.), p. 13.
11. Robert F. Jefferson, Fighting for Hope: African American Troops of the 93rd Infantry Division in World War II and Postwar America (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), pp. 231–35; Thomas J. Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North (New York: Random House, 2008), pp. 96–112; Patricia Sullivan, Lift Every Voice: The NAACP and the Making of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: New Press, 2009), pp. 293–311, 323; and Michael J. Klarman, From Jim Crow to Civil Rights: The Supreme Court and the Struggle for Racial Equality (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 236–89.
12. NFLU supporters’ statement (May 14, 1948) quoted in Raphael Rajendra, “Hopeless Struggle: The National Farm Labor Union’s Attempt to Organize Farm Workers in California, 1947–1950,” Senior Thesis, Columbia University, Spring 2003, pp. 39–40. See also Shana Bernstein, “Interracial Activism in the Los Angeles Community Service Organization: Linking the World War II and Civil Rights Eras,” Pacific Historical Review, vol. 80, no. 2, May 2011, pp. 231–67; Richard Griswold del Castillo and Richard A. Garcia, César Chávez: A Triumph of Spirit (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), p. 16; Henry A. J. Ramos, The American G.I. Forum: In Pursuit of the American Dream, 1948–1983 (Houston, TX: Arte Publico Press, 1998), esp. pp. 1–85, and Richard Griswold del Castillo, “Epilogue: Civil Rights on the Home Front—Leaders and Organizations,” in Richard Griswold del Castillo, ed., World War II and Mexican American Civil Rights (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008), pp. 95–107.
13. Saxe, Settling Down, pp. 19–53; Michael Gambone, The Greatest Generation Comes Home: The Veterans in American Society (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2005); and Michael Kazin, The Populist Persuasion: An American History (New York: Basic Books, 1995), pp. 197–99ff.
14. Mark D. Van Ells, To Hear Only Thunder Again: America’s World War II Veterans Come Home (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2001), pp. 86–87, and Suzanne Mettler, Soldiers to Citizens: The G.I. Bill and the Making of the Greatest Generation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 132.
15. Saxe, Settling Down, pp. 123–30, and Charles G. Bolte, The New Veteran (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1945), p. 173.
16. Max Lerner, “Roosevelt and History” (1938), in Max Lerner, Ideas Are Weapons: The History and Uses of Ideas (New York: Viking, 1940), p. 245; William Leuchtenburg, In the Shadow of FDR: From Harry Truman to Barack Obama (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009 ed.), pp. 1–40; and Nelson Lichtenstein, “Politicized Unions and the New Deal Model: Labor, Business, and Taft-Hartley,” in Sidney M. Milkis and Jerome M. Mileur, eds., The New Deal and the Triumph of Liberalism (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2002), p. 151.
17. Mary Sperling McAuliffe, Crisis on the Left: Cold War Politics and American Liberals, 1947–1954 (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1978); Stephen M. Gillon, Politics and Vision: The ADA and American Liberalism, 1947–1985 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 1–32; and Zieger, The CIO, pp. 253–93.
18. Patrick Renshaw, American Labor and Consensus Capitalism, 1935–1990 (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1991), pp. 48–49; Griffith, The Crisis of American Labor, pp. 62–87; Patricia Sullivan, Days of Hope: Race and Democracy in the New Deal Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), pp. 207–9; and William Powell Jones, “ ‘Simple Truths of Democracy’: African Americans and Organized Labor in the Post–World War II South,” in Eric Arnesen, ed., The Black Worker: Race, Labor and Civil Rights Since Emancipation (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2007), pp. 254–56ff.
19. Max Lerner, “The Waste of History” (July 13, 1948), in Max Lerner, Actions and Passions: Notes on the Multiple Revolutions of Our Time (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1949), p. 213.
20. Tracy Roof, American Labor, Congress, and the Welfare State, 1935–2010 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2011), esp. pp. 52–64.
21. Alonzo Hamby, Beyond the New Deal: Harry S. Truman and American Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973), esp. pp. 87–120, 169–94, 403–22, and Nicolaus Mills, Winning the Peace: The Marshall Plan and America’s Coming of Age as a Superpower (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2008).
22. “Executive Order on Loyalty” (November 25, 1946), in Barton J. Bernstein and Allen J. Matusow, eds., The Truman Administration: A Documentary History (New York: Harper & Row, 1966), pp. 357–66.
23. Max Lerner, “The Muzzling of the Movies” (October 22, 1947), in Actions and Passions, p. 76; Ellen Schrecker, Many Are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1998); and Ellen Schrecker, ed., The Age of McCarthyism: A Brief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford Books, 1994). Strangely enough, Joseph McCarthy would say that he had taken up the anti-Communist crusade because the Truman administration had made a “hollow mockery” of FDR’s Four Freedoms (Arthur Herman, Joseph McCarthy: Reexamining the Life and Legacy of America’s Most Hated Senator [New York: Free Press, 2000], p. 37).
24. On the details of the Payne case, see Jack E. Davis, “ ‘Whitewash’ in Florida: The Lynching of Jesse James Payne and Its Aftermath,” Florida Historical Quarterly, vol. 68, no. 3, January 1990, pp. 277–98.
25. John Egerton, Speak Now Against the Day: The Generation Before the Civil Rights Movement in the South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), pp. 359–65.
26. Meg Jacobs, Pocketbook Politics: Economic Citizenship in Twentieth-Century America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2005), pp. 226–30, and Robert Griffith, “Forging America’s Postwar Order: Domestic Politics and Political Economy in the Age of Truman,” in Michael J. Lacey, ed., The Truman Presidency (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 64.
27. Peter H. Irons, “American Business and the Origins of McCarthyism: The Cold War Crusade of the United States Chamber of Commerce,” in Robert Griffith and Athan Theokaris, eds., The Specter: Original Essays on the Cold War and the Origins of McCarthyism (New York: New Viewpoints, 1974), p. 77, and Colin Gordon, Dead on Arrival: The Politics of Health Care in Twentieth-Century America (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2004), p. 140.
28. Alfred Sloan quoted in Jacobs, Pocketbook Politics, p. 221.
29. Elizabeth A. Fones-Wolf, Selling Free Enterprise: The Business Assault on Labor and Liberalism, 1945–60 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), p. 43; Howell John Harris, The Right to Manage: Industrial Relations Policies of American Business in the 1940s (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), esp. pp. 120–21; Robert Zieger, American Workers, American Unions (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins, 1994 ed.), pp. 108–14; National Association of Manufacturers, Now . . . Let’s Build America: Industry’s Recommendations to the 80th Congress (Washington, DC, 1946); Stephen Amberg, The Union Inspiration in American Politics: The Autoworkers and the Making of a Liberal Industrial Order (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), p. 145; and Jefferson Cowie, Capital Moves: RCA’s Seventy-Year Quest for Cheap Labor (New York: New Press, 1999), esp. pp. 1–72.
30. Robert Griffith, “The Selling of America: The Advertising Council and American Politics, 1942–1960,” in Business History Review, vol. 57, no. 3, Autumn 1983, p. 392, and Fones-Wolf, Selling Free Enterprise.
31. Attorney General Tom C. Clark is quoted in Michael Kammen, Mystic Chords of Memory: The Transformation of Tradition in American Culture (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991), p. 574. On the story of the Freedom Train, see Stuart J. Little, “The Freedom Train: Citizenship and Postwar Culture, 1946–1949,” American Studies, vol. 34, no. 1, 1993, pp. 35–67, and Wendy L. Wall, Inventing the “American Way”: The Politics of Consensus from the New Deal to the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 201–40.
32. Wall, ibid., pp. 221–22.
33. Ibid., p. 212; American Heritage Foundation, The Documents on the Freedom Train (New York, 1947); American Heritage Foundation and the Advertising Council, Good Citizen: The Rights and Duties of an American (New York, 1947), pp. 16, 60; and Richard M. Fried, The Russians Are Coming! The Russians Are Coming!: Pageantry and Patriotism in Cold-War America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 36–37.
34. Little, “The Freedom Train,” p. 51.
35. Ibid., p. 54.
36. William E. Leuchtenburg, “New Faces of 1946,” Smithsonian Magazine, November 2006, http://www.smithsonianmag.com/history-archaeology/newfaces.html.
37. Steven F. Lawson, ed., To Secure These Rights: The Report of President Harry S. Truman’s Committee on Civil Rights (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2004), Introduction, p. 14, and “To Secure These Rights,” pp. 43, 51–54; and Harry S. Truman, “Address Before the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People,” June 29 1947, The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=12686&st=&st1=#axzz1XNCHVTNn.
38. “A. Philip Randolph Urges Civil Disobedience Against a Jim Crow Army,” in August Meier, Elliott Rudwick, and Francis L. Broderick, Black Protest Thought in the Twentieth Century (Indianapolis, IN: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971 ed.), pp. 274–80.
39. Harry Truman, “Address at the Gilmore Stadium in Los Angeles,” September 23, 1948, The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=13012&st=&st1=#axzz1XNCHVTNn.
40. Kevin J. McMahon, Reconsidering Roosevelt on Race: How the Presidency Paved the Road to Brown (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), pp. 177–96, and Kim McQuaid, Uneasy Partners: Big Business in American Politics, 1945–1990 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), pp. 85–86.
41. Robert A. Taft, “The Fair Deal Is Creeping Socialism” (1950), in Alonzo M. Hamby, ed., Harry S. Truman and the Fair Deal (Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath and Company, 1974), p. 42.
42. “Fuller Warns Bankers,” New York Times, May 21, 1942, p. 31.
43. Wall, Inventing the “American Way,” pp. 194–97; Fones-Wolf, Selling Free Enterprise, pp. 50–53; and Griffith, “The Selling of America,” pp. 399–403.
44. Alton Ketchum, The Miracle of America (New York: Advertising Council, 1948).
45. Michael K. Brown, “Bargaining for Social Rights: Unions and the Reemergence of Welfare Capitalism, 1945–1952,” Political Science Quarterly, vol. 112, no. 4, 1997–98, p. 653—Walter Reuther quoted on p. 646; Nelson Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther: The Most Dangerous Man in Detroit (New York: Basic Books, 1995), pp. 276–79; and Nelson Lichtenstein, State of the Union: A Century of American Labor (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), pp. 122–28.
46. Lichtenstein, State of the Union, pp. 122–28; Alan Derickson, “Health Security for All? Social Unionism and Universal Health Insurance, 1935–1958,” Journal of American History, vol. 80, no. 4, March 1994, pp. 1341–43, 1346–54; and Jennifer Klein, For All These Rights: Business, Labor, and the Shaping of America’s Public-Private Welfare State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003), esp. pp. 204–57.
47. On several Left intellectuals who traveled from far left to far right see John P. Diggines, Up from Communism: Conservative Odysseys in American Intellectual History (New York: Harper & Row, 1975).
48. Reinhold Niebuhr, The Irony of American History (1952; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2008 ed.); Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom (1949; New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1998 ed.); John Kenneth Galbraith, American Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power (1952), included in Galbraith, The Affluent Society and Other Writings, 1952–1967 (New York: Library of America, 2010), pp. 1–175; and McAuliffe, Crisis on the Left, pp. 63–74. Other ADA co-founders included Eleanor Roosevelt, Walter Reuther, the Minnesota Democrat and future vice president Hubert Humphrey, and the ILGWU leader David Dubinsky.
49. Donald Montgomery quoted in Boyle, The UAW, p. 47; McAuliffe, Crisis on the Left; Hamby, Beyond the New Deal, pp. 278–84; and Kevin Mattson, When America Was Great: The Fighting Faith of Postwar Liberalism (New York: Routledge, 2004).
50. Zieger, The CIO, pp. 253–93; Glenda Elizabeth Gilmore, Defying Dixie: The Radical Roots of Civil Rights, 1919–1950 (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2008), pp. 414–20ff; Thomas Krueger, And Promises to Keep: The Southern Conference on Human Welfare, 1938–1948 (Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press, 1967), pp. 159–91; Saxe, Settling Down, pp. 137–53; and Life’s Picture History of World War II (New York: Time Incorporated, 1950), p. 267.
51. “Republican Platform of 1952,” in Donald Bruce Johnson, ed., National Party Platforms: Volume 1, 1840–1956 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978 ed.), pp. 496–97; Lichtenstein, Walter Reuther, p. 320; and Gillon, Politics and Vision, pp. 83–85.
52. Clinton Rossiter, “The Shaping of the American Tradition,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., vol. 11, no. 4, October 1954, p. 519, and “Democrats: Voice of Opposition,” Time, December 21, 1953, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,890795,00.html.
Chapter Ten
1. President Eisenhower (August 1, 1954) quoted in Tom Wicker, Dwight D. Eisenhower (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2002), p. 3; Eisenhower, “Personal and confidential to Edgar Newton Eisenhower (November 8, 1954), in The Papers of Dwight David Eisenhower (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), Doc. 1147, http://www.eisenhowermemorial.org/presidential-papers/first-term/documents/1147.cfm; and Rick Atkinson, The Day of Battle: The War in Sicily and Italy, 1943–1944 (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 2007), pp. 36–37.
2. Jim Newton, Eisenhower: The White House Years (New York: Doubleday, 2011), pp. 102–8, 162–69.
3. Robert Griffith, “Dwight D. Eisenhower and the Corporate Commonwealth,” American Historical Review, vol. 87, no. 1, February 1982, pp. 87–122, and Newton, Eisenhower, esp. pp. 209–11, 247–53.
4. Stella Suberman, The GI Bill Boys—A Memoir (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 2012), p. 201; Edward Humes, Over Here: How the G.I. Bill Transformed the American Dream (Orlando, FL: Harcourt, 2006); Claudia Goldin and Robert A. Margo, “The Great Compression: The Wage Structure in the United States at Mid-Century,” Quarterly Journal of Economics, vol. 107, February 1992, no. 1, pp. 1–34; and Paul Krugman, The Conscience of a Liberal (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2007), pp. 37–56.
5. J. Ronald Oakley, God’s Country: America in the Fifties (New York: Barricade Books, 1990), pp. 112–14.
6. James Reston, “Our History Suggests a Remedy,” in John Jessup, ed., The National Purpose (New York: Time, Inc./Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960), pp. 114–15, and for the 1950s polls see Samuel A. Stouffer, Communism, Conformity, and Civil Liberties: A Cross-Section of the Nation Speaks Its Mind (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1955).
7. Joseph Brodsky, “The U.S. a Strong and Stable Land: Progressive Conservatism Is Its Mood,” Time, September 14, 1953; John Bodnar, The “Good War” in American Memory (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), pp. 95–98; Robert Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000), pp. 17–18ff; Suzanne Mettler, Soldiers to Citizens: The G.I. Bill and the Making of the Greatest Generation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 123–31; and Oakley, God’s Country, pp. 115–17.
8. Richard F. Hamilton, Class and Politics in the United States (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1972), esp. pp. 87–90; Nelson Lichtenstein, State of the Union: A Century of American Labor (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002), pp. 98–140; and Jack Metzgar, Striking Steel: Solidarity Remembered (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2000).
9. Robert J. Norrell, The House I Live In: Race in the American Century (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p. 156, and Thomas J. Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights Up North (New York: Random House, 2008), pp. 111–21.
10. Aaron Henry quoted in Stephen Tuck, We Ain’t What We Ought to Be: The Black Freedom Struggle from Emancipation to Obama (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), p. 256; Charles M. Payne, I’ve Got the Light of Freedom: The Organizing Tradition and the Mississippi Freedom Struggle (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007 ed.), pp. 29–66; Norrell, The House I Live In, pp. 148–85; Numan V. Bartley, The Rise of Massive Resistance: Race and Politics in the South During the 1950’s (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1969); and Pete Daniel, Lost Revolutions: The South in the 1950s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000), pp. 209–27.
11. Harvard Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality (New York: Hill and Wang, 2008 ed.), pp. 37–56.
12. “Parnassus, Coast to Coast,” Time, June 11, 1956, p. 2; Jules Witcover, The Party of the People: A History of the Democrats (New York: Random House, 2003), pp. 457–74; Daniel Bell, ed., The New American Right (New York: Criterion Books, 1955); Seymour Martin Lipset, Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Garden City, NY: Doubleday and Company, 1960), esp. pp. 87–126; and Walter A. Jackson, “White Liberals, Civil Rights and Gradualism, 1954–1960,” in Brian Ward and Tony Badger, eds., The Making of Martin Luther King and the Civil Rights Movement (New York: New York University Press, 1996), esp. pp. 103–4. It should be noted regarding the working class of the 1950s that while workers expressed support for Senator Joe McCarthy in polls, they did not turn out for him at the polls. In Milwaukee, his strongest support came from the city’s upper-middle-class suburbs. See Hamilton, Class and Politics in the United States, pp. 115–16ff.
13. George Meany, “What Labor Means by ‘More,’ ” in Editors of Fortune, eds., The Fabulous Future: America in 1980 (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1956), p. 50; Robert H. Zieger, “George Meany: Labor’s Organization Man,” in Melvin Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine, eds., Labor Leaders in America (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), pp. 324–49; and Joshua Freeman, Working-Class New York: Life and Labor Since World War II (New York: New Press, 2000), esp. pp. 1–176.
14. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1959), pp. 171–76; Reston, “Our History Suggests a Remedy,” p. 115; and on the social critics, see Richard H. Pells, The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age: American Intellectuals in the 1940s and 1950s (Hanover, NH: Wesleyan University Press, 1989 ed.), pp. 183–261.
15. Kim Phillips-Fein, Invisible Hands: The Businessmen’s Crusade Against the New Deal (New York: W. W. Norton, 2009), esp. pp. 1–130; David Farber, The Rise and Fall of Modern American Conservatism: A Short History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2010), pp. 39–76; and Allan J. Lichtman, White Protestant Nation: The Rise of the American Conservative Movement (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 2008), pp. 207–23. Notably, NAM went after “statism” and the Four Freedoms in a widely distributed full-color comic book, Fight for Freedom! (1951).
16. C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite (New York: Oxford University Press, 1956), and the American Round Table, People’s Capitalism, sponsored by Yale University and the Advertising Council (New York: Advertising Council, 1956), p. 3. For a full discussion of the Ad Council’s campaigns, see Wendy L. Wall, Inventing the “American Way”: The Politics of Consensus from the New Deal to the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), pp. 172–77ff.
17. Arthur Goodfriend, What Is America? (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1954).
18. Ibid., esp. pp. 59, 82, 88, 89, 94.
19. The American Round Table, People’s Capitalism, p. 44.
20. Max Lerner, The Unfinished Country: A Book of American Symbols (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1959), p. xxiv.
21. Mary Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), pp. 79–151.
22. Jack Metzgar, Striking Steel: Solidarity Remembered (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2000), esp. pp. 85–92; Elizabeth Tandy Shermer, “ ‘Is Freedom of the Individual Un-American?’ Right-to-Work Campaigns and Anti-Union Conservatism, 1943–1958,” in Nelson Lichtenstein and Elizabeth Tandy Shermer, eds., The Right and Labor in America: Politics, Ideology, and Imagination (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012), esp. pp. 130–36; and Mike Davis, Prisoners of the American Dream: Politics and Economy in the History of the U.S. Working Class (New York: Verso, 1986), pp. 121–24.
23. G. Calvin Mackenzie and Robert Weisbrot, The Liberal Hour: Washington and the Politics of Change in the 1960s (New York: Penguin Press, 2008), pp. 57–59.
24. Davis, Prisoners of the American Dream, pp. 123–24; Metzgar, Striking Steel, pp. 85–92; and Joseph E. Slater, Public Workers: Government Employee Unions, the Law, and the State, 1900–1962 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press/ILR, 2004), esp. pp. 158–80.
25. Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality, pp. 32–33, 37–56.
26. Prospect for America: The Rockefeller Panel Reports (Garden City, NY: Rockefeller Brothers Fund, 1961); John K. Jessup, ed., The National Purpose: America in Crisis—An Urgent Summons (New York: Time/Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960); Goals for Americans: The Report of the President’s Commission on National Goals—Programs for Action in the Sixties (New York: American Assembly/Prentice Hall, 1960); John W. Jeffries, “The ‘Quest for National Purpose’ of 1960,” American Quarterly, vol. 30, no. 4, Autumn 1978, pp. 451–70; and Robert M. Collins, “Growth Liberalism in the Sixties: Great Societies at Home and Grand Designs Abroad,” in David Farber, ed., The Sixties . . . From Memory to History (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994), pp. 16–17.
27. Arthur Schlesinger, Jr., “The New Mood in Politics” (1960), reprinted in The Politics of Hope and The Bitter Heritage (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2008), p. 106; Archibald MacLeish, “We Have Purpose . . . We All Know It,” in Jessup, ed., The National Purpose, pp. 38, 47; Andrew B. Lewis, The Shadows of Youth: The Remarkable Journey of the Civil Rights Generation (New York: Hill and Wang, 2009), pp. 1–112; and Frederick A. Manchester, “The Tricky Four Freedoms,” Freeman: Ideas on Liberty, vol. 10, no. 4, April 1960, pp. 25–36.
28. “Democratic Platform 1960” and “Republican Platform 1960,” in Donald Bruce Johnson, ed., National Party Platforms: Volume II, 1960–1976 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1978), pp. 574–600, 604–21. On polls showing Americans leaning left, see Hamilton, Class and Politics in the United States, pp. 89–90, 130–34; and on the drafting of the Democratic platform, see Chester Bowles, Promises to Keep: My Years in Public Life, 1941–1969 (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), pp. 289–92.
29. James MacGregor Burns, Running Alone: Presidential Leadership—JFK to Bush II (New York: Basic Books, 2006), pp. 31–42, and Mackenzie and Weisbrot, The Liberal Hour, pp. 72–79, 364–69. Kennedy himself had insisted he was no liberal, saying, “I never joined Americans for Democratic Action or the American Veterans Committee” (Chris Matthews, Jack Kennedy: Elusive Hero [New York: Simon & Schuster, 2012], p. 226).
30. Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality, pp. 61–183.
31. Richard Harrity, ed., Yank—The GI Story of the War (New York: Duell, Sloan & Pearce, 1947), p. 225; Lewis, The Shadows of Youth; James Miller, Democracy Is in the Streets: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994 ed.); Robert Cohen and Reginald Zelnick, eds., The Free Speech Movement: Reflections on Berkeley in the 1960s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000).
32. John F. Kennedy, “Inaugural Address” (January 20, 1961), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=8032&st=&st1=. See also Kennedy, “Accepting the Democratic Party Nomination for the Presidency of the United States” (July 15, 1960); “Speech Accepting New York Liberal Party Nomination” (September 14, 1960); and “Speech . . . to National Conference on Constitutional Rights and American Freedom” (October 12, 1960), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25966&st=&st1=; http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=74012&st=&st1=; and http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25783&st=&st1=. And regarding the former AVC members of Kennedy’s cabinet, see Joseph C. Goulden, The Best Years, 1945–1950 (New York: Athenuem, 1976), pp. 61–62.
33. Burns, Running Alone, pp. 57–58, and Kim McQuaid, Uneasy Partners: Big Business in American Politics (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1994), pp. 113–24.
34. Four Freedoms, Inc., A Story That Must Be Told . . . (New York: Four Freedoms, Inc., 1963), and Edward M. Kennedy, “The Immigration Act of 1965,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 367, September 1966, pp. 137–49. See also John F. Kennedy, A Nation of Immigrants (New York: Harper & Row, 1964), in which JFK spoke of immigration in terms of the pursuit of the Four Freedoms, esp. pp. 6–7ff.
35. Dolores Huerta quoted in Richard Griswold del Castillo and Richard A. Garcia, César Chávez: A Triumph of Spirit (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1995), p. 72; Andrew E. Kersten, A. Philip Randolph: A Life in the Vanguard (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007), p. 89; Frank Bardacke, Trampling Out the Vintage: César Chávez and the Two Souls of the United Farm Workers (New York: Verso, 2011); Leon Fink, Upheaval in the Quiet Zone: A History of Hospital Workers’ Union, Local 1199 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989); Richard D. Kahlenberg, Tough Liberal: Albert Shanker and the Battle over Schools, Unions, Race, and Democracy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2007), pp. 4–51; Kevin Boyle, The UAW and the Heyday of American Liberalism, 1945–1968 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1995), p. 159; and Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005).
36. Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality, pp. 89–103. And on the respective leaders, see Roy Wilkins, Standing Fast: The Autobiography of Roy Wilkins (New York: Da Capo Press, 1994); Nancy J. Weiss, Whitney M. Young, Jr., and the Struggle for Civil Rights (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989); James Farmer, Lay Bare the Heart: An Autobiography of the Civil Rights Movement (New York: Arbor House, 1985); Thomas F. Jackson, From Civil Rights to Human Rights: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Struggle for Economic Justice (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007), esp. pp. 26–41; Harvard Sitkoff, King: Pilgrimage to the Mountaintop (New York: Hill and Wang, 2008); and Barbara Ransby, Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003).
37. Cynthia E. Harrison, “A ‘New Frontier’ for Women: The Public Policy of the Kennedy Administration,” Journal of American History, vol. 67, no. 3, December 1980, pp. 630–746; Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (1963; New York: W. W. Norton, 2001 ed.); Daniel Horowitz, Betty Friedan and the Making of the Feminine Mystique: The American Left, the Cold War, and Modern Feminism (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1998); and Stephanie Coontz, A Strange Stirring: The Feminine Mystique and American Women at the Dawn of the 1960s (New York: Basic Books, 2011).
38. Rachel Carson, Silent Spring (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962); Michael Egan, Barry Commoner and the Science of Survival: The Remaking of American Environmentalism (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2009); and Michael Harrington, The Other America: Poverty in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1962).
39. John F. Kennedy, “Special Message to the Congress on Protecting the Consumer Interest” (March 15, 1962), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=9108, and “Radio and Television Report to the American People on Civil Rights” (June 11, 1963), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=9271. Also, see Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumers’ Republic: The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2003), pp. 349–54ff; Peter Irons, A People’s History of the Supreme Court (New York: Penguin Books, 2006 ed.), pp. 410–20; and Sitkoff, The Struggle for Black Equality, pp. 120–37.
40. Sitkoff, ibid.
41. Ibid., pp. 147–53.
42. Bill Moyers’s recollection of Lyndon Johnson’s words quoted in Randall B. Woods, LBJ: Architect of American Ambition (New York: Free Press, 2006), p. 561.
43. Ibid.; Nick Kotz, Judgment Days: Lyndon Baines Johnson, Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Laws That Changed America (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2005), pp. 22–32; Doris Kearns Goodwin, Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream (New York: St. Martin’s Griffin, 1991 ed.), pp. 19–101; and Robert A. Caro, Master of the Senate: The Years of Lyndon Johnson (New York: Knopf, 2002).
44. Lyndon Johnson, “Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union” (January 8, 1964), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=26787&st=&st1=; “Special Message to the Congress Proposing a Nationwide War on the Sources of Poverty” (March 16, 1964), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=26109&st=economic+opportunity+act&st1=; “Remarks at the University of Michigan” (May 22, 1964), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=26262; “Television Address to the American People” (October 7, 1964), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=26574; “Toasts of the President and President Segni” (January 14, 1964), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25980.
45. Woods, LBJ, p. 563; Martin Luther King, Jr., Why We Can’t Wait (New York: Signet Classics, 2000 ed.), pp. 170–74; and Kotz, Judgment Days, pp. 182–85.
46. Bruce Watson, Freedom Summer (New York: Penguin Books, 2010); Robert Cohen, Freedom’s Orator: Mario Savio and the Radical Legacy of the 1960s (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009); and Cohen and Zelnick, eds., The Free Speech Movement.
47. Ronald Reagan, “A Time for Choosing” (aka “The Speech”), October 27, 1964, http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/archives/reference/timechoosing.html.
48. William E. Leuchtenburg, In the Shadow of FDR: From Harry Truman to Barack Obama (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009 ed.), p. 140.
49. Lyndon B. Johnson, “Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union” (January 4, 1965), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=26907.
50. Tracy Roof, American Labor, Congress, and the Welfare State, 1935–2010 (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Presss, 2011), pp. 92–99, and Jerry Wurf, Labor’s Last Angry Man (New York: Atheneum, 1982).
51. Kotz, Judgment Days, pp. 250–337; Lyndon B. Johnson, “Special Message to the Congress: The American Promise” (March 15, 1965), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=26805; Annelise Orelick, “Introduction: The War on Poverty from the Grass Roots Up,” in Annelise Orelick and Lisa Gayle Hazirijian, eds., The War on Poverty: A New Grassroots History, 1964–1980 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2011), pp. 1–28; Report of the White House Conference “To Fulfill The Rights”—June 1–2, 1966 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1966); A. Philip Randolph Institute, A “Freedom Budget for All Americans” (New York: October 1966); and Andrew E. Kersten, A. Philip Randolph: A Life in the Vanguard (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2007), pp. 88–112.
52. David Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes: The Political Power of Business in America (New York: Basic Books, 1989), pp. 38–58; Ralph Nader, Unsafe at Any Speed: The Designed-in Dangers of the American Automobile (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1965); Les Leopold, The Man Who Hated Work and Loved Labor: The Life and Times of Tony Mazzocchi (White River Junction, VT: Chelsea Green Publishing, 2007); and Horowitz, Betty Friedan, pp. 227–29.
53. Young Americans for Freedom, “The Sharon Statement” (1960), in The Rise of Conservatism in America, 1945–2000: A Brief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2008), pp. 64–65, and John A. Andrew III, The Other Side of the Sixties: Young Americans for Freedom and the Rise of Conservative Politics (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1997).
54. Lyndon Johnson, “Remarks in New York City Upon Receiving the National Freedom Award” (February 23, 1966), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=28101.
55. “Johnson Denies ‘Blind Escalation’ in Vietnam War,” New York Times, February 24, 1966, p. A1, and Lyndon Johnson, “Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union” (January 12, 1966), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=28015.
56. Woods, LBJ, p. 451; Goodwin, Lyndon Johnson, p. 92; Haynes Johnson and Nick Kotz, The Unions (New York: Pocket Books, 1972), pp. 112–29; and Gilbert J. Gall, The Politics of Right to Work: The Labor Federations as Special Interests, 1943–1979 (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988), pp. 169–79.
57. Collins, “Growth Liberalism in the Sixties,” esp. pp. 23–25.
58. Maurice Isserman and Michael Kazin, America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000), esp. pp. 147–221, and James T. Patterson, The Eve of Destruction: How 1965 Transformed America (New York: Basic Books, 2012), pp. 89–219.
59. Dan T. Carter, The Politics of Rage: George Wallace, the Origins of the New Conservatism, and the Transformation of American Politics (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2000 ed.), esp. pp. 294–323; Dominic Sandbrook, Mad as Hell: The Crisis of the 1970s and the Rise of the Populist Right (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011), p. 243; Hamilton, Class and Politics in the United States, pp. 132–33; Lichtenstein, State of the Union, p. 185; Thomas Ferguson and Joel Rogers, Right Turn: The Decline of the Democrats and the Future of American Politics (New York: Hill and Wang, 1986), pp. 13–15; and Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes, pp. 59–112.
60. Isserman and Kazin, America Divided, pp. 221–40.
61. Richard Nixon interview in David Frost, The Presidential Debate, 1968 (New York: Stein and Day, 1968), p. 11.
62. Richard Nixon, “Address Accepting the Presidential Nomination at the Republican National Convention in Miami Beach, Florida” (August 8, 1968), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25968.
63. Robert Mason, Richard Nixon and the Quest for a New Majority (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004), and Kevin Phillips, The Emerging Republican Majority (New Rochelle, NY: Arlington House, 1969).
64. Mason, Richard Nixon and the Quest for a New Majority, pp. 56–61; Albert H. Cantril and Charles W. Roll, Jr., Hopes and Fears of the American People (New York: Universe Books, 1971); Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes, pp. 60–64; and Jill Quadagno, One Nation Uninsured: Why the U.S. Has No National Health Insurance (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp. 109–23.
65. Mason, Richard Nixon, pp. 161–78, and Bruce Miroff, The Liberals’ Moment: The McGovern Insurgency and the Identity Crisis of the Democratic Party (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2007). It should also be noted that McGovern, who hailed from a right-to-work state, had failed to vote against shutting down the filibuster protecting the Taft-Hartley Act in 1965.
66. Michael Harrington, The Twilight of Capitalism (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1976), and Robert A. Nisbet, Twilight of Authority (New York: Oxford University Press, 1975).
67. Time quote (November 9, 1970) in Jefferson Cowie, Stayin’ Alive: The 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class (New York: New Press, 2010), p. 2, and Ferguson and Rogers, Right Turn, pp. 34–35ff.
68. Cowie, Stayin’ Alive, p. 236, and Steven M. Gillon, “The Travail of the Democrats: Search for a New Majority,” in Peter B. Kovler, ed., Democrats and the American Idea: A Bicentennial Appraisal (Lanham, MD: Center for National Policy Press, 1992), esp. pp. 290–95.
69. Meany quoted in Kim Moody, An Injury to All: The Decline of American Unionism (New York: Verso, 1988), p. 125.
70. David Rockefeller (January 1971) quoted in Terry H. Anderson, “The New American Revolution: The Movement and Business,” in Farber, ed., The Sixties, p. 187.
71. Lewis F. Powell, Jr., “Attack on American Free Enterprise System,” Confidential Memorandum of August 23, 1971, http://www.pbs.org/wnet/supremecourt/personality/sources_document13.html.
72. Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes, pp. 113–240.
73. Samuel P. Huntington, “The United States,” in Michael Crozier, Samuel Huntington, and Joji Watanuki, The Crisis of Democracy: Report on the Governability of Democracies to the Trilateral Commission (New York: New York University Press, 1975), pp. 59, 102, 113–14.
74. Cowie, Stayin’ Alive, pp. 231–35, and Joseph McCartin, “Turnabout Years: Public Sector Unionism and the Fiscal Crisis,” in Bruce J. Schulman and Julian E. Zelizer, eds., Rightward Bound: Making America Conservative in the 1970s (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008), 128–47.
75. Alice O’Connor, “Financing the Counterrevolution,” in Schulman and Zelizer, eds., Rightward Bound, pp. 148–68.
76. Lane Kenworthy, Sondra Barringer, Daniel Duer, and Garrett Andrew Schneider, “The Democrats and Working-Class Whites,” June 10, 2007, http://www.u.arizona.edu/~lkenwor/thedemocratsandworkingclasswhites.pdf.
77. John Bodnar, The “Good War” in American Memory (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010), photo set between pp. 84 and 85.
78. Jimmy Carter, “My Name Is Jimmy Carter and I’m Running for President” (July 15, 1976), in A Government as Good as Its People (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1977), pp. 125–28.
79. Douglas Fraser, “Resignation Letter” (July 19, 1978), in Howard Zinn and Anthony Arnove, eds., Voices of a People’s History (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2004), 530–33; Sandbrook, Mad as Hell, pp. 238–40ff; Vogel, Fluctuating Fortunes, pp. 148–92; and on “Carterland,” see Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson, Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer and Turned Its Back on the Middle Class (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2010), pp. 98–132.
80. Michael Lind, Land of Promise: An Economic History of the United States (New York: HarperCollins, 2012), pp. 381–86; Leonard Silk (1980) quoted in Leuchtenburg, In the Shadow of FDR, p. 208; and Jeff Madrick, Age of Greed: The Triumph of Finance and the Decline of America, 1970 to the Present (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011), pp. 150–51ff.
81. Jimmy Carter, “The State of the Union Address” (January 19, 1978), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=30856&st=&st1=.
82. Jimmy Carter, “Anti-Inflation Program Address to the Nation” (October 24, 1978), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=30040&st=&st1=, and “The State of the Union Address Delivered Before a Joint Session of the Congress” (January 23, 1979), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=32657&st=&st1=.
83. Jimmy Carter, “Address to the Nation on Energy and National Goals: ‘The Malaise Speech’ ” (July 15, 1979), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=32596.
84. Ronald Reagan, “Remarks at a Ceremony Commemorating the 40th Anniversary of the Normandy Invasion, D-Day” (June 6, 1984), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=40018&st=&st1=#axzz1M9GTGSDu.
85. Douglas Brinkley, The Boys of Pointe Du Hoc: Ronald Reagan, D-Day, and the U.S. Army 2nd Ranger Battalion (New York: HarperCollins, 2005), pp. 5–10.
86. Jimmy Carter, “The State of the Union Address” (January 19, 1978), and “Anti-Inflation Program Address to the Nation” (October 24, 1978), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=30040; and “Address to the Nation on Energy and National Goals: ‘The Malaise Speech’ ” (July 15, 1979), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=32596&st=&st1=; and Stephen F. Hayward, The Age of Reagan: The Fall of the Old Liberal Order, 1964–1980 (Roseville, CA: Forum, 2001), pp. 535–608.
87. Ronald Reagan, “Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session With Regional Editors and Broadcasters,” February 10, 1986, The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=36859&st=&st1=#axzz1Ob58d2de. On Reagan’s political and ideological vision by someone who campaigned with and worked for him, see Martin Anderson, Revolution: The Reagan Legacy (Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press, 1990 expanded ed.), esp. pp. xxvi–xxvii.
88. Garry Wills, Reagan’s America (New York: Penguin Books, 2000), and Thomas W. Evans, The Education of Ronald Reagan: The General Electric Years and the Untold Story of His Conversion to Conservatism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006).
89. Reagan did occasionally slip up regarding FDR and the New Deal, as in 1976, when he told an interviewer, “Fascism was really the basis for the New Deal” (Ronald Reagan, “Interview: I’ve Had a Bum Rap,” Time, May 17, 1976, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,945592,00.html), and again in 1981 (“Reagan Says Many New Dealers Wanted Fascism,” New York Times, December 23, 1981, p. A12).
90. Ronald Reagan, “Address Accepting the Presidential Nomination at the Republican National Convention” (July 17, 1980), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25970#axzz1M9GTGSDu; Bernard von Bothmer, Framing the Sixties: The Use and Abuse of a Decade from Ronald Reagan to George W. Bush (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2010), esp. pp. 28–44, 56–58; and Harvey J. Kaye, The Powers of the Past (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1991), esp. pp. 96–105, and Thomas Paine and the Promise of America (New York: Hill and Wang, 2005), esp. pp. 3–4, 222–26.
91. Ronald Reagan, “Remarks Announcing America’s Economic Bill of Rights” (July 3, 1987), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=34512&st=&st1=#axzz1Mv4Kwlfp, and Anderson, Revolution, pp. 113–21, 186–87. Reagan also revealed his ambitions in 1986 when, after lying to reporters about the “failure” of the War on Poverty, he spoke longingly of the 1920s as a time when “values of the individual, the family, and the community commanded the day . . . Taxes . . . were low . . . regulation of the economy was slight . . . [C]aricatured as a time of cultural intolerance, immigrants actually made tremendous advances in all walks of American life.” Reagan, “Remarks and a Question-and-Answer Session with Regional Editors and Broadcasters.”
92. Ronald Reagan, “Farewell Address to the Nation” (January 11, 1989), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=29650#axzz1Mv4Kwlfp.
Chapter Eleven
1. Barack Obama, The Audacity of Hope: Thoughts on Reclaiming the American Dream (New York: Three Rivers Press, 2006), and “Remarks to the Detroit Economic Club” (May 7, 2007), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=77000.
2. Scott Yenor, “A New Deal for Roosevelt,” Claremont Review of Books, Winter 2006, pp. 65–66; Barack Obama, “Remarks in Denver: ‘The Past Versus the Future’ ” (January 30, 2008), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=77031, “Keynote Address at the 2004 Democratic National Convention” (July 27, 2004), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=76988, and “Remarks in Janesville, Wisconsin: ‘Keeping America’s Promise’ ” (February 13, 2008), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=77032; Time, November 24, 2008; and Harvey J. Kaye, “On Hearing Obama Speak Paine’s Words,” History News Network, January 26, 2009, and “Americans Should Embrace Their Radical History,” History News Network, March 9, 2009.
3. Jon Meacham, “It’s Not Easy Bein’ Blue,” Newsweek/Daily Beast, October 17, 2008; Amity Shlaes, “A Chilling Uncertainty,” Washington Post, December 31, 2008; Patrick Perry, “Norman Rockwell’s Four Freedoms,” Saturday Evening Post, January 1, 2009; and Jim DeMint, Saving Freedom: We Can Stop America’s Slide into Socialism (Nashville, TN: Fidelis Books, 2009), p. 8.
4. For a most generous view of Obama’s first-term accomplishments, see Michael Grunwald, The New New Deal: The Hidden Story of Change in the Obama Era (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2012).
5. Theda Skocpol and Vanessa Williamson, The Tea Party and the Remaking of Republican Conservatism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), p. 4, and Ronald P. Formisano, The Tea Party: A Brief History (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2012).
6. Barack Obama, “Remarks on Signing an Executive Order Establishing the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform and an Exchange With Reporters” (February 18, 2010), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=87564&st=&st1=; Jonathan Alter, The Promise: President Obama, Year One (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2010), p. xv; John Judis, “The Unnecessary Fall,” New Republic, September 2, 2010, pp. 12–15; and Michael Tomasky, “The Elections: How Bad for Democrats?” New York Review of Books, October 28, 2010, p. 6.
7. John Nichols, Uprising (New York: Nation Books, 2012).
8. Barack Obama, “Remarks at George Washington University” (April 13, 2011), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=90246; Barack Obama, “The President’s Weekly Address” (July 2, 2011), The American Presidency Project: http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=90588&st=&st1=; and Lori Montgomery, “In Debt Talks, Obama Offers Social Security Cuts,” Washington Post, July 6, 2011.
9. Todd Gitlin, Occupy Nation: The Roots, the Spirit, and the Promise of Occupy Wall Street (New York: HarperCollins, 2012).
10. Max Lerner, “The Waste of History” (July 13, 1948), in Max Lerner, Actions and Passions: Notes on the Multiple Revolutions of Our Time (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1949), p. 213.
11. Franklin D. Roosevelt letter of 1930 quoted in Rexford Tugwell, The Democratic Roosevelt: A Biography of Franklin D. Roosevelt (Baltimore, MD: Penguin Books, 1969 ed.), p. 197.