Section 1.1
Why is it that in the case of King Zhuang of Chu killing Xia Zhengshu of Chen, the
Spring and Autumn uses censorious language to express disapproval of his taking authority into his own hands to launch a punitive expedition,
1 but in the case of King Ling of Chu killing Qing Feng of Qi, [the
Spring and Autumn] straightforwardly refers to him as a viscount?
2The answer is: King Zhuang of Chu’s conduct was worthy, and Zhengshu’s crime was grave. Looking to a worthy ruler to punish a grave crime always wins the approval of the people’s hearts. If he were not censured, then who would understand that he violated the correct norm?
3 The
Spring and Autumn often uses cases that deceptively appear permissible to reveal what is not permissible.
4 This is why
Duke Huan of Qi was not allowed to take authority into his own hands to distribute territory by conferring land;
5Duke Wen of Jin was not allowed to summon the king to pay court to him;
6and King Zhuang of Chu was not allowed to take authority into his own hands to initiate a punitive expedition to sentence [a person from another state] to death.
These three undertakings were not permitted, so that what was permissible for the Lords of the Land could be inferred. This is why King Ling of Chu was designated a viscount when he punished [Qing Feng]. The terminology of the Spring and Autumn has many instances like this. Its language is terse, but its method is clear.
Someone raising a question said: [The
Spring and Autumn] does not allow the Lords of the Land to take authority into their own hands to distribute territory. [This principle] reappears in the annihilation of Chen and Cai.
7 The
Spring and Autumn does not allow the Lords of the Land to take authority into their own hands to initiate punitive expeditions. Why does this principle alone not reappear in the killing of Qing Feng?
The answer is: The
Spring and Autumn employs terminology enabling what has already been clarified to be elided and what has not yet been clarified to be recorded explicitly. Now the principle that the Lords of the Land were not permitted to initiate a punitive expedition on their own authority certainly was already clear. However, Qing Feng’s crime had not yet been revealed. Therefore, [the
Spring and Autumn] designates [King Ling as] “viscount of Chu” [when he acted as] a hegemon
8 [in launching] the punitive expedition [against Qing Feng]. [This was] to state clearly that death was the proper punishment [for Qing Feng’s crime]. This was to seriously prohibit such crimes in the world. This is to say: When the conduct of a minister degrades the position of the ruler or wreaks havoc on the tenets of the state,
9 even if the minister does not usurp the throne or commit regicide, in every case the crime deserves the death penalty. To call attention to this, [the
Spring and Autumn] speaks in this way. [1/1/5–13]
Section 1.2
The
Spring and Autumn states: “Jin attacked Xianyu.”
10 Why does it disparage Jin by putting it on a par with the Yi and Di tribes?
11The answer is: The Spring and Autumn honors propriety and values trustworthiness. Trustworthiness is more valuable than one’s territory; propriety is more venerable than one’s body. How do we know that this is so?
Boji of Song perished in a fire [to forestall] doubts of her propriety;
12Duke Huan of Qi gave up territory [to forestall] doubts of his trustworthiness.
The
Spring and Autumn [judges them] worthies and elevates them to establish them as exemplary models for the world, as if to say: regarding trustworthiness and propriety, there is nothing to which propriety does not respond, there is nothing that trustworthiness cannot repay.
13 It is Heaven’s norm. Now the ruler and ministers of Lu treated Jin [with the propriety] commensurate with one who shared the identical surname,
14 but the ruler of Jin was devoid of pure motives. Not only did he fail to respond with propriety, but he frightened and worried Lu. How could he not be treated like one of the Yi and Di tribes?
During the rebellion brought about by Duke [Huan of Lu’s] son, Qing Fu,
15 the state of Lu was endangered and on the verge of perishing. Duke Huan of Qi pacified the rebellion. The duke of Qi was no relative of Lu, and yet he still felt anxious for it. How is it that one who shared a surname with Lu attacked and tyrannized it?
An Ode declares:
So small, the cooing dove,
yet it flies aloft to Heaven.
My heart bears sorrow’s wounds
as I think of my forefathers.
At daybreak, when I cannot sleep,
I cherish memories of my parents.
16
All people possess such a heart. Now Jin did not, on the basis of their being relatives, feel [appropriate] anxiety for Lu but instead coerced and greatly oppressed Lu. In their hearts the people of Lu resented Jin for these actions, therefore [the Spring and Autumn] indicates their not being good by referring to them merely as “Jin.” [Under the circumstances,] this language was mild indeed! [1/1/15–22]
Someone raising a question said: The state of Jin was detestable and could not be treated as kin. Duke [Zhao] went to Jin but did not dare enter its borders.
17 Such are human emotions. Why then did the Noble Man [Confucius] feel shame and state that “the duke was ill”?
18The answer is: If evil falls on him without cause, a noble man is not ashamed of it. If on examining himself, he is without fault, why should he feel anxious? Why should he feel ashamed? It is what it is. In the present case, however, the
Spring and Autumn expresses shame because Duke Zhao brought the situation upon himself. Instances of ministers usurping the authority of their rulers began with [the time of] Duke Wen and worsened in [the time of] Duke Zhao. The state suffered usurpations and gradually declined like a mountain being leveled, and yet the heart [of Duke Zhao] was devoid of fear or anxiety. He made plans lightly and wantonly punished other states. He defied the great rites [of matrimony] and took a woman who shared his surname as a wife.
19 He drew close to the unrighteous and valued those who took themselves lightly. There is a proverbial expression among the people that says: When the state is ordered, neighbors from all four sides come with congratulations; when a state is disordered, neighbors keep their distance. Thus when the Jisun [clan] usurped Duke Zhao’s authority, none of the powerful states rectified the situation. Duke Zhao fled his state and wandered for eight years, returning [as a corpse] only after he died. He lost his life, and his sons were endangered. This is the most extreme difficulty that one can suffer. This noble man was not ashamed of his difficulties, but rather he felt shame for what had caused the duke to become destitute. Although Duke Zhao encountered these times, if he had not married a woman who shared his surname, how could things have come to this? Although he married a woman who shared his surname, if he had been able to employ Confucius to assist him, he likewise would not have come to this. The times were difficult and he ruled with laxity; his conduct was reckless and no one rescued the situation. These are the reasons why he became destitute.
20 [1/1/24–31]
The Spring and Autumn distinguishes twelve generations and treats them as three periods:
Those that [Confucius] witnessed, those that he heard of from others, and those that he heard of through transmission by others.
Those that he personally witnessed, constituted three generations;
those that he heard of from others, constituted four generations;
and those that he heard of through transmission, constituted five generations.
He witnessed the reigns of Ai, Ding, and Zhao.
He heard from others of the reigns of Xiang, Cheng, Wen, and Xuan.
And he heard through historical transmission of the reigns of Xi, Min, Zhuang, Huan, and Yin.
The [generations] that he witnessed [with his own eyes] constitute sixty-one years [541–480 B.C.E.],
those that he heard [with his own ears] constitute eighty-five years [626–542 B.C.E.],
and those that he heard through historical transmission constitute ninety-six years [722–627 B.C.E.].
[When speaking of] what he witnessed with his own eyes, Confucius veiled his terminology;
[when speaking of] what he learned from others, Confucius expressed sorrow for calamities;
[when speaking of] what he learned through historical transmission, Confucius stifled his compassion [and recorded events in full.
For this reason,
when the Ji clan was expelled [from the state of Lu], Confucius stated [only that a crowd assembled] to restore the rain-seeking ceremony. [Such was a case of] veiling his words.
21When Zi Chi was killed, [Confucius] could not bear to record the day [of his death] and thereby expressed sorrow for the calamity.
22However, when Zi Ban died, he recorded the day
yiwei, in this way stifling his compassion.
23The retraction or extension of his attention,
the detail or generality of his writing,
reflects these principles in every case. By understanding the manner in which he
treats as close what is close, as far what is far,
as intimate what is intimate, as distant what is distant,
I also understand how he
treats as noble what is noble, as base what is base,
as important what is important and as insignificant what is insignificant.
Likewise, I understand how he
treats as generous those who are generous and stingy those who are stingy,
as good those who are good and as bad those who are bad.
Furthermore, I understand how he
treats yang as yang, yin as yin,
white as white, and black as black.
All things have their matching counterpart.
24He pairs them;
he matches them;
he contrasts them;
he juxtaposes them.
Excellent indeed!
An Ode declares:
“Grave in deportment,
of reputation consistent,
without malice or hate,
following the way of all his peers.”
25
This expresses my meaning. Hence the greatness of the principles of the
Spring and Autumn lies in the fact that
having grasped one of its starting points, you can broadly apply it;
having observed what it approves and condemns, you can attain a rectifying model;
having perceived its use of subtle words, you will understand how to stave off resentment.
For this reason,
with regard to what is external, [the Spring and Autumn] points out the Way but is not obvious.
With regard to what is internal, [the Spring and Autumn] veils but does not hide.
With regard to what is honorable, the same principle holds true.
With regard to what is worthy, the same principle holds true.
Here the Spring and Autumn distinguishes between internal and external, differentiating the worthy and the unworthy and ordering the honorable and humble.
The righteous do not abuse their superiors;
the wise do not endanger themselves.
Therefore,
when [discussing] distant events, [Confucius] concealed them on account of his righteousness;
when speaking of more recent events, [he] was careful of them on account of his wisdom.
[Confucius] employed caution and righteousness simultaneously; thus as the generations that he discussed moved even closer, his words accordingly grew more discreet. This is why he veiled his words when speaking of the times of Ding and Ai. Thus,
if [Confucius’s methods] were employed, then the world would be peaceful;
if [his methods] were not employed, his person would [still] be secure.
Such is the Way of the Spring and Autumn. [1/2/1–13]
Section 1.4
The Way of the Spring and Autumn is to serve Heaven and emulate the ancients.
For this reason,
even though you are good with your hands, if you do not avail yourself of the compass and carpenter’s square, you will not be able to draw a true square or circle;
even though you possess discerning ears, if you do not avail yourself of the six pitch pipes, you will not be able to establish the five notes;
even though you possess a knowledgeable mind, if you do not look to the Former Kings, you will not be able to pacify the world.
Such being the case, the Way bequeathed by the Former Kings is indeed the world’s compass, carpenter’s square, and six pitch pipes. Thus
those who are sagely emulate Heaven,
and those who are worthy emulate the sages.
This is the grand norm of the Spring and Autumn. If you hold to this grand norm, there will be order; if you disregard this grand norm, there will be chaos. This is the difference between order and chaos.
Now from what I have heard, there are not two Ways in the world. Thus, though sages differ in the manner in which they bring order to the world, they share the same principles. Because past and present are interconnected and interpenetrating, the former worthies transmitted their standards to later generations. Thus, with regard to contemporary affairs, the Spring and Autumn praises restoring the ancient ways and criticizes modifying the constant [norms], for it desires to emulate the Former Kings. Such being the case, I would interject one comment and say: “Those [who rule as] king must [still] reform the regulations.”
Those who are self-deluded take this as their watchword, saying: “If the ancients are to be followed, why do the Ways of the Former Kings not comply with one another?” People of the current age are fooled by such hearsay, so they come to doubt the correct Way and instead trust perverse doctrines. This is truly worrisome. I would respond to them and say: Upon hearing that the leaders of the Lords of the Land shot [their arrows to] the “Fox Head” tune,
26 someone cut off a fox’s head, hung it up, shot arrows at it, and asked, “Where is the music?” This is a case of hearing the name of something but failing to understand its corresponding reality.
Now what I mean when I say that a new king must reform the regulations is not that he changes the Way or alters its principles. Having received the Mandate of Heaven [to found a new dynasty], one rules under a surname different [from the preceding kings] and does so as a new king rather than perpetuating the practices of the preceding king. If he completely accords with the former regulations and follows
27 the old pursuits without making any changes, this would be no different from ruling by perpetuating the practices of the preceding king. The ruler who has received the Mandate of Heaven is one whom Heaven has made preeminently manifest.
One who serves a father follows his wishes;
one who serves a ruler is faithful to his intentions;
and one who serves Heaven does the same thing. Now if Heaven has made [the reception of the Mandate] preeminently manifest and all affairs have been transferred, yet most remain unchanged, then [the reception of the Mandate] is neither manifest nor clear. This is not Heaven’s will.
Therefore, the founder of a new dynasty must shift his place of residence, assume a new dynastic name and personal name, amend the day on which the [civil] year begins, and change the color of ceremonial garb—all for no other reason than that he dare not disobey Heaven’s will and fail to make clear that it is he who has been made preeminently manifest. As for the great bonds, human ethics, the patterns of the Way, government order, educational transformation, habitual customs, and literary meanings: all these remain as before. How could one change them! Therefore the king reforms regulations in name but does not change the substance of the Way. Confucius said: “Was it not Shun who governed through non-action?”
28 He meant that Shun did nothing more than rule with the Way of Yao. Is this not the efficacy of the unchanging?
Someone raising a question said: If affairs
29 are changed to manifest Heaven’s conferment of the Mandate, why is it necessary to compose new music?
The answer is: Music differs from these things. Regulations are changed in response to Heaven; music is composed in response to the people. The one who receives the Mandate is invariably the one in whom the people uniformly rejoice.
30 For this reason, regulations are changed at the beginning to manifest Heaven’s Mandate, whereas new music is composed at the end
31 to reveal Heaven’s achievements. He makes a pattern for the newly felt joy in the world, to harmonize the government, to inspire virtue. The king does not vainly compose music until accord and harmony have filled the world. Music is something that flourishes internally before finding expression externally. Responding to a well-ordered age, the ruler institutes ritual and composes music to perfect the age. Perfection means that root and branch, substance and form, are fully present. For this reason, those who compose music must return to what first brought joy to the people of the world and takes this as their root.
In the time of Emperor Shun, the people rejoiced in the manner in which he illuminated (shao) the undertakings of Yao. Therefore the shao music was composed. Shao means to illuminate.
In the time of Emperor Yu, the people rejoiced in the mutual succession of the Three Sages (Yao, Shun, and Yu). Therefore the xia music was composed. Xia means grand.
In the time of Emperor Tang, the people rejoiced in being rescued from distress and injury. Therefore the hu music was composed. Hu means to rescue.
In the time of King Wen, the people rejoiced when he raised troops and carried out a punitive attack [against the Shang]. Therefore the wu music was composed. Wu means to attack.
These four rulers were the same in that the world uniformly rejoiced in them, but the reason why the people uniformly rejoiced in their rule differed. The method for composing music is invariably to return to what constitutes the root of what brings the people joy. If the people do not find joy in the same things, then how can music not differ from age to age? This is why Yao composed the shao, Yu composed the xia, Tang composed the hu, and King Wen composed the wu. The four types of music differ in name, yet each complies with what first brought the people joy. [Thus] we see how [these compositions] turned out to be as they are.
An Ode declares:
“King Wen received the Mandate of Heaven;
he achieved his martial success.
Having attacked Chong,
he built his capital city at Feng.”
32
They rejoiced in his influence. Another Ode declares:
“The king rose majestic in his wrath;
he marshaled his troops.”
33
At that time, King Djou had lost the Way, and the Lords of the Land were in great chaos. The people rejoiced in King Wen’s anger and so praised him in song. When the virtue of the Zhou [dynasty]
34 had spread throughout the world, they returned to the root [of the joy] to compose music. It was called “Great Martiality” to indicate that what first brought joy to his people was his martial achievements. Thus music is composed at the end, but its name is derived from the beginning. This is the meaning of valuing the root.
Looking at the matter from this perspective, revising the calendar and the color of ceremonial garb are based on the ruler’s receiving the Mandate and responding to Heaven, whereas the differences in ritual regulations and musical compositions are based on the ruler’s responding to the stirrings in the peoples’ hearts. The two diverge and yet return to unity. What accomplishes them is the same. [1/2/15–1/3/11]
