Book 1, Part 2
CHAPTER 2
Jade Cup
Section 2.1
The Spring and Autumn criticizes Duke Wen for making marriage plans during a mourning period.1
Someone raising an objection said: It is the practice of mourning not to exceed three years. Three years of mourning is [really] twenty-five months.2 Now according to the Classic, Duke Wen married only in the forty-first month. At the time he married, there was no mourning; the prescribed period had already long since passed. Why, then, does the Spring and Autumn state that he made marriage plans during a mourning period?3
Someone said: When the Spring and Autumn judges events, nothing is more important than intent. Now when planning a marriage, one must send silk [presents] as a betrothal gift. The month in which this silk was sent fell within the mourning period. This is why [the Spring and Autumn] refers to [this event] as “marrying during a mourning period.” Furthermore, Duke Wen enacted the Xia sacrifice during the autumn and sent his betrothal gifts during the winter.4 In each case, his mistake lay in having done these things prematurely. That the Spring and Autumn does not criticize the former [enacting the Xia sacrifice in autumn] but only the latter [betrothal gifts in winter] is certainly because the mourning period of three years is [meant to give adequate expression to] the emotional responses by those who are blood kin. In following custom, even if he was not able to [carry out the mourning period] to the end, he still should not have felt settled in his heart. Instead, he completely lacked the intention of mourning and, on the contrary, thought of marriage. This is something that the Spring and Autumn truly loathes, so it criticized [Duke Wen] merely for initiating [his marriage arrangements] before the three-year mourning period had expired and for “marrying during the mourning period.” [The Spring and Autumn] makes no distinction between “before” and “after”;5 it slights him for lacking a human heart.
The Spring and Autumn bases its discussions of ritual on this type of example, for the most important aspect of ritual is one’s intentions.
When someone had respectful intentions and completely conformed to prescriptions, the Noble Man [Confucius] granted that such a person understood ritual.
When someone had harmonious intentions and [produced] graceful tones, the Noble Man granted that such a person understood music.
When someone had sorrowful intentions and constrained himself, the Noble Man granted that such a person understood mourning.
This is why [the Spring and Autumn] states: “[Ritual] should not be emptily applied.” This refers to the emphasis on one’s intention. The intention [of ritual] is the [inner] substance, while the objects [involved in ritual] are the [outward] form. The form [of ritual] manifests substance. Thus if substance does not abide in the form, how will form give to that substance [an adequate] display? Only when both substance and form are complete can ritual be perfected. If practiced in isolation, neither form nor substance is worthy of its name.6 Yet in a case in which it is impossible for both to be complete and one errs on one side, it then is better to have substance and lack form. Although [Confucius] would not grant that [such a person was] competent in ritual, he would still approve to some extent. [The entry] “Jie Helü came” is a case in point.7 However, if one possesses [only] form and lacks substance, not only would [Confucius] not grant [that such a person was competent in ritual], but he also would disapprove to some extent. A case in point is [the entry] in which the Spring and Autumn says of the duke of [the small state of] Jou, “That same person came.”8
Thus, in setting out the proper sequence of the Way, the Spring and Autumn places substance first and form afterward [and] gives primary position to the intention [of a person engaged in ritual] and secondary position to the external objects [of ritual]. This is why [Confucius] said:
“Ritual they say! Ritual they say! Can mere jade and silk be called ritual?”9
From this one can infer that it also is proper to say:
Government they say! Government they say! Can mere commands and orders be called government?10
[Confucius also said:]
“Music they say! Music they say! Can mere bells and drums be called music?”11
From this one can infer that it also is proper to say:
Mourning they say! Mourning they say! Can mere clothing and garments be called mourning?
Therefore when Confucius established the Way of a New King,12 he made it clear that he valued intentions in order to return to harmony, and he revealed that he cherished sincerity in order to obliterate hypocrisy. It is because Confucius encountered the failings of the Zhou that he [expressed himself] in this way. [2/3/15–29]
Section 2.2
The standard of the Spring and Autumn is this: the people follow the lead of the ruler, and the ruler follows the lead of Heaven.
Someone said: Now the hearts of the people and the ministers cannot be without a ruler for a single day. They cannot be without a ruler for even a day, and yet for the three years of mourning [after the death of his father], the ruler’s son is designated “son” because in the heart of the [new] ruler, it is not yet appropriate to assume his father’s position. Is this not [a case in which] the people [must] follow the lead of the ruler?
[Someone said]: The heart of a filial son cannot stand to take up his father’s position for three years, and yet after the first year of mourning has passed, he assumes the throne so as to accord with Heaven’s cycle.13 Is this not a case of the ruler following the lead of Heaven? Therefore to restrain the people while extending the ruler’s authority [and] to restrain the ruler while extending Heaven’s authority is an important principle of the Spring and Autumn.14 [2/3/31–2/4/2]
Section 2.3
In discussing the undertakings of twelve generations, [the Spring and Autumn] comprehensively encompasses the Human Way and perfectly delineates the Kingly Way. Its standards are found throughout the 240 years [it discusses], reinforcing one another and constituting a variegated pattern. They are based on juxtaposition and contrast and do not simply follow a linear [path] from antiquity.
For this reason, those who discuss the Spring and Autumn must
collate and thereby penetrate [its] standards
and connect and thereby inquire into them.
[They must]
group together those that are comparable,
match those that are categorically similar,
scrutinize their connections, [and]
pick out their omissions.
Only then will the Way of Humankind be harmonized and the Kingly Way be established. If you are of the opinion that this is not true, then consider the standards that the Son of Heaven must wait a year before assuming the throne of his deceased father and that while a Lord of the Land mourns for three years within his fief, he refers to himself as “son” [and not according to his new rank and title].15 Neither is present in the Classic,16 and yet we cling to them as if they were no different from [those standards] that are present in the Classic. It is not that there is nothing to discriminate them. There is something that is discernible, and therefore the Classic securely preserves its omissions.17 Therefore, if you are able to connect categories using comparison and can extrapolate18 [from] omissions using critical reasoning, you will have greatly mastered the Spring and Autumn. [2/4/4–8]
Section 2.4
Human beings receive their destinies from Heaven. They possess a nature that approves of goodness and despises wrongdoing. They can nurture [their nature] but they cannot fundamentally change it. They can provide for it but they cannot dispense with it, just as they can make their body fat or thin but they cannot fundamentally alter it.
For this reason, even the worthiest of men can, for the sake of their ruler and parents, only contain and bridle their bad tendencies but cannot, for the sake of their ruler and parents, completely free themselves from bad tendencies. The Documents states: “When a ruler [acts in a manner] not [befitting] a ruler, eradicate his shortcomings.” One serves one’s parents in this way as well. Both are instances of the utmost loyalty and filial piety. If not the worthiest of men, how could one be like this? When a father fails to be a father, a son will fail to be a son. When a ruler fails to be a ruler, subjects will fail to be subjects.19 [2/4/10–13]
Section 2.5
Duke Wen was not able to submit to the [proper period of] mourning and did not make timely sacrifices. Before three years of mourning had passed, he married, taking as his wife the daughter of a great officer, thereby debasing the ancestral temple.20 He disordered the proper arrangement of the ancestors’ tablets, thereby defying Duke Xi.21 He was devoid of even one small instance of goodness, and his instances of grave wrongdoing were numerous.22
Thus the Lords of the Land did not conclude covenants with him,23 and the great officers did not carry out his orders. This provides clear evidence that he was despised for his wrongdoing, the result being that his subjects acted disloyally. When he left his state, he was insulted abroad; when he remained in his state, his power was usurped from within. He was a ruler without position. Confucius said: “It has been four generations since government came under the control of the officers.”24 He is likely speaking of the time commencing with the rule of Duke Wen. [2/4/15–18]
Section 2.6
The Noble Man knew that those who occupy the throne cannot rely on hateful [measures] to win the people’s submission.
For this reason, he compiled
the Six Arts to support and nurture them.
The Odes and Documents to order their intentions;
the Rites and Music to purify their loveliness;
and the Changes and the Spring and Autumn to clarify their understanding.
These six forms of learning all are great, yet each has its particular strength.
The Odes guides intentions; consequently it excels at inner substance.
The Rites moderates conduct; consequently it excels at outer refinement.
The Music extols virtue; consequently it excels at transformation through moral suasion.
The Documents records meritorious deeds; consequently it excels at affairs.
The Changes is rooted in Heaven and Earth; consequently it excels at [divinatory] techniques.
The Spring and Autumn rectifies right and wrong; consequently it excels at governing the people.
One can collectively attain their strengths, but one cannot take up one detail in isolation.25
Thus, if the ruler’s study of them is
too detailed, his understanding will be obscured;
[if it is] too general, his successes will decrease.
These two shortcomings differ but are alike in leading to defeat,26 so that setbacks will inevitably occur. One cannot fail to consider this. For this reason, those who excel at providing instruction,
having praised [their understanding of] the Way,
will [then] be cautiously attentive to [their pupils’] conduct.
They will adjust the timing of their instruction,
some earlier and others later,
conferring on some students more while others less,
adopting a fast or slow pace [according to the abilities of their students].
When quick they are not hurried;
when slow they do not struggle to keep up.
They conserve their students’ actions and fill out their deficiencies. Therefore they do not exhaust their students’ strength, yet their persons are greatly perfected. This is the meaning of “sagely transformation.”27 I have appropriated this method. [2/4/20–27]
Section 2.7
Why does the Spring and Autumn cherish subtle terminology? [It does so] because it values intentions. The Spring and Autumn
cultivates the principles of roots and branches,
comprehends the responses of alterations and consequences,
penetrates the intentions [that bring] life and death,
and traces the extremes of the human way.
For this reason, when the ruler is assassinated and the assassin is punished, it approves of [that] and records the event. If the assassin is not punished, the ruler is not recorded as having been “properly buried,”28 and the assassin does not reappear [in later entries]. It does not record the burial [when the assassin is not punished] because it considers that there are no [true] ministers and sons. The assassin [who is not apprehended] does not reappear [in later entries] because it considers it fitting that the assassin’s line be extinguished.
Now Zhao Dun assassinated his ruler,29 and four years later he reappears in another entry. This contravenes the usual phraseology of the Spring and Autumn. Past and present [Gongyang] scholars have found strange this [deviation from the norm of the Spring and Autumn] and raised a question, asking: This is a case of regicide. Why does [Zhao Dun] reappear [in a later entry]? This is like when it says [elsewhere],30 “The assassin was not punished. Why is the ruler’s burial recorded?” They ask: “Why is the burial recorded?” because it was not proper to record the burial, yet the burial is recorded. They ask: “Why does Zhao Dun reappear in a later entry?” likewise because it is not proper for him to reappear and yet he reappears. These two [exceptions] are interpenetrating, so they cannot but be parallel to each other.
[One might posit that] Zhao Dun reappears in a later entry to raise the question, so as to show that “not personally murdering his ruler” is not the same as “not deserving to be put to death.” [Likewise,] one cannot say that it is not recorded that Duke Dao received a proper burial. The question is raised so as to show that “not completing an act of regicide” does not mean “not being guilty of a crime.” If that were the case, the theories of the Spring and Autumn would be confused and who could emulate them?31
Therefore, if you connect their comparable points and evaluate what is true and false, although it may be difficult to distinguish right from wrong, you will discover that the meaning [of these two cases] is identical. Therefore if you connect, compare, and evaluate them, although it is difficult to distinguish right from wrong, you will discover that the righteousness [of these two cases] is identical.
Now the Spring and Autumn’s record of Zhao Dun32 has no [Gongyang] commentary stating that Zhao Dun was punished with execution, and it has no [Gongyang] commentary stating that he was spared execution. If we discuss it on the basis of analogous entries recorded in the text, we will [be able to] judge according to standards. If we do not discuss it on the basis of analogous entries recorded in the text, we will make a perverse judgment. Now if we examine those entries that are analogous to [the case of] Zhao Dun, we will find that in every case, execution was not suitable. Why, then, punish Zhao Dun with execution? The Spring and Autumn raises hundreds of questions, and it supplies thousands of responses. In regard to the identical cases enumerated in the Classic, if you repeatedly cite entries and compare categories in order to reveal its clues, you will not ask unfounded questions, and you will always find an appropriate response from the commentary. For example, suppose there were a Chunqiu rule that rebels from abroad could not be punished and subsequently all such rebels reappeared in the text. If you then asked: “Why does he reappear in this entry?” there could be no more erroneous question than this. How could you expect to find a response to this question in the text? Therefore, because the text supplied a response, I know that the question raised [about Zhao Dun] was not erroneous. Because the question raised was not erroneous, I know that the case of [Zhao] Dun must be examined carefully. For cases bearing the name “patricide” but in reality not deserving incrimination, the Spring and Autumn already provides a precedent. Likewise, there are cases named “regicide” for which the punishment was not execution. Rather than rush to blame someone, it is best to ruminate at leisure. Moreover, there is a basis for my appraisal of Zhao Dun.
An Ode declares:
“What other human beings possess in their hearts
I can measure by reflection.”33
This indicates that all events have their counterparts. By observing the external facts of an event, one can see what lies within. Now if we look into the actions of Dun to observe his heart, [we will find that] his original intention was not criminal. If we match and are faithful to them, [his actions] were not equivalent to regicide. We can also examine what Dun said when he called out to Heaven. If his heart were not sincere, then how was he able to act in that way? Therefore, if we follow [his intentions] from beginning to end, we will find that he did not intend to commit regicide. If he is to be labeled with a bad [deed], his error was not to go beyond the border [and absolve himself of allegiance]. His crime lay in not punishing the assassin, that is all. It is proper for a minister to punish an assassin on behalf of his ruler, just as it is proper for a son to taste medicine on behalf of his father. The son [Xu Zhi] did not taste [his father’s] medicine, and consequently [Confucius] increased [the crime to] patricide. The minister [Zhao Dun] did not punish the assassin, and consequently [Confucius] increased [the crime to] regicide. The significance [of both omissions] was identical. This is how Confucius showed the world that to abandon the correct relations between ruler and minister and between father and son is an abomination as significant as this. Thus [the Spring and Autumn] considers that
[the case of] Dun, who by not killing his ruler’s assassin had committed regicide,
was no different from
[the case of] the son [Zhi], who by not tasting his father’s medicine had committed patricide.
From this analogous example, we see that it was not suitable to execute Zhao Dun.
Someone raising a question said: [The Spring and Autumn] designates the event as regicide, but he was not executed. This judgment is difficult to fathom. It is not something that the majority of people can readily understand. Why does the Spring and Autumn clearly transmit the fact that Zhi’s crime was pardoned but it does not transmit the fact that Dun was not put to death?
The answer is: The age was chaotic and righteousness was abandoned; men defied their rulers and did not act as ministers should. Those who committed regicide and overthrew their rulers were numerous, so [Confucius] made it clear that this great wrongdoing was punishable by death. Who else could speak to the punishment? Thus in the case of Zhao Dun of Jin and Gongzi Bi of Chu,34 there are phrases that indicate that they were not executed, yet this was not openly transmitted because [Confucius] was not of a mind to make this obvious.
Someone raising a question said: When someone assassinates a ruler and the great ministers of state are present but unable to punish the assassin, this is not [what one may call] a unified state. When Duke Ling was murdered, Zhao Dun was abroad. To not be present [when a ruler is assassinated and to not punish the assassin] constitutes a lesser wrong than to be present [and not punish the assassin]. The Spring and Autumn criticizes those who are present but do not punish the assassin by not designating them as ministers.35 It criticizes those who are not present and do not punish the assassin by labeling the act regicide. Why is the greater wrong treated lightly and the lesser wrong treated sternly?
Someone said: The Way of the Spring and Autumn is to observe what brings confusion to people and offer explanations to greatly enlighten them. Now Zhao Dun was a worthy, but he did not follow the principle [of punishing the assassin]. Everyone saw his goodness, but no one saw his crime. Thus because of his worthiness, the Spring and Autumn expressly associates him with this great evil and implicates him with strong criticism to cause people to think deeply and look into themselves, reflecting on the Way, so that they say, “Oh! The great duty of the ruler and minister and the Way of father and son indeed extend this far!” This is why the lesser wrong is criticized more heavily. Those from other states who do not punish assassins, people who are mere utensils, are they worth enumerating? [The Spring and Autumn] simply does not designate them as persons, and that is all. This is why the greater wrong is criticized less heavily. A tradition states: “Light for heavy, heavy for light.” Isn’t this what is referred to here? Thus
it deceptively appeared that it was permissible to establish Gongzi Bi of Chu as the ruler;
it deceptively appeared that when the ruler was assassinated, Zhao Dun was not responsible for punishing the assassin;
and it deceptively appeared that when his father died from poisoning, it was not the fault of Xu Zhi.
This is why the Spring and Autumn, in dealing with people who do not understand evil, but who act complacently and improvidently, repeatedly criticizes and upbraids them. It is like using a straightening-frame to straighten out a crooked age. Unless the straightening-frame is stronger than [what is to be made] straight, it cannot be straightened. If you understand this, then you will have fully comprehended the meaning of the Spring and Autumn. [2/5/1–31]
 
The title of this chapter may be related to what was believed to be an auspicious omen. The “Annals of Emperor Wen the Filial” in the Shiji reports:
In the seventeenth year a jade cup was found bearing the inscription “Long Life to the Lord of Men.” Because of this the emperor began to number the years of his reign over again, calling this year the “first year.” He ordered that there be great feasting and drinking throughout the empire. In the same year it was discovered that the jade cup and the other signs and wonders reported by Xinyuan Ping were all frauds, and he was executed along with relatives to the third degree of kinship. (10/430; modified from Burton Watson, trans., Records of the Grand Historian, rev. ed. [New York: Columbia University Press, 1993], 1:304)
See also the reference to this incident in SJ 28/1381, “Treatise on the Feng and Shan Sacrifices”; and Watson, Records of the Grand Historian, 2:23.
  1.  Duke Wen 6.2.8: “Our lord’s son Sui entered Qi to present silk [as a betrothal gift for the duke of Qi].” Gongyang: “[He was] criticized for making marriage arrangements during a mourning period.”
  2.  “Three years mourning” really meant “mourning into the third year”—that is, two years plus one month.
  3.  The important distinction being made here seems to be between the actual wedding and the prewedding negotiations with the state of Qi. Although the wedding did not take place until after he mourning period was over, the embassy to negotiate the marriage fell within the mourning period.
  4.  Duke Wen 6.2.6: “The eighth month. Dingmao. [We held] the Grand Service at the Grand Temple and promoted Lord Xi [in the ancestral ranking].”
  5.  In other words, the Spring and Autumn does not absolve the duke on the technical grounds that his actions did not fall within the proscribed period but instead scrutinizes his intent.
  6.  The phrase bu de wo er zhi ming literally means “cannot attain the names of ‘me’ and ‘you.’” In other words, neither aspect of ritual is genuine without the other; they are codependent.
  7.  The Gongyang Commentary at Duke Xi 5.29.1 explains that this man was a ruler of the Yi and Di tribes who came to pay court respects to the Zhou court. The text replaces the standard term designating paying court respects (chao ) with the character meaning simply “to come” (lai ). Although this ruler did not know the ritual form proper to paying court respects, the text suggests that he adopted an attitude appropriate to such a ritual.
  8.  Duke Huan 2.5.9: “Winter. The duke of Jou () entered Cao.” Gongyang: “When a foreign envoy arrives [the Spring and Autumn] does not record it. Why does it record it in this instance? [The duke of Jou] passed through our state.” Duke Huan 2.6.1: “The sixth year. Spring. The first month. That same person [i.e., the man referred to in the previous entry] came.” The Gongyang Commentary explains that this indicates disapproval of the duke of Jou. The duke of Jou passed through the state of Lu and did not pay court respects to the ruler of Lu. His actions lacked propriety, so the Spring and Autumn does not record his title and his name.
  9.  The “jade and silk” are the external objects of ritual. The quotation is from Analects 17.11.
10.  “Commands and orders” are the outward manifestations of government.
11.  Analects 17.11.
12.  This refers to a hermeneutical position, common in the Han and perhaps before, that in writing the Spring and Autumn, Confucius assumed the mantle of an “uncrowned king” . This section of the Chunqiu fanlu specifically expounds on a historiographical principle derived from Analects 3.14: “The Zhou is resplendent in culture (wen ). It reviewed [the legacy of the preceding] two dynasties. I follow the Zhou.” Some Han scholars understood this to mean that successive dynasties naturally alternated between those that emphasized culture/form and those that emphasized substance. At Analects 3.14, Confucius thus declares that the Zhou had emphasized form and that his new dynasty would emphasize substance. Michael Loewe regards the tension between wen (pattern) and zhi (substance) as one of the principal themes of the Chunqiu fanlu, in Dong Zhongshu, a “Confucian” Heritage, and the “Chunqiu fanlu,” Brill China Studies, no. 20 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 275–83. See also SJ 47/1936 and Bohutong 27, “San zheng” (Three Rectifications); and Tjan Tjoe Som, trans., Po Hu T’ung: The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall (Leiden: Brill, 1952), 2:551, 553.
13.  Heaven’s yearly course begins in spring and ends in winter. Therefore after the ruler dies, the new ruler must wait until the spring of his second year of mourning before assuming the throne. Until then, he is referred to only as the “son” (i.e., heir apparent) rather than by his prospective new rank as ruler.
14.  Yi may mean either “righteousness” or “meaning,” and in the context of the Spring and Autumn, it almost invariably means both. We translate yi as “important principle.”
15.  In other words, they do not refer to the deceased ruler’s son by his new rank and title for three years following his father’s death.
16.  Jing , that is, the Spring and Autumn.
17.  That is, some standards are positively declared in the Spring and Autumn but others must be read between the lines.
18.  Fu literally means to “match” or to “tally.” It translates as “extrapolate” in the sense that the reader must provide the positive standard to match the significant lacunae in the text.
19.  This passage appears to be intrusive and is not attributable to Dong Zhongshu. The subject that it addresses, the characteristics of human nature, is not in keeping with the rest of the chapter; moreover, its position on human nature is not congruent with Dong’s known views on the subject. Su Yu (CQFLYZ 34) argues emphatically that these are not the words of Dong Zhongshu.
20.   Duke Wen 6.4.2: “Summer. We received the wife [of the Jiang clan] in Qi.” The Gongyang Commentary holds that the event was recorded in a cursory manner because the duke married a woman of a great officer’s family, a rank too low to be a suitable match. In other words, no subject is given for the verb “to meet” (ni ).
21.  By not according him his proper place in the ancestral temple.
22.  Literally, four or five.
23.  Emending ming to meng , following Su Yu, CQFLYZ; and Lai, CQFLJZJY 24.
24.  Analects 16.3.
25.  The idea here seems to be that the classics must be approached as a whole, not studied in isolation from one another.
26.  Emending bian to bai , based on the “Rong jing” chapter of Jia Yi’s Xin shu (Su Yu, CQFLYZ 26).
27.  Sheng hua . The passage draws heavily on the educational methods advocated by Jia Yi. Beginning with “the ruler,” the passage parallels a passage in the “Rong jing” chapter of Jia Yi’s Xin shu. See D. C. Lau, ed., Xin shu zhuzi suoyin (A Concordance to the “Xin shu”), Chinese University of Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Studies Ancient Chinese Text Concordance Series (Hong Kong: Commercial Press, 1994), 6.2/45/1–3.
28.  The phrase jun bu shu zang indicates that the specific term zang is not used when an assassinated ruler is buried.
29.  Zhao Dun was a great officer of the Jin state. During the reign of Duke Xiang of Jin, he participated in governmental affairs. When Duke Xiang died, he helped establish Duke Ling on the throne. Duke Ling was an unprincipled ruler, and on several occasions Zhao Dun remonstrated with him. Duke Ling was about to assassinate Zhao Dun when Zhao Dun fled the state. Before he had crossed the border into another state, his brother Zhao Quan assassinated Duke Ling. Zhao Dun returned and established Duke Cheng on the throne. The historians of Jin recorded simply the following: “Zhao Dun of Jin assassinated his ruler Yi Gao.” Duke Xuan 2.6: “Autumn. The ninth month. Yichou. Zhao Dun of Jin assassinated his ruler Yi Gao.” For the discussion of Zhao Dun and Zhao Quan, see the Gongyang Commentary at Duke Xuan 7.6.1.
30.  This question appears in Yin 1.11.4 (where it is introduced and explained), Huan 2.18.4, Xuan 7.12.1, Xiang 8.8.2 and 8.30.8, and Zhao 10.19.5. As the text farther down shows, it refers here to the parallel in Zhao 10.19.5.
31.  The grammar and diction here are very convoluted, but the gist is this: the Chunqiu fanlu is refuting one possible interpretation of the Zhao Dun/Duke Dao anomaly, as the necessary parallelism between these two exceptional records would yield a moral paradox. If one posits that Zhao Dun reappears to demonstrate that he deserves execution despite his not having personally killed the duke, then one would have to hold that the record of Duke Dao’s burial indicates that a failure to complete an act of regicide absolves one of a crime.
32.  Duke Xuan 2.6.
33.  Odes 198, verse 4.
34.  Gongzi Bi was the third son of King Gong of Chu. King Ling was violent and unprincipled. When he attacked the state of Xu, Gongzi Qi murdered his heir apparent Lu and forced Gongzi Bi to become the king of Chu. King Ling committed suicide. Duke Zhao 10.13.2: “Summer. The fourth month. Gongzi Bi of Chu returned to Chu from Jin. He assassinated his ruler Qian in Gan Ke.”
35.  The author believes that the Spring and Autumn omits their rank in order to indicate that they did not act as true ministers.