Book 9, Part 3
CHAPTER 33
Observing Virtue
Section 33.1
Heaven and Earth are the root of the myriad things, the place from which our first ancestors emerged. Vast and limitless, their Virtue is radiant and brilliant. Their days and years accumulate and increase, long enduring and boundless. Heaven sends forth the acme of brilliance and makes known the numerous categories [of things]. [Thus] nothing that is hidden fails to be illuminated. Earth sends forth the acme of darkness, [but] what the stars and sun make bright, it does not dare darken. The Way of ruler and minister, father and son, and husband and wife, derive from Heaven and Earth.
[Thus in accordance with] the Great Rites of Mourning [following the death of the ruler, his] loyal son does not dare assume [his father’s] position for three years.1 When he does assume his position,
he invariably acknowledges the late ruler;
he invariably acknowledges his late ancestors;
for he does not dare covet [this position of] utmost respect. All the numerous rites honored [in the Spring and Autumn] are listed under “the months”;
the months are listed under “the seasons”;
the seasons are listed under “the rulers”;
the rulers are listed under “Heaven.”
Those rejected by Heaven, the world will not support.
Jie and Djou exemplify this [righteous principle of the Spring and Autumn].
The heirs of one whom the king has punished and cut off [from the line of succession] cannot be restored to his position. The heir apparent of Cai2 and Feng Choufu3 exemplify this [righteous principle of the Spring and Autumn].
The [king’s] sons and grandsons are not permitted to continue relations with those whom the king and father have cut off [from the line of succession]. Duke Zhuang of Lu not being allowed to think of his mother4 and Che of Wey dismissing his father’s orders5 exemplify this [righteous principle of the Spring and Autumn].
Therefore, if you receive the Mandate and all within the seas follow you, it will be like
the numerous stars turning to the North Star6
and flowing water returning to the sea.
How much more is this true of those who live amid Heaven and Earth and pattern themselves after the bearing and conduct of their founding ancestor and predecessors and who follow their Ultimate Virtue and appropriate their appearance, amassing a reputation of respect and honor. This is what the sage regards as honorable. [33/42/16–23]
Section 33.2
The Utmost Virtue of Tai Bo7 equaled that of Heaven and Earth. On behalf of Tai Bo, the High Thearch abrogated the customary [rules of succession],8 changed the surname [of the ruling clan], and took [Tai Bo] as a son. Yielding to his Utmost Virtue, those who lived within the seas embraced him and gave their allegiance to him. [Yet] Tai Bo three times declined [when offered the throne] and did not dare assume that position. Bo Yikao [i.e., the eldest son of King Wen] knew that the people’s hearts were divided, so he declined the throne and withdrew. [His conduct] was in accord with spirit illumination.
When one who possesses Utmost Virtue receives the Mandate, the martial and brave and the eminent and lofty will return to him like the spokes of a wheel to its hub. The eminent among them will be ranked as dukes and marquises, and those below them will become ministers and great officers. How fine they will be, each ranked in accordance with his virtue!
Thus, although [the ruler of] Wu and Lu shared a surname, at the meeting of Zhongli, [the Spring and Autumn] did not permit [the ruler of] Wu to be ranked and designated as ruler.9 [The ruler of] Wu was [designated] differently from [the ruler of] Lu, even though he met with him. This was because of his conduct, [which resembled that of] the Yi and Di [tribes].
At the battle of Jifu, [the ruler of] Wu was not permitted to perform the rites along with [the rulers of] the Central States.10 But when it came to [the ruler of Wu’s] conduct at Boju11 and Huang Chi,12 it changed [for the better] and reverted to the Way. Only then was he ranked and not set apart from the Central States.
At the meeting of Shaoling, the ruler of Lu was present, but [the Spring and Autumn] did not grant him the title of “presider,” in order to avoid mentioning Duke Huan of Qi.13 When Duke Huan of Lu had occupied the throne for thirteen years, the states of Qi, Song, Wey, and Yan raised troops and headed eastward. The states of Ji, Zheng, and Lu joined forces to repel them. The Spring and Autumn recorded the day of the battle after [recording the meeting with Ji and Zheng] but because Lu was not permitted to set the date of the battle on its own authority, it avoided mentioning the lord of Ji and Duke Li of Zheng.14 [33/42/23–33/43/2]
Section 33.3
In the standard terminology of the Spring and Autumn, the Yi and Di tribes are not permitted to perform the rites along with the rulers of the Central States.15 At the battle of Bi, the Yi and Di tribes reverted to the Way, yet the Spring and Autumn did not permit [it to be mentioned] that they participated in the rites of the Central States. [In this case,] it was in order to avoid mentioning King Zhuang of Chu.16
The states of Xing and Wey shared the same surname as the state of Lu. When men of the Di [tribe] destroyed them, the Spring and Autumn employed the principle of concealment in order to avoid mentioning Duke Huan of Qi, [who was unable to save them].
It was appropriate that the Spring and Autumn was like this. When describing those who were both virtuous and related by blood, it would place first those who were related by blood. Thus with regard to the sons and grandsons of the Zhou,
when ranking blood relations, King Wen was given first preference;
when ranking the four seasons, spring was given first preference;
when ranking the twelve months, the first month was given first preference;
when ranking the virtuous, showing affection toward relatives was given first preference;
when ranking the twelve dukes of Lu, Dukes Ding and Ai were given first honors.
The state of Wey belonged to the Sinitic states,17 but [in the Spring and Autumn’s account of] the meeting of Shan Dao, Wey alone was given precedence as a state of the interior, because the state of Wey shared a surname with us [i.e., with the dukes of Lu].18
The state of Wu belonged to the states of the Yi and Di tribes, but [in the Spring and Autumn’s account of] the meeting of Zha, Wu alone was given precedence as a state of the interior, because [its rulers] shared a surname with us [i.e., with the dukes of Lu].19
Annihilated states number more than fifty [in the Spring and Autumn], but precedence was given only to those that belonged to the Sinitic states.20
The states of both Lu and Jin were Sinitic states, but when criticizing those who took a double surname, their rulers alone were placed first and implicated.21
The earl of Cheng and the viscount of Xiang ought to have been cut off, but they alone are not mentioned by name, because they shared a surname with us and were our relatives.22
Those who fled abroad were numerous, but when brothers [born of the same mother as the ruler] left the state, the Spring and Autumn singled them out for great opprobrium because they forgot their mothers and turned their backs on their flesh and blood.23
Those who exterminated other [states] were not [always] cut off, but when the marquis of Wey exterminated [a state whose rulers] shared his surname, he alone was cut off, because he had slighted his founding ancestors and forgotten his predecessors.24 [33/43/2–10]
Section 33.4
With relatives of equal status, [the Spring and Autumn] begins with those who are nearest. The establishment of sons of the principal wife is based on seniority.25 The mother follows the son’s nobility and is placed first.
On the day jiaxu [or] on the day jichou, Marquis Bao of Chen died.26 [Confucius] recorded what he saw and did not discuss what was obscure to him. “Five falling stones in Song, six herons flying backward.”27
What his ears heard he noted;
what his eyes observed he recorded.
Some things he perceived only slowly;
and some things he perceived in great detail.
In every case, he recorded events in the order in which he personally experienced them.
His descriptions of the propriety governing meetings, covenants, court visits, and friendly diplomatic visits also were like this.28 [Thus] although the covenants entered into by the Lords of the Land were numerous, Yifu alone was said to have “gradually advanced.”29 When Duke Xi of Zheng approached from distant lands to meet with us but was murdered on his way, the Spring and Autumn extended his intentions and said that he “went to the meeting.”30 When the viscount of Luu broke with the [Yi and] Di tribes and turned toward [the Central States,] so that [his state] was destroyed, the Spring and Autumn referred to him as a “viscount” to commemorate his intentions.31
At the meetings of Baolai, Shouzai, Huang Chi,32 Qianshi, and Cao, the marquis of Chen, and the earl of Zheng left us [i.e., Lu], and the Spring and Autumn stated that they “fled and returned home.”33
When the earl of Zheng remained in his locale and did not come [to the meeting of Tao], the Spring and Autumn stated that he “requested an alliance.”34
When the marquis of Chen was the last to arrive [at the meeting of Jianshi], the Spring and Autumn stated that he “went to the meeting.”35 When a man from Ju was suspicious of us, [the Spring and Autumn] censured him and referred to him as “a man.”36
The Lords of the Land attended audiences with the Lu dukes on numerous occasions, but only the rulers of Teng and Pi were referred to as marquises.37
When the duke of Jou treated us disrespectfully, [the Spring and Autumn] stripped him of his rank and sobriquet.38
The states of Wu and Chu were the first to come on a friendly diplomatic mission, so [the Spring and Autumn] portrayed them as worthies.39 [When Duke Yuan of Song died at] Quji and [Gongzi Shou of Cao participated in] the battle of An,40 because they were the first to show concern for us, [the Spring and Autumn] portrayed them as deserving of veneration.41 [33/43/10–17]
 
  1.  This is the standard “three years’ mourning” period (actually twenty-five months) (Gongyang Commentary at Duke Wen 6.9.1).
  2.  Duke Xiang 9.30.2: “Summer. The fourth month. The heir apparent of Cai, Ban, assassinated his ruler, Gu.” Duke Zhao 10.11.3: “Summer. The fourth month. Dingsi. The viscount of Chu, Jian, lured the marquis of Cai, Ban, and killed him at Chen.” Duke Zhao 10.11.10: “Winter. The eleventh month. Dingyou. Chu troops annihilated Cai. They seized the heir apparent, You, and returned back with him. They offered him as a sacrificial victim.”
  3.  Feng Choufu was a great officer of Qi. Duke Cheng 8.2.4: “The sixth month. Guiyou. Jisun Xingfu, Cang Sunxu, Shusun Jiaoru, and Gongsun Yingqi led troops to join with Xi Ke of Jin, Sun Liangfu of Wey, and Gongzi Shou of Cao to do battle with the marquis of Qi at An. The Qi troops were utterly defeated.”
  4.  Duke Zhuang 3.1.2: “The third month. Our lady withdrew to Qi.” Gongyang:
Why is the spouse not referred to as Lady Jiang? In order to degrade her. Why degrade her? She participated in the assassination of the duke…. To think of one’s mother is something of which [the Spring and Autumn] approves. Why does [the Spring and Autumn] degrade her [in this context, in which Duke Zhuang is said to] think of his mother? [Under the circumstances, the Spring and Autumn] does not allow [the duke] to think of his mother. (Adapted from Göran Malmqvist, “Studies on the Gongyang and Guliang Commentaries,” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 43 [1971]: 117)
  5.  Wey Che was Duke Chu of Wey 衛初公, the grandson of Duke Ling of Wey and the son of Kuai Kui. Because Kuai Kui was violent and immoral, Duke Ling expelled him from the state and established his son, Che, as heir apparent in his place. When Duke Ling died, Kuai Kui hoped to return to Wey and inherit the throne, but Wey Che honored his grandfather’s command and resisted his father’s orders (Lai, CQFLJZJY 247–48, note 15). For these events, see Duke Ai 12.3.1.
  6.  See also Analects 2.1: The Master said, “He who exercises government by means of his virtue may be compared to the north polestar, which stays in one place while the numerous stars turn toward it.”
  7.  Analects 8.1 states: “The Master said: ‘Tai Bo may be said to have achieved Utmost Virtue. Three times he declined [when he was offered the throne].’ ” According to the traditional genealogy of the Zhou royal house, Tai Bo was the uncle of King Wen.
  8.  Normally the throne devolved to a son of the ruler’s principal wife.
  9.  The ruler of Wu is unnamed and last in the following entry. Duke Cheng 8.15.13: “Winter. The eleventh month. Shusun Jiaoru met with Shi Shi of Jin, Gao Wujiu of Qi, Hua Yuan of Song, Sun Linfu of Wey, Gongzi Jiu of Zheng, and a man from Zhu who together met with Wu at Zhongli.”
10.  Duke Zhao 10.23.7: “Wuchen. Wu defeated Dun, Hu, Shen, Cai, Chen, and Xu troops at Jifu.”
11.  Duke Ding 11.4.16: “Winter. The eleventh month. Gengwu. The marquis of Cai, on behalf of the viscount of Wu, did battle with a man from Chu at Boju. The Chu troops were utterly defeated.” Note that the Chu ruler is disparaged by being referred to simply as “a man.”
12.  Duke Ai 12.13.3: “Our lord met with the marquis of Jin and the viscount of Wu at Huang Chi.”
13.  Duke Xi 5.4.5: “Qiuwan of Chu came to make a covenant at the place where the troops were and made a covenant at Shaoling.”
14.  Duke Huan 2.13.2: “Jisi. We did battle with the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, and a man from Yan.” Duke Huan 2.13.3: “The Qi troops, Song troops, Wey troops, and Yan troops were utterly defeated.” Again, the Spring and Autumn disparages the Yan ruler by calling him simply “a man.”
15.  In other words, the Spring and Autumn uses different language to record the performance of rites by rulers of the Central States and rulers of peripheral “barbarian” states.
16.  Duke Xuan 7.12.3: “Summer. The sixth month. Yimao. Sun Linfu of Jin led troops to do battle with the viscount of Chu at Bi.” Duke Xuan 7.12.4: “The Jin troops were utterly defeated.”
17.  Literally, “[states] that belong to the [land of] Xia”—that is, states in the tradition of the Three Dynasties of Xia, Shang, and Zhou.
18.  Duke Xiang 9.5.4: “Zhongsun Mie and Sun Linfun of Wey met with Wu at Shan Dao.”
19.  Duke Xiang 9.10.1: “Spring. Our lord met with the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, the viscount of Ying, the viscount of Zhu, the viscount of Teng, the earl of Xu, the earl of Ji, the viscount of Lesser Zhu, and the heir apparent of Ji, Guang. They met at Zha.”
20.  Duke Yin 1.2.3: “Wuhai led troops to enter Ji.” Gongyang:
Who was this Wuhai? He was Ran Wuxiu. Why does [the Spring and Autumn] omit his surname? In order to degrade him. Why degrade him? In order to criticize this first instance of the annihilation [of a state]. Was this actually the first instance of annihilation? There were instances before this. Since this is so, why, then, is this noted as the first instance? In order to mark it as the first. Why should it be marked as the first? It was the first instance in [the period covered by the Spring and Autumn]. This was an instance of annihilation. Why does the text use the term ru 入 (to enter)? When the interior is involved, avoidance is made of great evils. (Adapted from Malmqvist, “Studies on the Gongyang and Guliang Commentaries,” 73)
21.  Duke Ding 11.6.8: “Jisun Si and Zhongsun Ji led troops to surround Yun.”
22.  Duke Wen 6.12.1; Duke Xi 5.20.2.
23.  Duke Zhao 10.1.4; Duke Xiang 9.20.7.
24.  Duke Xi 5.25.1.
25.  Gongyang Commentary at Duke Yin 1.1.1: “The establishment of sons of the principal wife is based on seniority and not on considerations of worth; the establishment of sons [other than sons of the principal wife] is based on nobility and not on seniority” (adapted from Malmqvist, “Studies on the Gongyang and Guliang Commentaries,” 69).
26.  Jiaxu and jichou are the eleventh and twenty-sixth days, respectively, of the sexagenary cycle. Duke Huan 2.5.1: “Why was his death recorded on two [alternative] days? [He became] mad. On the day jiaxu he disappeared; on the day jichou he was found dead. The Noble Man [Confucius] was in doubt about this and therefore recorded his death on two [alternative days]” (adapted from Malmqvist, “Studies on the Gongyang and Guliang Commentaries,” 100).
27.  Duke Xi 5.16.1. Also see chapter 6.1, note 12; chapters 35.3 and 36.1.
28.  Supplying meng 盟 after hui 會, following Ling Shu (Lai, CQFLJZJY 250, note 55).
29.  Duke Yin 1.1.2: “Our lord and Yifu of Zhu made a covenant at Mie.” Gongyang:
Who was this Yifu? The ruler of Zhu. Why is he referred to by his personal name? It was his style. Why does the [Spring and Autumn] refer to him by his style? In order to praise him. Why praise him? He is praised because he made a covenant with the duke. Those who made covenants with the duke were already numerous. Why, then, is praise indicated in this case alone? [The Spring and Autumn] based itself on that for which he could be praised and consequently praises him. Under what circumstances may he here be represented as worthy of praise? He gradually advanced. (Adapted from Malmqvist, “Studies on the Gongyang and Guliang Commentaries,” 70)
30.  Duke Xiang 9.7.9: “Our lord met with the marquis of Jin, the duke of Song, the marquis of Chen, the marquis of Wey, the earl of Cao, the viscount of Qu, and the viscount of Zhu at Wey. The earl of Zheng, Kuanyuan, went to the meeting, but he had not yet seen the Lords of the Land.”
31.  In other words, following his intentions to serve the state of Lu, the Spring and Autumn ranks him as a “viscount” as if he held rank in the state of Lu.
32.  Several editions, including the Lau concordance, have Chi 池 rather than Tao 洮, and we follow this emendation. The meeting at Huang Chi is noted at Duke Ai 12.13.3. For the various editions in which this character occurs, see Lai, CQFLJZJY 4998, note 16.
33.  Duke Yin 1.8.7; Duke Xi 5.5.4; Duke Ai 12.13.3; Duke Xi 5.28.8; Duke Xiang 9.7.9.
34.  Duke Xi 5.8.1: “Eighth year: Spring. The royal first month. Our Lord met with the [Zhou] king’s man, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Wey, the baron of Xu, the earl of Cao, and the heir apparent of Chen, Kuan, to make a covenant at Tao. The earl of Zheng requested to make a covenant.” Gongyang: “What is meant by the term ‘requested to make a covenant’? It means that he remained in his locality yet requested to participate.”
35.  Duke Xi 5.28.8: “Fifth Month. Guichou. Our lord met with the marquis of Jin, the marquis of Qi, the duke of Song, the marquis of Cai, the earl of Zheng, the viscount of Wey, and the viscount of Ju to make a covenant at Jiantu. The marquis of Chen went to the meeting.”
36.  Duke Yin 1.8.7: “The ninth month. Xinmao. Our lord and a man from Ju made a covenant at Baolai.” Gongyang: “Why did the duke make a covenant with a man of low rank? In using the term ren (a man) [the Spring and Autumn] follows [the rule for instances when there is] no doubt of the correct identification” (adapted from Malmqvist, “Studies on the Gongyang and Guliang Commentaries,” 84).
37.  Duke Yin 1.11.1.
38.  Duke Huan 2.6.1. “Spring. The first month. He came.” This refers to the duke of Jou 州公 mentioned in the preceding entry, where it states: “The duke of Jou went to Cao.” Gongyang:
What is meant by the expression “He came”? It is the same as saying: “That man came.” To whom does this refer? It refers to the duke of Jou. Why does [the Spring and Autumn] use the phrase shi lai 寔來? In order to express disregard for him. Why so? He treated us in a disrespectful manner. (Adapted from Malmqvist, “Studies on the Gongyang and Guliang Commentaries,” 101)
39.  Duke Xiang 9.29.8: “The viscount of Wu sent Zha on a friendly diplomatic visit.” Gongyang:
In the case of the state of Wu, [the Spring and Autumn] does not normally record its ruler or its great officers. Why does it do so here? In order to represent Ji Zi [i.e., Ji Zha] as worthy. In what respect what he worthy? He yielded the position of ruler of his state. (Adapted from Malmqvist, “Studies on the Gongyang and Guliang Commentaries,” 198)
Duke Zhuang 3.23.4: “A man from Jing came on a friendly diplomatic visit.” Gongyang: “Why was the term ‘a man’ used in reference to Jing? It was the first time Jing was able to [send someone on a] friendly diplomatic visit.”
40.  Duke Cheng 8.2.1: “The marquis of Qi attacked our northern border.” Duke Cheng 8.2.3: “The sixth month. Jisun Hangfu, Cang Sunxu, Shusun Qiaoru, and Gongsun Yingqi led troops to join with Xi Ke of Jin, Sun Liangfu of Wey, and Gongzi Shou of Cao to do battle with the marquis of Qi at An. The Qi troops were utterly defeated.” Gongyang: “Cao had no great officers. Why, then, does the text record Gongzi Shou as one such? He showed concern for the interior [i.e., the state of Lu].”
41.  Duke Zhao 10.25.8.