Nineteen
CULTIVATING EFFORT

ACCORDING TO the summary in chapter 21, “Cultivating Effort” was written for those “whose entry into the Way is not yet profound, and whose appetite for debate is not yet deep.” Substantively, chapter 19 provides arguments that can be used to challenge a number of political and philosophical views that seem to have been in vogue at the time the Huainanzi was created. Together, these arguments support the general theme of the chapter, that cultivating effort is necessary in a wide variety of contexts and among a wide variety of people, from the sage who tries to bring benefit to the world to the common man who tries to lift himself morally through education and training. Rhetorically, the chapter instructs the reader in techniques of assertion and refutation that can be used in oral debate. Each of the chapter’s seven sections lays out a sustained argument that begins by asserting or refuting a particular proposition. In every case, personal effort is seen to be indispensable even when it pertains to the key concept of “non-action” (wuwei ), advocated throughout the Huainanzi as a technique of sagely government. Here, “non-action” is redefined to highlight the importance of human agency and human exertion.

The Chapter Title

We have translated the title of chapter 19, “Xiu wu” , as “Cultivating Effort.”1 Even though “Cultivation and Effort” also would be an acceptable translation of this chapter title, we prefer the verb–object reading because we believe that it best expresses the chapter’s main theme as developed in all seven of its sections. Xiu is associated with a constellation of concepts such as to regulate, to cultivate, and to improve, with connotations of beginning with the natural tendency of a person or thing and developing it to perfection. Wu is associated with working hard, making an effort, trying to do something, and exerting oneself to the utmost. Both words point to the importance of human agency and its indispensable role in perfecting oneself and the world. The message of the title, as of the chapter itself, is that no ruler can hope to succeed unless he devotes himself to the task of ruling.

Summary and Key Themes

Each of this chapter’s seven sections addresses a philosophical issue to be affirmed or refuted. The first two sections take up the concept of non-action but differ in the arguments they employ.

Section 19.1 is a refutation of what may have been a particularly popular early Han reading of the concept of non-action—that the non-active sage is “solitarily soundless and indifferently unmoving.” It challenges this depiction through a detailed description of the Divine Farmer, Yao, Shun, Yu, and Tang and their contributions to human society. As “rulers who made the world flourish,” these five sages are said to have “labored their bodies and used their minds to the utmost on behalf of the people to bring benefit and eradicate harm, yet they never tired of doing so.”

Section 19.2 also addresses the concept of non-action but does so differently. Instead of refuting one particular understanding of the concept, it redefines non-action, linking the concept to the natural propensity of things (shi ), on the one hand, and to human effort, on the other:

 

The propensity of terrain [is such that] water flows east, but people must work on it so that the floodwaters flow through the valleys.

Grain and crops grow in the spring, but people must apply their efforts to them so that the five grains can reach maturity.

If they had let the water flow naturally or waited for the plants to grow by them-selves, the accomplishments of Gun and Yu would not have been established, and the wisdom of Lord Millet would not have been employed.

 

Having set out this fundamental position for understanding the concept of non-action, the section then refines its definition. Non-action means

not allowing private ambitions to interfere with the public Way,

not allowing lustful desires to distort upright techniques.

[It means]

complying with the inherent patterns of things when initiating undertakings,

according with the natural endowments of things when establishing accomplishments,

and advancing the natural propensities of things so that misguided precedents are not able to dominate.

Thus the section distinguishes between those who take deliberate action (youwei ) in a vain effort to contradict the natural propensities of things and those who engage in non-action by understanding and harnessing the natural course of things—for example, by using a boat on water or choosing a low-lying area as a place to dig a pond.

Section 19.3 argues that sages act differently to achieve the same ends: “As sages carry out their affairs, they differ in specific [details] but agree on matters of principle; they start out along different paths but return to the same place.”2 The section illustrates this point through a pair of anecdotes. In one, Mozi acts urgently to save the state of Song from potential destruction; in the other, the hermit Duangan Mu uses his prestige as a virtuous recluse to save Wei from a similar fate. The message is that the sage-ruler must choose appropriate means but never lose sight of the end: “In preserving [their states] against danger and stabilizing them against collapse, they are as one, and their wills never deviated from the desire to bring benefit to others.”

Judging from the acerbic tone of the section’s opening lines, section 19.4 challenges a particular understanding of human nature that may also have been popular when this chapter was composed. The claim is made, we are told, that human nature cannot be altered: “People’s natures in each case possess strengths and weaknesses, just as fish are swift and cranes are particolored. This is something natural that cannot be diminished or enhanced.” The section’s rebuttal of that claim begins by denying its validity, using the same formula employed in section 19.1: “I believe that this is not so.” The writer concedes that some traits are inherent; for example, people and horses alike receive their muscles, bones, frame, and body from Heaven, and these Heaven-endowed aspects of their physical form cannot be changed. Yet when a horse is a young colt, it exhibits many different kinds of natural tendencies: it jumps and kicks and raises its tail and runs, making it difficult for people to control it. Moreover,

its bite is strong enough to pierce flesh and break bones,

and its kick is hard enough to break a skull or crush a chest.

But when tamed by a groom or trained by a charioteer, the wild and unrestrained colt can be controlled with bridle and harness and led with rein and bit so that it will traverse even the most precarious terrain. The argument concludes: “A horse is a dumb brute and yet it is possible to penetrate through to its vital energy and will by relying on training to perfect the horse. How much more is this true of people!” Admitting that one might cite examples of goodness or depravity so extreme as to defy the bad effects of corruption or the good effects of education, the writer points out that when formulating policies or making general assessments, one must be careful of reasoning from extreme examples. The vast majority of people who “in loftiness do not reach Yao and Shun and in baseness do not compare with Shang Yun” can be perfected through education and instruction.

Section 19.5 builds its argument around the following opening claim:

The weakness of a wise person [in some field] makes him not as good [in that field] as a foolish person who is strong [in it].

The deficits of a worthy [in some field] make him not as good [in that field] as an ordinary person who surpasses [in it].

Even the sages of antiquity, the section continues, were not good at everything. Rong Cheng invented the calendar, Lord Millet invented agriculture, and so on. People have their particular talents: some are smiths, some weavers, some musicians. None achieves his or her skill without effort. This section then concludes: “Looking at it from this perspective, a wise person who makes no effort does not compare with a foolish person who loves to learn. From the rulers, dukes, and ministers on down to the common people, there has never been a case of someone succeeding without exerting himself to the utmost.”

Section 19.6 again takes up the theme of human agency, arguing that effort and perseverance are the crucial ingredients enabling a person to establish reputation and merit. The Superior Man then

musters his will and commits himself to uprightness, hastening toward brilliant teachers;

encourages moderation and exalts loftiness, separating himself from the conventions of the age.

These claims are supported by two illustrative and moving anecdotes in which the actors undergo all kinds of physical travails to achieve the goals just outlined.

Section 19.7, which concludes the chapter, turns to the benefits that come to those who have made the effort to educate themselves:

Those who fully comprehend things cannot be startled by the unusual;

those who are versed in the Way cannot be moved by the strange;

those who examine into words cannot be bedazzled by their designations;

those who investigate into forms cannot be misled by their appearances.

Sources

The literary form of “Cultivating Effort” belongs to a tradition extending back into the Warring States period, of using examples to teach people the techniques of oral debate by showing both how to assert and how to refute a philosophical claim. Sections 19.1 and 19.4 follow the literary form of a refutation or rebuttal (nan , “a proposition with which one has difficulty”). Each begins by stating a philosophical proposition attributed to an anonymous source, “someone says” (huo yue ). The validity of the claim is immediately denied with the author’s declarative statement “I believe this is not so” (wo yi wei bu ran ). The bulk of the section is then devoted to the refutation itself, so that the reader learns through examples and argumentation precisely why the particular proposition has been rejected. The oral and performative nature of the arguments in this chapter is underscored by the literary form of 19.1, which begins the chapter with an intricately metrical passage in the fu (poetic exposition) style. Fu, which generally were recited orally from a written script, were very popular and much admired during the Han period, and it was generally felt that their literary elegance lent heft to the arguments they contained. Section 19.1 thus gives us a very good sense of how a formal argument might have been presented at a ruler’s court.

Sections 19.2, 19.3, 19.5, 19.6, and 19.7 are affirmations. Each begins by stating a philosophical principle that in most cases is followed by the interrogative “How might I illustrate this point?” (He yi ming zhi ) or “How do I know this to be so?” (He yi zhi qi ran ). The explanation then follows, sometimes closing with a flourish by quoting from the Odes, as in sections 19.5, 19.6, and 19.7.

These model arguments in Huainanzi 19 likely belong to a long tradition of refutation and argumentation of which examples survive in various Warring States and Han collections—such as the Xunzi, Hanfeizi, Chunqiu fanlu, and Lun heng —and records of two Han court debates, the Yantie lun (Debates on Salt and Iron) and the Bohu tong (Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall). Each of these collections contains various kinds of assertions, refutations, critiques, and rebuttals. Chapter 5 of the Xunzi, “Fei xiang” (Opposing Physiognomy), and chapter 6, “Fei shi er zi” (Opposing the Twelve Masters), are perhaps the best-known earlier examples. In “Opposing Physiognomy,” Xunzi refutes the notion popular in his day that the destiny of a person could be predicted by assessing his physical attributes. He does so using numerous examples to demonstrate that physical attributes are essentially serendipitous. Rather than referring to physiognomers and their clients in his own time, Xunzi cites mainly famous figures from the past, such as Confucius, the Duke of Zhou, and King Djou, whose accomplishments and faults were beyond question to an audience in the Warring States period.3 In “Opposing the Twelve Masters,”4 Xunzi rails against twelve philosophers whose teachings and influences he found to be especially pernicious and injurious to social harmony. Since Xunzi’s preferred style of rhetorical combat is to support his arguments with specific historical examples, we might characterize his particular style of refutation as “peremptory refutation.”

Less well known are the four “Nan” chapters of the Hanfeizi. “Refutations, Parts 1 to 4” (Nan yi, er, san, si) follow a similar format, which we might call the “anecdotal refutation.” These chapters include a number of anecdotes that illustrate a didactic moral or state a particular philosophical position that is then followed by the refutation in the words of an anonymous critic, beginning with the set phrase huo yue (someone says).5 These “anecdotal refutations” were likely well known to Han audiences from the examples collected in the Hanfeizi or other sources that have since been lost. On one occasion, the Huainanzi explicitly attributes such an “anecdotal refutation” to Hanfeizi.6 This form of refutation seems to have been frequently employed by Master Han Fei, judging from the numerous examples preserved in the work that carries his name. The following example typifies this literary form:

Anecdote: Viscount Xiang was surrounded in Jinyang. When he broke the siege, he rewarded five men who served meritoriously, and Gao She was the first to be rewarded. Thereupon Zhang Mengtan said: “During the siege at Jinyang, She rendered no great meritorious service. Why now do you reward him first?” Viscount Xiang replied: “During the crisis at Jinyang, our state and families were imperiled and our altars of soil and grain were endangered. Among our officials, there was not one who did not harbor a proud and arrogant heart. She alone did not stray from the propriety owed by the minister to the ruler. This is why I rewarded him first.” When Zhongni [Confucius] heard about this, he said: “Viscount Xiang [truly] excelled at bestowing rewards! He rewarded one man, and all those who served as ministers in the world, without exception, did not dare stray from propriety.”7

Rebuttal: Someone said: Zhongni did not understand excellence in rewarding. When the ruler excels at conferring rewards and punishments, the numerous officials will not dare overstep their commissions, and the innumerable ministers will not dare stray from propriety. If the ruler promulgates the laws [clearly], then subordinates will not harbor treacherous and deceitful hearts. When the ruler acts in this manner, it may be said that he excels at conferring rewards and punishments. If when Viscount Xiang was in Jinyang, his orders were not implemented and his prohibitions stopped nothing, this would amount to Viscount Xiang’s having no state and Jinyang’s having no ruler. Then with whom could he defend the city? Now, when Viscount Xiang was surrounded in Jinyang, even though the Zhi clan inundated the city until frogs made their nests inside the mortars and ovens, the people still did not harbor rebellious hearts. Thus, too, should ruler and minister have cleaved to each other with affection. Now if Viscount Xiang had been bathed in the affection owed by his ministers to their ruler, and if Viscount Xiang wielded the laws in such a way that his orders were effective and his prohibitions were enforceable, yet there still remained ministers who harbored proud and arrogant hearts, it must have been the case that Viscount Xiang strayed from the [appropriate] punishments [in dealing with his ministers]. When ministers serve meritoriously when situations arise, they should be rewarded. Now She alone was neither proud nor arrogant, and so Viscount Xiang rewarded him. This is a case of straying from the [appropriate] reward. The enlightened ruler neither rewards those who are not meritorious nor punishes those who are not guilty. Now Viscount Xiang did not punish those ministers who harbored a proud and arrogant heart, yet he rewarded the unmeritorious She. Where, then, does his excellence in bestowing reward reside? Thus the claim: “Zhongni did not understand excellence in rewarding.”8

The tradition of affirmation and rebuttal continues in several works that were composed after the Huainanzi but that apparently preserve earlier materials. The Chunqiu fanlu (Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and Autumn), attributed to Dong Zhongshu of the Western Han dynasty (late second century B.C.E.), contains fragments of various debates and discussions in this tradition. Chapter 25, “Yao and Shun Did Not Presumptuously Transfer the Throne; Tang and Wu Did Not Unauthorizedly Murder the Ruler” (Yao Shun bu shan yi; Tang Wu bu zhuan sha ;), preserves a brief record of the historically documented court debate between Master Huang and Yuan Gu9 held before Emperor Jing (r. 156–140 B.C.E.), as well as other exchanges of opinion ranging from propositions concerning the Spring and Autumn Annals to certain aspects of yin–yang cosmology. Here the critical voice is introduced by the set phrase nan zhe yue , which may be variously understood as “one raising an objection stated” or “someone who found this difficult to accept said.” This form of rebuttal differs from the “anecdotal rebuttal” typical of the Hanfeizi. In the Chunqiu fanlu, the rebuttals are part of dialogues, so we might call them “diaological rebuttals.” There is a kind of back-and-forth or give-and-take between the person who sets out a particular proposition and the person who expresses an objection or difficulty with the given assertion.10

A number of chapters in Wang Chong’s Lun heng (Discourses Weighed in the Balance [first century C.E.]) preserve various refutations and critiques. Chapter 28, “Questioning Confucius” (Wen Kong ), chapter 29, “Opposing Han [Feizi]” (Fei Han ), and chapter 30, “Negating Mencius” (Ci Meng ) contain refutations of philosophical propositions attributed to Confucius, Han Feizi, and Mencius. These differ yet again from those preserved in the Hanfeizi and the Chunqiu fanlu. Not “peremptory,” “anecdotal,” or “diaological,” each of these refutations begins with a citation from the Analects or Mencius (or, in the case of “Opposing Han,” a paraphrase of the views of the Hanfeizi) that is then critiqued by means of a detailed prose analysis. Accordingly, we might identify this form of critique as the “extended refutation.”

The importance of techniques of oral debate in the Han period can be gauged from the two records of imperially mandated court debates mentioned: the Debates on Salt and Iron11 and the Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall.12 Salt and Iron records a debate on state economic policy held in 81 B.C.E. in the presence of Emperor Zhao (r. 87–73 B.C.E.) and purports to transcribe verbatim the arguments made by Grand Secretary Sang Hongyang in favor of an authoritarian policy, and the equally vehement rebuttals made by Huan Kuan and other representatives of the literati. Comprehensive Discussions summarizes a debate about how the classics should be understood and their role in the formulation of policy, convened in 79 C.E. by Emperor Zhang (r. 76–89 C.E.) of the Later Han dynasty. The record is in the form of topical questions followed by answers and explanations. Behind these rather bland summaries are some of the high-stakes arguments among scholars and court officials over which editions and commentarial traditions of the classics should be considered authoritative.

From these examples, it is clear that the kinds of debating skills featured in “Cultivating Effort” were an essential part of the education of anyone who hoped to play a role in politics and government in the Han era.

The Chapter in the Context of the Huainanzi as a Whole

As noted in the general introduction to this book, one way of looking at the Huainanzi and understanding the principles of its organization is to regard it as a curriculum for the education of an aspiring monarch. Seen in this light, chapter 19 plays a dual role. It instructs, using examples, how to frame affirmations and refutations in oral debate, and as chapters 16 and 17 do as well, it equips its reader to evaluate the arguments of others. But as important as this training in rhetorical techniques was, the content of the chapter is given equal weight. In earlier chapters of the Huainanzi (for example, chapter 8), the reader encountered numerous instances in which the moral authority of a sage apparently was sufficient to bring about good government. Here, however, the author warns the reader that there is no easy path to the cultivation of sagehood and that it is a mistake to think that “non-action” is a license to do nothing. On the contrary, the chapter states in no uncertain terms that effort is, and has always been, an essential quality of a ruler. The chapter summary in chapter 21 reinforces this point, saying bluntly that idleness and laziness will surely obstruct one from the Great Way. A later passage from chapter 21 then reiterates the same point when it insists that he who fails to familiarize himself with chapter 19 will surely “lack the means to inspire scholars to exert their utmost strength” (21.3). No ruler can hope to have energetic officials if he does not cultivate effort himself. Chapter 19 thus sets the stage for the next chapter, “The Exalted Lineage,” which recapitulates many of the themes of the book as a whole. When the book’s young royal reader has learned to cultivate effort, his education will be nearly complete.

 

Sarah A. Queen and John S. Major

 

1. This chapter title has many shades of meaning and so can have many possible translations. Ames 1994, 19, uses “Striving with Effort.” Csikszentmihalyi, 2004, 24, translates it as “Discipline and Facility.” Le Blanc and Mathieu’s 2003 understanding of the title is similar to our own: “Du devoir de se cultiver.”

2. This statement is nearly the same as in 8.6.

3. See Knoblock 1988, 1:196–205; and the comment on 198.

4. Knoblock 1988, 1:212–29.

5. “Refutations, Part 1,” contains nine anecdotes and refutations; “Refutations, Part 2,” contains eight anecdotes and refutations; and “Refutations, Part 3,” contains nine anecdotes, three of which have lost their rebuttals, as well as two statements attributed to Guanzi, each of which is followed by a rebuttal. “Refutations, Part 4,” preserves four anecdotes, each followed by two rebuttals.

For a different style of refutation, see Hanfeizi, chap. 40, “A Refutation of Political Purchase” (Nan shi ), in which Shen Dao’s ideas about political purchase are quoted and critiqued. See HFZ 40/127/31–40/129/22.

6. Compare HFZ 36/115/22–25 with Huainanzi 11.15 (11/100/24–26), which refers explicitly to Han Feizi:

Duke Ping of Jin let slip words that were not correct. Music Master Kuang raised his qin and bumped into him, so that he tripped on his robe and [struck] the wall. The courtiers wanted to plaster [the damaged spot]. Duke Ping said, “Leave it. This will [remind] me of my fault.”

Confucius heard this and said, “It is not that Duke Ping did not cherish his body, but that he wanted to attract those who would admonish him.”

Han[Fei]zi heard this and said, “The assembled officials abandoned Ritual and were not punished. This is to condone transgression. This is why Duke Ping did not become hegemon!”

7. Hanfeizi 36. Note that Huainanzi 13.18 (13/128/23–27) uses the same anecdote to make a quite different didactic point:

When Viscount Xiang of Wei was surrounded in Jinyang, he broke the siege and rewarded the five men who were meritorious, and Gao He was the first to be rewarded. Those who flanked him to the right and left exclaimed: “As for the hardships at Jinyang, [Gao] did not possess any great merit, yet today he is the first to be rewarded. Why?”

Viscount Xiang of Wei responded, “During the siege of Jinyang, our altars to the soil and grain were endangered, and our state and families were imperiled. Among our numerous officials, there was not one who did not harbor a proud and arrogant heart, [but] only He did not stray from the ritual pertaining to ruler and minister.” Thus through the rewarding of this one man, those who served as ministers in the world, without exception to the end of their lives, showed loyalty to their ruler. This is an example of rewarding the few to encourage the many.

8. HFZ 36/115/9–20.

9. For a discussion of this debate, see Sarah A. Queen, From Chronicle to Canon: The Hermeneutics of the Spring and Autumn According to Tung Chung-shu (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 17–19, 82.

10. For examples of the “dialogical rebuttal,” see Chunqiu fanlu zhuzi suoyin 1.2/3/15, 2.1/6/17, 2.1/7/4, 3.1/10/16, 3.1/11/4, 3.1/11/16, 3.1/12/4, 3.2/12/18, 3.2/12/27, and 11.6/53/20.

11. Esson M. Gale, Discourses on Salt and Iron: A Debate on State Control of Commerce and Industry in Ancient China (Leiden: Brill, 1931).

12. Tjan Tjoe Som, Po Hu T’ung: The Comprehensive Discussions in the White Tiger Hall, 2 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1949, 1952).

Nineteen
19.1

Some people say: “Those who are non-active

are solitarily soundless

and indifferently unmoving.1

Pull them, and they do not come;

push them, and they do not go.

Only those who are like this give the appearance of having attained the Way.”

I believe this is not so. I might ask them: “Is it possible to refer to such men as the Divine Farmer, Yao, Shun, Yu, and Tang as sages?’ [Even] those who hold to this view [of non-action] certainly could not contend otherwise. [But] if you examine these five sages, it is clear that none of them achieved non-action.

In ancient times,

the people fed on herbaceous plants and drank [only] water,

picked fruit from shrubs and trees

and ate the meat of oysters and clams.

They frequently suffered tribulations from feverish maladies and injurious poisons. Consequently, the Divine Farmer first taught the people to plant and cultivate the five grains.

He evaluated the suitability of the land,

[noting] whether it was dry or wet, fertile or barren, high or low.

He tried the taste and flavor of the one hundred plants

and the sweetness or bitterness of the streams and springs,

issuing directives so the people would know what to avoid and what to accept. At the time [he was doing this], he suffered poisoning [as many as] seventy times a day.

Yao established filial piety, compassion, humaneness, and love, inspiring the people to become like sons and brothers.

To the west, he taught the People of the Fertile Lands;

to the east, he reached the Blackteeth People;

to the north, he soothed the Yudu People;

and to the south he made inroads to Jiaozhi.2

He exiled Huan Dou3 to Mount Chong,

pursued the Three Miao [tribes] to Three Dangers [Mountain],

banished Gong Gong to Yuzhou,

and executed Gun at Feather Mountain.4

Shun created homes.

Constructing walls and thatching roofs,

opening lands and planting grains,

he directed all the people

to abandon their caves and

each to establish a family dwelling.

These are the practices he initiated.

To the south he chastised the Three Miao [tribes],

dying along the way at Zangwu.

Yu,

bathed by torrential rains

and combed by violent winds,

cleared the waterways and dredged the rivers,

bored through Dragon Gate,

opened up Yin Pass,

repaired the embankments of Peng Li [i.e., Boyang Lake],

mounted the four vehicles,5

followed the mountains,

and marked their trees,

leveling and ordering the water and land

so as to determine [the boundaries of] the eighteen hundred states.

Tang

rose early and retired late

to take full advantage of his perspicacious intelligence;

reduced taxes and lightened demands

to enhance the people’s livelihood;

displayed virtue and bestowed favor

to rescue the impoverished and bereft.

He mourned the dead and inquired about the afflicted

to take care of orphans and widows.

[Consequently,]

the common people grew close to and cleaved to him.

His policies and directives flowed forth and circulated [everywhere].

Thus he subsequently

marshaled his troops at Mingtiao,

surrounded [Jie] of the Xia at Nan Guo,

punished him for his transgressions,

and banished him to Mount Li.

These five sages were rulers who made the world flourish. They labored their bodies and used their minds to the utmost on behalf of the people to bring benefit and eradicate harm, yet they never tired of doing so.

Now if you raise a beaker of wine,

no one would notice [the strain] from your face,

but if you lift a vat [weighing] a dan, sweat will flow profusely.

How much more so will this be the case if you take on the worries of the world

and assume responsibility for all the affairs within the [Four] Seas!

This is far heavier than a vat weighing a dan.

Moreover, these sages

were not embarrassed by their humble status

but regretted that the Way did not prevail;

were not anxious about their brief life spans

but worried that the people were impoverished.

For this reason,

when Yu acted on the waterways,

he used his own body to break through the banks of the Yangxu [River];

and Tang, at the time of the great drought,

offered himself as a sacrifice at the edge of Mulberry Forest.

If the sages’ solicitousness for the people was as clear as this, is it not deluded to accuse them [of being] “non-active”? [19/202/12–30]

Furthermore, in ancient times

when emperors and kings were established, it was not to serve and nourish their [own] desires;

when sages took office, it was not to indulge and delight their own persons.

It was because in the world,

the strong oppressed the weak,

the many violated the few,

the clever deceived the ignorant,

and the brave dispossessed the timid.

Those who possessed knowledge did not impart it;

those who accumulated wealth did not distribute it.6

Thus the Son of Heaven was established in order to equalize them.

Since one person’s intelligence was not sufficient to shed light on all things within the [Four] Seas, the Three Dukes and the Nine Ministers were established to aid and assist him.

Since inaccessible states with varied customs and remote and secluded locales could not receive and be enriched by the ruler’s virtue, Lords of the Land were established to instruct and admonish them.

This made it so that

no land was untended,

no season was not [met with its proper] response,

no official concealed his activities,

no state neglected to benefit [the people].

By these means, they clothed the cold and fed the hungry, nourished the old and infirm, and gave respite to those wearied from their labors.

[Moreover,] if you look at the sages from the perspective of the common man,7 then

[the cook] Yi Yin, with cauldron on his back, sought to serve Tang;

[the butcher] Lü Wang, with carving knife in hand, entered Zhou [to serve as a high official];8

Baili Xi was sold back to [Duke Mu of] Qin;9

Guan Zhong was tied and fettered [and taken to the court of Duke Huan of Qi].

Confucius’s stove was not black,

and Mozi’s mat was not warm.10

Thus it is that sages

do not consider mountains high,

do not consider rivers wide.

They withstand insult and humiliation in order to seek to serve a ruler of their age. They do not crave high salaries or covet official posts but instead want to work to advance the world’s benefits and eradicate the common people’s hardships. In a work that has been transmitted to us it is written:

“The Divine Farmer was haggard and downcast;

Yao was emaciated and forlorn;

Shun was weather-beaten and dark;

and Yu had calloused hands and feet.”

Looking at it from this perspective, the sages’ anxious toiling for the common people is profound indeed. Thus from the Son of Heaven down to the common people, when

the four limbs are not exercised

and thought and forethought [are] not applied,

yet the tasks of governance are addressed and resolved—such a thing has never been heard of. [19/203/1–10]

19.2

The propensity of terrain [is such that] water flows east, but people must work on it so that the floodwaters flow through the valleys.

Grain and crops grow in the spring, but people must apply their efforts to them so that the five grains can reach maturity.

If they had let the water flow naturally or waited for the plants to grow by themselves, the accomplishments of Gun and Yu would not have been established, and the wisdom of Lord Millet would not have been employed.

What I call non-action [means]

not allowing private ambitions to interfere with the public Way,

not allowing lustful desires to distort upright techniques.

[It means]

complying with the inherent patterns of things when initiating undertakings,

according with the natural endowments of things when establishing accomplishments,

and advancing the natural propensities of things so that misguided precedents are not able to dominate.

Thus,

the undertakings of government will succeed,

but [you] personally will not be glorified.11

[Your] accomplishments will be established,

but your reputation will not obtain.

[Non-action] does not mean that

a stimulus will not produce a response

or that a push will not move [something].

If you

use fire to dry out a well

or use the Huai [River] to irrigate a mountain,

these are cases of using personal [effort] in contradiction of the natural course [of things]. Thus I would call such [activities] “taking deliberate action.” But if

on the water you use a boat,

in the sand you use a shu,

in the mud you use a chun,

in the mountains you use a lei,12

in the summer you dig [ditches],

in the winter you pile up [dikes],

in accordance with a high place you make a mound,

and following a low one you dig a pond,

these [activities] are not what I would call “deliberate action.” [19/203/12–18]

19.3

As sages carry out their affairs, they differ in specific [details] but agree on matters of principle; they start out along different paths but return to the same place.13 In preserving [their states] against danger and stabilizing them against collapse, they are as one, and their wills never deviate from the desire to bring benefit to others. How might I illuminate this point?

Long ago, Chu wanted to attack Song. Mozi heard about it and was deeply grieved over it, so he left Lu and hurried off [toward Chu], traveling for ten days and ten nights. [Although] his feet swelled with blisters, he did not stop; he tore his clothes into shreds to bandage his feet [instead]. Arriving at Ying, he had an audience with the king of Chu and said, “I14 have heard that the great king is raising troops in preparation for an attack on Song. Do you attack Song because you are certain to get it? Or do you attack Song despite making life bitter for the masses, overworking the people, exhausting your army, and destroying their weaponry, thereby shouldering a reputation for being unjust in the world, even though you gain not a single inch of territory?”

The king replied, “If I were certain not to get Song and, moreover, I would be considered unjust, why would I attack it?”

Mozi said, “Splendid! I will show you that the great king will certainly harm [his reputation of being] just and not get Song.”

The king responded, “[But] Gongshu Ban, the most skilled artisan in the world, is making a ‘Cloud Ladder’15 device in preparation for the attack on Song. How could I not take [Song]?”

Mozi replied, “I request that if you should allow Gongshu to prepare the attack, you give me permission to defend Song.”

Subsequently, Gongshu Ban prepared the device to attack Song, and Mozi prepared the provisions to defend Song. [Gongshu Ban made] nine attacks and Mozi nine times repelled him. Chu could not enter Song. Finally Chu’ s troops retreated and called off the attack on Song.16

 

Duangan Mu declined an official salary and remained at home. When Marquis Wen of Wei passed by his village gate, he bowed from his chariot. His driver asked, “My Lord, why did you bow from your chariot?”

Marquis Wen said, “Duangan Mu is here. This is why I bowed.”

The driver said, “Duangan Mu is a scholar who wears simple attire. For my lord to bow at his village gate—is this not excessive?”

Marquis Wen replied, “Duangan Mu does not chase after power and profit. He embraces the Way of the Superior Man; secluding himself in an impoverished lane, his reputation spreads a thousand li. How could I presume not to bow?

Duangan Mu is resplendent because of his virtue;

I am resplendent because of my power.

Duangan Mu is rich in Rightness;

I am rich in wealth.

Power is not as honorable as virtue;

wealth is not as lofty as Rightness.

Even if Duangan Mu could change places with me, he would not do so. All day long I am saddened and embarrassed by my shadow.17 How could I scorn him?”

Some time later, Qin raised troops to attack Wei, but Sima Yu18 admonished the ruler of Qin, saying, “Duangan Mu is a worthy, and his ruler has treated him with propriety. There is no one in the world who does not recognize this. None among the Lords of the Land has failed to hear of this. If you raise troops and attack [his state], does not this amount to hindering Rightness?” Thereupon Qin demobilized its troops and did not attack Wei.

Now Mozi, tripping and stumbling, hastened ten thousand li to preserve Chu and Song, but Duangan Mu, [by] shutting his gate and refusing to come out, brought peace to Qin and Wei. As for going or staying, their propensities opposed each other, but both could preserve a state. This is what I mean by “[They start out along] different paths but return to the same place.”

Now, those who extinguish a fire draw water from the well and hasten to the fire.

Some use a jug or a bottle,

while others use a tub or a basin.

Their squareness or roundness, angularity or smoothness, is not alike. In how much water they hold, they are all different; but for extinguishing a fire, they are all equal.

Thus,

the singing of Qin, Chu, Yan, and Wei have different traditions, but all are joyful.

The wailing of the nine Yi and the eight Di tribes have different sounds, but all are sorrowful.

Now singing is evidence of joy,19 and wailing is the product of grief. An ardent feeling internally is manifested as a response externally. The cause [of the response] lies in the feeling itself.20 Thus the hearts of sages never deviate, day and night, from the desire to benefit others. The scope of their beneficence reaching so far, the results are correspondingly great. [19/203/20–19/204/11]

19.4

When the customary usages of an age fall into disuse and decline and those who repudiate learning become numerous, [they say]: “People’s natures possess strengths and weaknesses, just as fish are swift and cranes are particolored. This is something natural that cannot be diminished or enhanced.”21 I believe this is not so. That fish are swift and cranes are particolored is analogous to

what makes people people

and what makes horses horses,

insofar as their muscles, bones, frame, and body, which they receive from Heaven, cannot be altered. Judging the issue from this perspective, they are not the same in kind.

Now when a horse is a young colt, it jumps and kicks, raises its tail and runs, and people cannot control it.

Its bite is strong enough to pierce flesh and break bones,

and its kick is hard enough to break a skull or crush a chest.

But

when a groom tames it

or a fine charioteer trains it,

he restrains it with bridle and harness

and leads it with rein and bit,

so that even if it must cross a precipice or leap a ditch, it would not dare to shy away. Thus, its form makes it a horse, and a horse cannot be transformed [into anything else.] That the horse can be mounted and ridden is achieved through training. A horse is a dumb brute, and yet it is possible to penetrate its vital energy and will by relying on training to perfect the horse. How much more is this true of people! [19/204/13–18]

Moreover, those whose persons were upright and whose natures were good,

who radiated their ardor to perfect their Humaneness,22

who relied on their discontent to act with Rightness,

whose nature and destiny could be a source of pleasure, and who did not need to rely on study and inquiry to tally with the Way, were Yao, Shun, and King Wen.

Those who indulged deeply in wine and sex, whose conduct was unrestrained,

who could not be instructed by means of the Way

or taught by the example of virtue,

whom a stern father could not correct,

whom a worthy teacher could not transform,

were Dan Zhu and Shang Jun.23

Those with delicate, tender faces and brilliant white teeth, whose figures were beautiful and whose bone structure was elegant, who did not need to rely on cream and powder or perfume and unguents, [and] who by nature could please others, were Xi Shi and Yang Wen.

Those who were ugly and grotesque, whose mouths were large, and whose teeth were crooked, whose bellies were fat and whose backs were hunched, [and] who applied white powder and black mascara but could not be made beautiful were Mo Mu and Bi Sui.

Now those who

in loftiness do not reach Yao and Shun,

in baseness do not compare with Shang Jun,

who in beauty do not reach Xi Shi,

and who in ugliness do not compare with Mo Mu,

are those to whom education and instruction are conveyed and to whom perfume and unguents are applied.

Furthermore, a son may kill his father, but the fathers of the world do not cast away their sons [as a result]. Why? It is because most sons love their fathers. A Confucian may be wicked and corrupt, but [people] do not abandon the Way of the Former Kings [as a result]. Why? [It is because] most [Confucians] put it into practice.

Now, rejecting study because those who study have faults is like

taking one instance of choking to refuse grain and not eat

or taking one problem with stumbling to stop walking and not go [anywhere].

This is deluded. [19/204/20–27]

Now a fine horse needs no whips or spurs to go. A poor-quality horse, even if whips and spurs were doubled, would not proceed. But never to use whips and spurs for this reason would be foolish. Now a coward may wield a sharp sword, but if he struck, he could not cut, and if he stabbed, he could not pierce. In the case of a brave warrior, with one blow he could rend the flesh and wound the body. If on account of this, you were to abandon [the blades of legendary swordsmiths] Gan Jiang and Mo Ye and use your fists to fight instead—this would be perverse. What I mean to say is: abide by the majority and conform to the customary. When you are not praising the heights of the Nine Heavens, you are speaking of the depths of the Yellow Springs; this amounts to discussing the limits of two extremes. How can these [extremes] be [the basis for] general assessments? [19/205/1–5]

Oranges and pomelos24 grow in winter, but people say winter brings death, for most things die in winter.

Shepherd’s purse and wheat die in the summer, but people say summer brings growth because most things grow in summer.

The twists and turns of the Yangzi and the Yellow rivers sometimes flow north and sometimes flow south, but people say that they flow eastward.

Jupiter and Saturn move eastward day by day and month by month, but people say that the stars and planets shift westward day by day and month by month;

they take the majority as their basis.

Among the Hu people are those who are knowledgeable and principled, but people call them stupid;

Among the Yue people are those who are dull-witted and slow, but people call them clever;

they consider the majority when naming them.

Now, Yao’ s eyebrows were of eight colors, and his [body’s] nine apertures all flowed into one another.25 He was public minded, upright, and devoid of personal preferences. With one pronouncement, the multitudes were united.

Shun had two pupils in each eye. This was called “Double Discernment.” What he did became laws, and what he said became statutes.

Yu’s ears had three openings. This was called “Great Penetration.” He increased benefits and eradicated harms, clearing the waterways and dredging the rivers.

King Wen had four nipples. This was called “Great Humaneness.” The world returned home to him, and the common people grew close to him.

Gao Yao26 had a horselike mouth. This was called “Utter Trustworthiness.” He judged cases with clarity and brilliance as he judiciously examined human emotions.

Xie27 was born from an egg;

Qi28 was born from a stone;

Shi Huang29 was born and could write; Yi was born with a long left30 arm and was an outstanding archer. Nine such worthies as these appeared only once in a thousand years, yet it was as if they followed on one another’s heels. Nowadays we are bereft of the heavenly blessings of these five sages or the flourishing talent of these four worthies. [Under such circumstances,] wanting to abandon study and follow nature is like abandoning a boat in the hopes that you will walk on water.

When [precious swords like] Chun’gou and Yuchang were first taken from their molds,

if you sliced with them, they would not cut;

if you stabbed with them, they would not pierce.

But once enhanced by polishing and grinding and rubbed until their points were sharp, in water they could cut through a dragon boat, and on land they could slash through rhinoceros-hide armor.31

When a mirror is first taken from its mold, it is hazy and does not yet reflect form or shape. When it is coated with dark tin [powder] and rubbed with a clean felt cloth, you can distinguish clearly the fine hair of the temples and eyebrows. Now, learning is a person’s whetstone and tin. To say that learning does not enhance a person is a statement that refutes itself. [19/205/7–20]

19.5

The weakness of a wise person [in some field] makes him not as good [in that field] as a foolish person who is strong [in it].

The deficits of a worthy [in some field] make him not as good [in that field] as an ordinary person who surpasses [in it].32

How do I know this is so? With Song painting and Wu smelting, the carving of molds and the engraving of patterns are complex and intricate. Their creation of such subtle mysteries, [even] the sages Yao and Shun could not achieve. The young girls of Cai and the talented youth of Wey

in weaving their red waistbands,

in blending their marvelous colors,

in forming their black backgrounds,

and displaying their crimson patterns

[do what even] the wisdom of Yu and Tang could not attain! [19/205/22–24]

What Heaven covers,

what Earth supports,

is contained within the six coordinates;

is embraced within the universe.33

What yin and yang produce [from] the essence of blood and qi [are] creatures that have

a mouthful of teeth or a head bearing horns,34

front claws or rear hooves,

soaring wings or clutching talons

that advance by wriggling or move by crawling.

When happy, they are harmonious;

when angry, they are quarrelsome;

seeing benefit, they pursue it;

avoiding harm, they withdraw from it;

their instinctive responses in this respect are one. Although in their likes and dislikes they do not differ from people, nonetheless,

though their claws and teeth are sharp,

though their muscles and bones are strong,

they cannot avoid being controlled by people [because]

they cannot communicate their intelligence to one another,

and their abilities and strength cannot be made to act as one.

Each has its natural propensity that is not endowed or received from the outside.

Thus their strengths have boundaries, and their accomplishments have limits.

Now the wild goose follows the wind to fly in order to preserve its energy and strength. It holds straw in its mouth while soaring in order to fend off tethered arrows. Ants know how to build hills; badgers35 make their winding tunnels; tigers and leopards have lairs of grass. Wild boars have grassy nests, rows of felled trees, and burrowed holes that join one another in the manner of palaces and rooms; they provide protection to guard them from the rain and shield them from the hot sun. Thus even birds and beasts know ways to seek out and accord with what brings them benefit.

Now [suppose] a person were born in a secluded and remote state and grew up in a leaking room in a poor house, was reared without older and younger brothers, and from childhood was bereft of father and mother. If [in addition] his eyes never witnessed proper rites, his ears never heard of former or ancient times, and he lived alone in his own home without going beyond his gate—even if by nature he was not stupid, nonetheless his knowledge would certainly be wanting. [19/205/26–19/206/8]

Long ago

Cang Jie invented writing;

Rong Cheng created the calendar;

Hu Cao36 made clothing;

Lord Millet introduced agriculture;

Yi Di invented wine;

and Xi Zhong made carts.

These six men all had

the Way of spirit illumination

and [left behind] footprints of sagely wisdom.37

Thus [each] person invented something and bequeathed it to posterity. It is not the case that a single person alone would have been able to do all of them. Each fully applied his knowledge, prizing what he hoped to achieve so that subsequently each provided something for the world. Now if you had made these six men exchange their tasks, their brilliance would not have been apparent. Why? [It is because] the myriad things of the world are utterly numerous and knowledge is not sufficient to encompass them all. From the Zhou era onward, there have been no worthies like these six, and yet people have pursued all their callings. Among the people of the current age, there is not a single person of that caliber, yet people have come to know the Way of the Six Worthies. Education and training extended and continued [their work] so that their knowledge could flow forth and communicate with [later ages]. From this perspective, it is clear that learning can never cease. [19/206/10–14]

Now in the case of a blind person, his eyes cannot distinguish day from night or differentiate white from black; nevertheless when he grasps the qin and plucks the strings, triply plucking and doubly pressing,38 touching and plucking, pulling and releasing, his hands are like a blur, and he never misses a string. If we tried to get someone who had never played the qin to do this, though possessing the clear sight of Li Zhu or the nimble fingers of Jue Duo,39 it would be as if he could neither contract nor extend a finger. What is the reason for this? Such things are made possible only through repeated practice so they become habitual.

Thus,

the bow must await the stringing frame before it can be strung,

and the sword must await the whetstone before it can be sharpened.

Jade is harder than anything else, but it can be carved into the shape of beasts, the heads and the tails taking their true forms; this is the achievement of the abrasive stone.40 Wood may be as straight as a marking cord, but if it is shaped to make a wheel, its bending will match the compass. This is the power of the bending frame. Things as hard as Tang jade can still be carved; it can be formed and made into useful things. How much more so is this the case with the human heart and mind! [19/206/16–20]

Moreover, the Quintessential Spirit is saturating and soaking, subtle and fine.41

Suddenly and quickly it alters and transforms

in accordance with things it moves and shifts

like the clouds rising and the winds drifting; it establishes and applies itself where it is most useful.

Among Superior Men are those who can

arouse the essence and examine the infinitesimal,

polish and grind their talents,

spontaneously exercise their spirit illumination,42

observe the broad spectrum of things,

penetrate the obstructions of things,

observe the clues to beginning and end,

perceive the realm that has no exterior,

wander freely within the limitless,

meander beyond the dust of the world.

Splendidly, they stand alone;

loftily, they leave the world.

Such are the means by which the mind of the sage wanders. However, people of later ages did not have the leisure to sit and still their thoughts, playing the qin and reading books, reflecting on observations of high antiquity, befriending worthies and great men, studying and debating, daily gaining self-mastery, delving into and analyzing the affairs of their age, distinguishing and differentiating white from black, estimating successes and losses, foretelling disasters and blessings, setting up norms and establishing rules to serve as laws and regulations, investigating thoroughly the roots and branches of the Way, studying deeply the essential qualities of things, establishing what is so and eradicating what is not so, illuminating and instructing later generations,

in death, leaving a legacy,

in life, possessing a glorious reputation.

Things like this are what human talent can achieve. But if no one can accomplish such things, it is because people are lazy and lax and have many idle days.

Now,

[among] people who come from regions where the soil is barren, there are many who have [good] minds. This is because their lives are laborious.

[Among] people who come from places where the soil is rich, there are many who are devoid of talents. This is because their lives are easy.

Looking at it from this perspective, a wise person who makes no effort does not compare with a foolish person who loves to learn. From the rulers, dukes, and ministers on down to the common people, there has never been a case of someone succeeding without exerting himself to the utmost. The Odes says,

“The days pass and the months proceed;

through study of brightness and brilliance, I gain radiance and light.”43

This is what is referred to here. [19/206/22–19/207/6]

19.6

Reputation can be established through effort;

merit can be achieved through fortitude.

Thus the Superior Man

musters his will and commits himself to uprightness, hastening toward brilliant teachers;

encourages moderation and exalts loftiness, separating himself from the conventions of his age.

How might I illuminate this point?

Formerly, Nanrong Chou44 was ashamed that he alone lacked the sagely Way.

[Therefore,]

immersing himself in frost and dew,

arranging his sandals and hastening his steps,

he climbed mountains and forded rivers,

shielding his eyes from brambles and thorns,

going a hundred stages45 [with] his feet covered with blisters, not daring to rest.

[He reached] the south and met Lao Dan. Having received his instruction with a single word,

his Quintessential Spirit was suddenly enlightened;

his [formerly] obtuse and sad [heart became] orderly and lucid.

He was so pleased that for seven days he did not eat, although it was as if he had feasted on the tailao.46

Thus,

his brilliance illuminated all within the Four Seas,

and his reputation passed down to later generations.

He could summarily comprehend Heaven and Earth

and analyze something [as fine as] autumn floss.

Recognition and praise [of his merits] have not ceased to this day. This is what is meant by “Reputation can be established through effort.”

When Wu and Chu47 fought each other, the Chu undersecretary [Cheng] Daxin48 grasped his charioteer’s hand and said: “Today we confront a powerful enemy. We will

repel the glistening blades

and shield ourselves from arrows and stones.

If I die in battle, I still will win victory by [preserving] the people whole, [so that] our altars of soil and grain will be able to remain intact.” Subsequently he pressed forward but did not retreat, for he was stabbed in the abdomen and beheaded [in battle]. Never turning his heels to reverse course, he died.

Shen Baoxu49 declared: “If I give my all and fight this terrible enemy and fall as a bleeding corpse, I will show only the ability of an ordinary soldier. This is not so good as humbling myself and speaking self-deprecatingly and seeking aid from the Lords of the Land.” Thereupon,

he packed his grain on his back and traveled barefoot,

fording streams and treading valleys,

ascending to the highest peaks

descending to the deepest gullies,

crossing rivers and streams,

defying rapids and mountain passes,

striding past hidden snares,

stumbling through sand and stone

until the whole area from his feet to his knees was swollen and covered with many large blisters. He journeyed for seven days and seven nights before he reached the court of Qin.

Standing [on one leg] like a crane and refusing sustenance,

by day he moaned and by night he wailed,

his face as if dead ashes,

his coloring swarthy and dark,

his tears ran down his face to collect in a pool.

When he met the king of Qin, he declared, “Wu is [like] Mound Pig or Long Snake.50 It wants to gobble up the Upper States.51 The disaster began in Chu. Our ruler has lost his altars of soil and grain. He has fled [to live amid] the grasses and reeds. The population has fled and dispersed; and husbands and wives, men and women, do not have a moment to inform [others] of their whereabouts. I was sent to report the emergency.” The king of Qin thereupon raised a force of a thousand chariots and seventy thousand foot soldiers and appointed Zihu to command them. They crossed the pass to the east and attacked Wu at the Zhuo River, defeating Wu handily and thereby preserving Chu. Shen Baoxu’s accomplishment was recorded in the court and among the official laws and proclamations. This is an example of merit attained through fortitude. [19/207/8–22]

For those with a frame seven feet tall,52

a heart that has borne anxiety, sadness, toil, and hardship,

and skin that has felt pain, illness, heat, and cold,

the instinctive responses of [all] people are the same. Sages know

the difficulty of attaining the opportune time

and that effort must be rendered quickly,

so they

mortify their bodies and belabor their forms;

weary their hearts and vex their livers;

never avoiding trouble and hardship;

never abandoning danger and peril.

In fact, I have heard that when Zifa battled,

he advanced like a flying arrow,

met [the enemy] like thunder and lightning,

and dispersed them like rain and wind.

He was round as a compass

and square as a carpenter’s square.

He defeated his enemies and broke through their formations; none could withstand him.

When fighting in the wetlands, he was always victorious;

when attacking a city, it was sure to fall.

It is not that he looked lightly on his person or rejoiced in death. Rather, he placed responsibility in front and left [considerations of] benefit behind. Thus his reputation was established and never faltered. This is an example of achieving merit through one’s own fortitude.

For this reason,

if the tillers are not strong, the granaries and storerooms will not be full.

If the officials and attendants are not disciplined, their hearts and minds will not achieve the essence.

If generals and officers are not strong, their merit and fierceness will not succeed.

If princes and kings are lazy, in later ages they will have no reputation.

The Odes says,

“My horses are dappled;

the reins soft as silk;

I ride, I press on,

everywhere seeking wise counsel.”53

This is to say that people have something to which they can apply their effort. [19/207/24–19/208/2]

19.7

Those who fully comprehend things cannot be startled by the unusual;

those who are versed in the Way cannot be moved by the strange;

those who examine words cannot be dazzled by their designations;

those who investigate into forms cannot be misled by their appearances.

People who follow the conventions of the present age mostly revere the ancient and scorn the present. Thus those who formulate [teachings of] the Way necessarily ascribe them to the Divine Farmer or the Yellow Emperor; only then will they proceed with their discussion. Muddled rulers of chaotic eras venerate what is remote and what proceeds therefrom, so they value such things. Those who study are blinded by their theories and respect [only] what they have heard. Facing one another,

seated with a dignified air54 they praise [the ancients];

stiff-necked they recite [the ancient texts].

This shows that the distinction between what is true and what is false is not clear.

Now,

without a square and a compass, even Xi Zhong could not determine square and round;

without a level and a marking cord, even Lu Ban55 could not straighten the crooked.

Thus,

when Zhongzi Qi died, Bo Ya broke the strings and destroyed his qin, knowing that in his times no one could appreciate his playing.

When Hui Shi died, Zhuangzi ceased to talk, perceiving that there was no one else with whom he could converse. [19/208/4–9]

At the age of seven, Xiang Tuo became Confucius’s teacher. From time to time, Confucius listened to his words. If someone this young were to offer a persuasion to a village elder, though, the child would not have time to duck a blow on the head. How would he be able to illuminate the Way [under such circumstances]?

In the past, Xiezi56 had an audience with King Hui of Qin,57 and the king was pleased with him. He asked Tang Guliang58 about him. Tang Guliang said, “Xiezi is a debater from Shandong who uses clever persuasions to gain the confidence of young princes.” King Hui accordingly hid his anger and awaited Xiezi. The next day when Xiezi had a second audience, the king rejected him and would not heed him. It is not that [Xiezi’s] persuasion differed but that the way in which the king heard it changed.

If you mistake [the note] zhi for [the note] yu, it is not the fault of the string;

if you mistake a sweet taste for a bitter one, it is not the mistake of the flavor.

A man from Chu had some boiled monkey meat that he gave to his neighbors. They thought it was dog meat and found its flavor pleasing. Later, when they heard it was monkey, they knelt down and vomited all they had eaten. This was a case of not even beginning to know about flavor.

A music master from Handan made up a new tune and said it was composed by Li Qi.59 All the people vied to learn it. Later when they discovered it was not written by Li Qi, they all abandoned the tune. This was a case of not even beginning to know about music.

A country fellow found a rough piece of jade. Being pleased by its appearance, he considered it to be precious and hid it away. When he showed it to others, people considered that it was just a stone, so he threw it away. This was a case of not even beginning to know about jade.

Thus when your [views] tally with what is essential, you will value what is true and [give] equal [consideration to] the present and the ancient. If you do not have the means to heed persuasions, then you will value what has come down from the past, [simply] because it is remote. This is why [Bian] He cried so hard that he bled at the foot of Mount Jing.60

Now,

a sword may be broken off and bent, thin and scratched, chipped and broken, and warped and twisted, but if it said to have been the sword of King Qingxiang of Chu, then it is prized, and the people will compete to wear it.

A qin may be twangy and sharp, crooked and bent, with its resonance gone and its aftertones excessive, but if it is said to have been the qin of King Zhuang of Chu,61 then it is [prized], and the favored62 will contend to play it.

Although the short-handled spears from Mount Miao and the [cast-iron] spear points of Sheepshead [Mountain] can cut through a dragon boat in the water and pierce armor of rhinoceros hide on land, no one wears them on his belt.

Although qins made of mountain tong wood with sounding boards of river-valley catalpa wood may sound as pure, lingering and clear as [the music of] Master Tang63 or Bo Ya, no one plays them.

Those with penetrating discernment are not like this.

The swordsman hopes for a sharp blade; he does not hope for [the perfection of] Moyang or a Moye;

the horseman hopes for a thousand li [steed]; he does not hope for [the perfection of] Hualiu or Lü’er;

the qin player hopes for a pure, lingering, and clear sound; he does not hope for [the perfection of] Lanxie or Haozhong.64

One who [studies by] reciting the Odes and the Documents hopes to achieve a comprehensive understanding of the Way and a general knowledge of things; he does not hope for [the perfection of] a “Great Plan” or an “Ode of Shang.”65

Sages perceive what is true and what is false, just as

what is white and black is distinguished by the eye

and what is high pitched and low pitched is differentiated by the ears.

But most people are not like this. Within themselves they lack a master [by means of which] to make [such] discernments. It is like a man who is born after his father dies. When [in later years] he climbs the tomb mound, he will wail and cry as ceremony demands, but nothing makes [those feelings] cleave to his heart. [19/208/11–28]

Thus,

when a boy and his twin look alike, only their mother can distinguish them.

When jade and [ordinary] stone are of the same sort, only a fine craftsman can identify them.

When texts and chronicles record strange things, only sages can discuss them.

Now, if we should get a new text from a sage and attribute it to Confucius or Mozi, then those disciples who point to every sentence and accept the text [as genuine] will certainly be numerous. Thus

a beauty need not be of the same type as Xi Shi;

a knowledgeable scholar need not be of the same sort as Confucius or Mozi.

If his mind has the perspicacious capacity to penetrate things, then he will write books to illustrate matters, and they will be taken up by the learned. A scholar who truly attains clear-minded understanding, who grasps the profound mirror in his mind, illuminating things brilliantly and not changing his mind on account of [whether something is] ancient or current, will accordingly propound his writings and clearly point out [his views]. Then, even though his coffin might close, he would have no regrets. [19/209/1–5]

Formerly Duke Ping of Jin ordered his officials to make [a set of] bells. When they were finished and presented to Music Master Kuang, the latter said, “The bells are not in tune.”

Duke Ping said, “I have shown them to skilled persons,66 and they all think they are in tune. Yet you think they are not. Why?”

Music Master Kuang said, “If they are for those of later generations who have no knowledge of the notes, then they will do; but for those who know the notes, they will certainly know they are not in tune.” Thus Music Master Kuang’s wish for well-tuned bells was for those of later generations who knew the notes.67

The [people of the] Three Dynasties acted the same as we do, and the Five Hegemons had the same level of intelligence as we. [But] they alone had the reality of sagely knowledge, while we lack even

the reputation of a country village

or the common knowledge of a poor lane.

Why? [It is because] they set themselves straight and established their integrity, while we are rude idlers and lazy layabouts. [19/209/7–11]

Now Mao Qiang and Xi Shi were recognized by the world as beauties, but if they were made to

carry putrid rats in their mouths

and be wrapped in hedgehog skins,

and dress in leopard fur,68

with waist sashes of dead snakes,

even cloth-wearing, leather-belted [ordinary] people passing by all would look off to the left or right and hold their noses. But if we were to let them

wear perfume and unguents,

adjust their moth eyebrows,69

put on hair clasps and earrings,

dress in fine silk,

and trail [sleeves of] Qi silk gauze,

with white face powder and black mascara,

wearing jade sash-bangles,

walking with gliding steps,

wearing sprigs of fragrant angelica,

with enticing looks,

bewitching smiles,

haunting glances,

speaking delicately and softly,

exposing their beautiful teeth,

twitching the dimples in their cheeks,

then even among the great statesmen of the royal court, whose conduct displays a stern will and haughty air, there would be none who would not court these beauties, long for them, and desire to have sex with them.

Nowadays a person of average talent, benighted by ignorant and deluded wisdom, cloaked in insulting and shameful conduct, who has no training in his own calling or in the techniques that are his responsibility—how could he not make people look askance at him and hold their noses? [19/209/13–18]

Now dancers twirl their bodies like rings of jade. They bend and touch the ground and turn quickly and nimbly. As they move, they twist and turn, lithe and beautiful, imitating spirits.

Their bodies seem as light as wind-borne autumn floss,

their hair like banners flapping in the wind,

their steps are quick as those of a racehorse.

Acrobats, raising poles of wu [tong] or catalpa70 wood and grasping crooked tree branches, are as uninhibited as monkeys. Laughing, they pull the leaves toward them; crouching and stretching like dragons, they perch on the branches like swallows. Holding thick tree limbs, they raise them effortlessly. As they dance, they rise like dragons or birds as they gather. They grasp and release; how fast they move!

There is no one among the spectators who does not grow faint at heart and weak in the knees. Meanwhile, the performers continue their act with a smile and then put on the costumes for the feather dance.

The dancers do not [inherently] have such supple and nimble [bodies];

the acrobats do not [inherently] have such keenness and strength.

It was the gradual, long-term practice and training that made them so. Thus,

when a tree grows, no one sees its progress; at a certain point, we realize that it has grown tall.

If a hard object is continually [sharpened] on a whetstone, no one sees it diminishing, but at some point we realize that it is thinner.

Pigweed and hyssop grow by leaps and bounds, each day adding several inches. But they cannot be used for the crossbeams of a building. With hardwoods [like] lindera, southernwood, or camphor, only after seven years can their growth be recognized. Then they can be used to make coffins and boats.

Thus, matters

that can be accomplished easily gain small fame for the one who does them;

[those] that are difficult to accomplish gain great merit.

The Superior Man cultivates his good points. Even though there might not be an [immediate] advantage, good fortune will come later. Thus the Odes says,

“The days pass and the months proceed;

through study of brightness and brilliance,

I gain radiance and light.”71

This is what is referred to here. [19/209/20–28]

 

Translated by Sarah A. Queen and John S. Major

 

1. This echoes the opening line of chap. 8: “The reign of Grand Purity was harmonious and compliant and thus solitary and indifferent.” The key term jimo also appears several times in chap. 2.

2. For these mythical people and countries, see chap. 4; and Major 1993. They also are mentioned in the Shanhaijing.

3. Huan Dou , a minister of Yao, was exiled for opposing the accession of Shun to the throne.

4. See chap. 4; and Major 1993. These four figures—Huan Dou, the Three Miao, Gong Gong, and Gun—are collectively known as the “four fierce ones” (xiong ), traditionally identified as enemies of sagely government.

5. Most of the several explanations include boats for water and carts for land, but the remaining vehicles could be chun , a mud sledge; lei , a vehicle or shoes especially useful in climbing mountains; qiao , another mud sledge; and qiao , sometimes associated with jiao , a sedan chair.

6. Contrast this passage with the idyllic view of archaic society found in 8.6.

There are numerous references in the Mozi to the concept of “establishing the Son of Heaven.” See, for example, MoZ 1.3/3/13, 1.4/5/2, 2.2/12/22, 2.3/14/20, 3.1/16/16–17, 3.2/17/22, 3.3/21/17, 7.3/48/16, and 12.2/107/25.

7. Bu yi tu bu zhi ren , “people who wear plain clothing and go on foot.” All the following examples are of individuals who found themselves in very humble circumstances but went on to have powerful ministerial careers. See Shiji 124, “Biographies of the Wandering Knights.”

8. Lü Wang sold meat by the roadside before coming to the attention of King Wen; he eventually rose to become prime minister and Grand Duke.

9. Baili Xi was prime minister of Qin in the time of Duke Mu (ca. 660–621 B.C.E.). He was captured by Jin forces in Yu and escaped to Chu. Duke Mu told the ruler of Chu that Baili Xi had abandoned his office and offered five sheepskins for his return for prosecution. He thus secured the return of his valuable minister for a trifling amount.

10. Confucius’s stove was not black with soot, and Mozi’s mat was not warm from the heat of his body, because they were away from home so often.

11. Taking fa as equivalent to fa .

12. For the conveyances shu, chun , and lei , see n. 5. The character shu is unusual. See Morohashi, no. 41134.

13. This statement is found in nearly the same words in 8.6.

14. Literally, “your subject,” a conventionally humble way to refer to oneself when addressing a ruler.

15. Yunti , “cloud ladders,” were scaling ladders used to attack walled cities.

16. This contest between Mozi and Gongshu Ban was a tabletop war game, not an actual invasion of Song by Chu. Mozi, chap. 50 (zhuan 13.2), is entitled “Gongshu Ban” and recounts many tales of the legendary craftsman. For this anecdote, see MoZ 13.2/116/13–19.

17. Compare 10.31: “Now when he examined his evening gait, the Duke of Zhou was embarrassed by his shadow. Thus the Superior Man scrutinizes [himself ] in solitude.”

18. Sima Yu was a grandee of Qin during the Warring States period. He is identified in the Zhanguoce as Sima Geng or Sima Tang .

19. The Chinese character means both “joy” (read le) and “music” (read yue).

20. Compare 10.53: “What was the same was that there were voices, but the beliefs derived from them were different; they were inherent in the [respective] feelings [of the singers].”

21. A statement similar to this appears in 1.8.

22. Supplying the character ren , as suggested by Wang Niansun. See Zhang Shuangdi 1997, 2:1968n.10.

23. Dan Zhu was the son of the sage-ruler Yao, and Shang Jun was the son of the sage-ruler Shun. Both were judged unworthy by their fathers. See 10.64 and, more fully, 20.11.

24. Rejecting the emendation proposed by Lau, HNZ, 205, line 7.

25. Tong dong , “were interconnected.”

26. Gao Yao was the minister of justice for the sage-ruler Shun.

27. Xie (pronounced qi in most other usages) is identified in 11.3 as the minister of war for the sage-ruler Yao. His mother, Jian Di, supposedly became pregnant after eating a swallow’s egg sent to her by the sage-emperor Di Ku. Xie is regarded as the founding ancestor of the ruling house of the Shang dynasty. See Odes 303 (Waley/Allen 1996, 320); and Hawkes 1985, 340.

28. Qi , mythical son of Yu the Great, succeeded his father as king of the Xia dynasty. Qi’s mother, the lady of Tushan, turned to stone but later split open to deliver her son. See Hawkes 1985, 333.

29. Not, as might be supposed, Qin Shihuangdi, but Shi huang , “Exalted Scribe,” another name for Cang Jie, the supposed grand historian for the Yellow Emperor and the inventor of Chinese characters.

30. Rejecting the argument of Liu Wendian, based on the Taiping yulan, that this should be “right” rather than “left.” See Lau, HNZ, 205n.9. The original text’s reading of “left” is probably correct: it would be advantageous for an archer to have a long left arm (the arm that actually holds the bow), because that would allow the bow to be bent more deeply.

31. This phrase, which seems to be a cliché for describing the sharpness of a sword, recurs in 19.7.

32. A similar point is made in 9.11.

33. These lines echo the opening passage of chap. 4. For liu he , the “six coordinates,” see Major 1993, 146.

34. This description of animals echoes a similar passage in 15.1.

35. Huanhe . On the terms for “badger,” see also chap. 1, n. 33.

36. Hu Cao was a (mythical) minister of the Yellow Emperor.

37. A similar argument is made in 12.10.

38. Cantan , “triply plucking (the strings),” and fuhui, , “doubly pressing (the frets),” refer to the movements of the player’s right and left hands, respectively. We are grateful to Bo Lawergren and Yuan Jung-ping (private communications) for their help with the technical terminology of this passage.

39. Jue Duo , “Grabbing-Grasping,” was a legendary figure known for manual adeptness. See 18.16.

40. Jian is a type of abrasive stone that is pulverized into grit and used in shaping jade. See similar comments in 16.81 and 17.28.

41. Lau, HNZ, 206n.7. Similar language appears in 1.1 and 15.4 to describe the Way.

42. Rejecting Yang Shuda’s proposed emendation of cheng for shi . See Lau, HNZ, 206n.8.

43. Odes 288 (modified from Waley/Allen 1996, 302).

44. Nanrong Chou features in a long narrative in Zhuangzi 23 (ZZ 23/64/25–23/65/24).

45. A “stage” (she ) is a day’s march. See 17.182.

46. Tailao was a sacrificial feast of beef, mutton, and pork.

47. The battle took place in 506 B.C.E.

48. Cheng Daxin was a Chu grandee during the Spring and Autumn period.

49. Shen Baoxu was a scion of the royal house and high minister of Chu.

50. Mound Pig and Long Snake were two legendary monsters. See 8.6.

51. That is, the central states of the North China plain.

52. One Han dynasty “foot” (chi ) measured about nine English inches, so seven “feet” is equal to five feet, three inches.

53. Odes, 163 (Waley/Allen 1996, 135).

54. The same phrase occurs in 8.6.

55. Lu Ban was famously ingenious craftsman, also known as Gongshu Ban. See 19.3; and chap. 11, n. 81.

56. See the account in LSCQ 16.7/96/30–32. Lau (HNZ, 208n.4) identifies Xiezi in this passage with Qi Shezi from Shuo yuan 17/3b.

57. King Hui of Qin (r. 337–311 B.C.E.) was an aggressive ruler who expanded the power of Qin during his tenure as monarch. After taking the throne, he executed the reformer Shang Yang but carried on his progressive policies.

58. Tang Guliang was a minister of Qin.

59. According to Tao Fangqi, Li Qi was a famous musician of Zhao. See Zhang Shuangdi 1997, 2:2013n.17.

60. For the story of Bian He and his attempt to present a piece of raw jade to successive kings of Chu, see chap. 14, n. 57.

61. King Zhuang of Chu reigned from 613 to 591 B.C.E.

62. Literally, “those in the anterooms”—that is, the ruler’s favorites.

63. Master Tang ; according to Gao You and later commentators, this is a lexical variant for Music Master Tang , who is said to have instructed Confucius himself.

64. Moyang and Moye were famous swords; Hualiu and Lü’er, famous horses; and Lanxie and Haozhong, famous qin —in each case, exemplars of perfection.

65. These are key sections of the Documents and the Odes, respectively.

66. Gong , “skilled workers”; it is not clear whether the reference here is to bronze founders or to professional musicians.

67. There is an implied criticism here that no one in his time understood sounds, but Music Master Kuang was looking at the set of bells from a long perspective. The passage also reflects the idea that bells and other expensive bronze ritual objects were explicitly intended (as their inscriptions show) to be handed down as heirlooms to later generations. Music Master Kuang is protecting the duke’s reputation by insisting on well-tuned bells to be handed down and appreciated by the music connoisseurs of later times.

This anecdote seems to imply a concept of absolute pitch (see app. B, “Music and Mathematical Harmonics”) and apparently reflects a belief that some of Music Master Kuang’s legendary skill was attributable to his having the gift of perfect pitch. See also 20.21. We thank Dan Lusthaus (private communication) for sharing these insights with us.

68. In this context, the connotation is of masculinity and perhaps barbarism, not of luxury or feminine elegance.

69. Artificial eyebrows applied with makeup.

70. Equating jia with zi , following Gao You’s commentary.

71. Odes 288 (modified from Waley/Allen 1996, 302). The same poem was quoted earlier in this chapter. See n. 43.