When we talk about Li Bai, we should keep in mind that there are three of him: the actual Li Bai, the self-created Li Bai, and the Li Bai produced by historical and cultural imagination. Ideally, our ambition here should be to present the actual Li Bai as much as we can while also trying to understand the motivations and consequences of his self-creation. But we should also bear in mind that such an ambition is necessarily tempered by the relative scarcity of verifiable information on Li Bai’s life.
Several chronologies of his life have been produced in recent decades. They are very similar in content and approach, listing the major biographical events mainly based on the information provided in his writings, the principal source of his self-creation. Every one of his biographers writing in Chinese has fleshed out Li Bai’s life according to these events, and these biographies have themselves built on each other over time. Three of the most prominent and most useful have served as my main sources: A Critical Biography of Li Bai, by Zhou Xunchu; A Biography of Li Bai, by Li Changzhi; and Li Bai: A Biography, by An Qi. In English, Arthur Waley published his The Poetry and Career of Li Po nearly seventy years ago; though the information in his slender book is incomplete and somewhat outdated, the monograph still shows solid scholarship and sound judgments, and I have sourced from it as well. In recent decades, the Li Bai Institute in the city of Ma’anshan has regularly published volumes of academic papers, some of which have also helped me construct my narrative. Like the writers of the chronologies, these scholars rely foremost on the original poetry—over the centuries people have created stories and episodes of his life based on the references provided in his verses. Still, according to Li Bai’s uncle, Li Yangbing, “nine out of ten of his poems” are lost. His writings that are available to us now are based on two collections of his works compiled by his disciple Wei Hao and Li Yangbing—about a thousand poems and essays—and they are only a small part of his total output.
Although Li Bai’s own poems are our most important sources, a few of his friends also wrote about him. We have from them a handful of poems and short pieces of prose that depict his personality as well as his physical appearance. According to his contemporaries, he had striking features and an insouciant personality. Wei Hao describes him with flashing eyes and a powerful, energetic mouth: “His eyes were piercingly bright while his mouth opened like a hungry tiger’s. He often tied a sash around him, which gave him a casual but elegant manner. Because he had been inducted into the Daoist society in Qi [modern northeastern Shandong], he wore a black embroidered hat.”1 Such hats were characteristic of Daoist masters at the time. Throughout the centuries that followed this writing, some portraits of Li Bai have resembled Wei Hao’s description. Gao Shi’s verses evoke a tall, broad man with a commanding presence: “Duke Li has an innate grandeur. / He’s strapping with a straight back. / His mind wanders through different worlds / While his robe and hat fit the current fashion here.”2 Li Bai was cheerful and stylish; in fact, he often described himself as “a carefree spirit,” someone who could never truly fit the mold of the government official he had been expected to become. The stories of his legendary drinking also reveal a free-spirited nature. Du Fu praised him as an unshakable drinker, saying, “Even summoned by the Son of Heaven, / He won’t get on the boat.” In another poem, Du Fu writes that Li Bai had “a divine bone structure,” which matches Gao Shi’s line: “strapping with a straight back.”
There is also a rare piece of material evidence that offers more direct insight into Li Bai’s personality and skill: we still have a small scroll of calligraphy inscribed by him, containing twenty-four words. This is the only extant calligraphy of his. It was loved by Mao Zedong, who kept it for years before surrendering it to the Forbidden City’s museum in 1958. In China, calligraphy has long been a common way of displaying one’s literary cultivation and artistic spirit, and handwriting is traditionally read as an index of sorts to one’s character and even physique. Bai’s small scroll states, “The mountain is high and the water long; only a vigorous brush can portray the beauty and grandeur. Inscribed by Taibai at Shangyang Terrace, on the 18th Day.” It is evidently an occasional piece, whose context is unclear. Yet the lettering is extraordinarily robust and beautiful and floating, displaying the writer’s innate radiance. These characters show the work of a master calligrapher with a striking, unique style. Judging by the bold beauty of his calligraphy, Li Bai must have been spiritually free and physically strong.
There is scant information on Bai’s childhood and family background. What we have is largely from the accumulated scholarship around him, which has striven to flesh out his life. In his writings, he almost never mentions his parents or siblings. Strikingly, he doesn’t say a word about his mother. It is believed that ethnically she was not a Han Chinese but from a minority tribe, probably a Turk. Mixed marriages were common in the far-flung land of China’s western frontier, where the Li family lived for two or three generations, and from where they later migrated back inland to Sichuan. China’s border was not clearly defined at the time, and the vast western region was inhabited by Mongols, Persians, Turks, and Uighurs. The borders continually shifted among those western kingdoms as well, some of which were formed by allied tribes. Wars were often fought, and states appeared and disappeared. As a result, people of different ethnicities mingled, and interracial marriages were inevitable. It’s believed that Li Bai was half Han and had foreign features—this has not been proved conclusively, though we do know that people of his time could tell that he was partially hu, barbarian. The Tang dynasty was a relatively tolerant regime—much more open than the China of our time—and foreigners could find suitable roles in society and government. Even some top marshals in the Chinese army were foreigners.
Although Bai never speaks of her directly, it’s safe to say that his mother was a remarkably strong woman, full of vitality and endurance. She gave her husband several children, and Bai, despite having numerous older brothers ahead of him, was wild with energy and spirit. It is hard to fathom how strong the older sons must have been. We know that Bai had a younger sister, named Round Moon, who either came back to Sichuan with their family or was born inland, and who later married a local man. Her grave, which lies in the family’s Sichuan hometown of Jiangyou, is still well kept and surrounded by flowers and plants. Bai also had a younger brother, who might have been born in Sichuan. Before returning inland, the Li family had lived in the area of Suyab (modern Tokmok in Kyrgyzstan), which in the Tang dynasty was under the control of Anxi Circuit, a regional government, as well as a military command.3 Li Bai’s father was a successful merchant dealing in grains, fabrics, wines, dried foods, utensils, and paper. Paper was widely available in China at the time, and there were many kinds made from various materials, such as hemp, straw, and bark. Bamboo paper, durable and glossy, was by far the most precious. Through the Silk Road, the famous network of trade routes begun in the Han dynasty (206 BC–AD 220) connecting China, India, Central Asia, Arabia, Africa, and Europe, paper was introduced to Arabia and then to Europe. Li Bai’s father was one of those traders whose caravans of camels carried westward commodities produced in China. They also trekked inland with goods from the outlying western regions—mostly pelts, medicinal herbs, and dried fruits. The man often took his older sons on his trading trips inland and taught them how to conduct business. Along the Yangtze River the Lis had several trading stations and their enterprise continually expanded. The evidence suggests that they amassed a considerable amount of wealth.
Li Bai’s father is called Li Ke, a name that to Chinese ears sounds unusual and exotic. Ke in Chinese means “guest,” and very few people of that time and place would have gone by a name that connoted “stranger” and “outsider.” In fact, we are not even sure if his family name, Li, was genuine. It has been argued that such a surname might have been invented by Bai’s father when he came back inland. Self-invented surnames were common at that time—people often associated themselves with powerful clans as a way of self-promotion and protection. Throughout his life, Li Bai asserted that he belonged to the royal clan, because the emperors and princes had the same family name. Although the emperors of the Tang dynasty did all have the name Li, the royal family had also altered their history to make their pedigree appear more authentically Chinese. The first Tang emperor, Taizu, had had foreign blood through his mother, a Sien-pi, a Tartar from southern Hebei. But later, the emperor and the court historians claimed that the royal family was originally from Guanlong, an area in between Gansu and Shanxi provinces—for in Hebei the Lis were a minority clan, whereas the Lis of Guanlong were prestigious and powerful, authentic Chinese from the central land. This might partly explain why the royal family never denied that Li Bai was one of them—their genealogy seemed to allow room for self-invention.
Li Ke was an astute and calculating man. According to Li Bai’s own account in a preface to a poem,4 his father was well learned (most likely self-taught) and familiar with the classics, which he taught to his children. Li Ke told others that his family had lost its genealogy book on their journey back inland, but that they were nonetheless descended from the great general Li Guang (184–119 BC), who had been garrisoned in the western lands more than eight centuries before. Li Guang was a legendary figure who had guarded the outlying region against the aggression of the foreign forces—mainly the Huns—from Central Asia. Many poems and stories celebrate his bravery and deeds. One poem declares, “So long as the Flying General is here, / The barbarians’ horses dare not cross Mount Yin.” Mount Yin was a passageway from the western lands to inland China, and “the Flying General” was the name that the Huns had given Li Guang because of the swift, unpredictable movement of his troops. A story, recorded by the historian Sima Qian, relates that Li Guang and his bodyguards once caught sight of a tiger in a forest. The general shot an arrow at the beast. The next day, when his men went over to fetch the kill, they found it was not an animal but a brown rock in which the weapon was lodged—the general’s strength was capable of embedding an entire arrowhead in rock. Try as they might, they couldn’t pull the arrow out. Despite Li Guang’s victories and loyalty to the Han court, he was never properly rewarded by the central government, nor was he allowed to return inland. He was so disillusioned by the mistreatment he suffered at the hands of his superiors that he eventually cut his own throat.
Li Ke’s claim of blood relation with the renowned forebear, as one of the sixteenth generation of Li Guang’s line, could not be refuted, since it was known that the general had indeed left behind a branch in the western reaches of China. There was more to be said about Li Ke’s claim, however. The Tang royal clan’s revised genealogy indicated that its members and General Li Guang shared the same ancestors who had once lived in Guanlong in the central plain, so Li Ke’s family, by his own claim, must have also been related to the Tang rulers by blood. Moreover, by this lineage, Li Ke in fact was descended from an earlier generation of this family tree, well ahead of the royal family. This is why Li Bai later implied that Xuanzong, the current emperor, was by genealogy a grandnephew of his.
Self-inventions of this kind could be confusing. What is more complicated is that Li was a widely used name, reputable and made prestigious by the association with the royal family. (Today there are approximately one hundred million Lis in the world.) Whenever Li Bai traveled, he would encounter people with the same surname. Out of habit and courtesy he would acknowledge a blood relationship with them, especially powerful officials, and would call them “cousin” or “nephew” or “uncle” and even dedicate poems to some of them. As a result, he had “relatives” everywhere, and there is no telling who was actually connected by blood.
Li Bai was five years old when his father uprooted the family from Suyab and moved them back inland. They crossed a chain of the Tianshan Mountains and then deserts, and reached Sichuan more than half a year later. Li Bai must have remembered the arduous trek, as his poetry often displays an immense wilderness uniquely his own. “The Mountain Moon,” one of his most celebrated frontier poems, begins with a description of such a vast landscape:
明月出天山 蒼茫云海間
長風幾萬里 吹度玉門關
《關山月》
The moon rises from Tianshan Mountain,
Sailing in an ocean of clouds.
The wind, tens of thousands of miles long,
Is blowing through the Yumen Pass.
Having entered Sichuan, the Lis settled in Changming County (modern Jiangyou) and set up their homestead in Qinglian Village. The village was about twenty miles north of the county seat, and the landscape there had a mystic air to it. Yellow flowers hung on trees, interspersed with bamboo bushes, and the area was enclosed on the south by the Fu and Jian rivers, their waters sending up steam and mist that obscured the land and sky.5 It was a remote, isolated place, and the entire county had no more than a few thousand households. Why would Li Ke relocate his family to such a distant village? Surely this would not have been convenient for his business or wholesome for his children’s upbringing. The answer remains a mystery. Some scholars speculate that the move might have been a way to avoid dangerous fallout from a feud or some serious trouble with local officials.6 Jiangyou was the starting point of the Silk Road, so Li Ke must have been to this area before on his business travels and would have been familiar with its surroundings and the local people. In other words, his choice of location—far-off but still connected with the outside world—seems to have been carefully made.
Li Ke and his sons resumed trading in Sichuan and along the Yangtze. Wealthy and shrewd, he also loaned money to others. Soon he began to work on behalf of Daming Temple, a well-known Buddhist site of the time, perhaps clandestinely serving as its front man to lend money and collect interests and debts, because temples were not supposed to be overtly active in trade and business. He continued to prosper and gradually became a local power of sorts.
It was conventional wisdom that a large, affluent household should send its sons into varying professions. This was a way to expand the family’s influence, to ensure its prosperity, and to secure protection for its members and property. Such diversification could also help a family weather setbacks and social upheavals. Li Ke followed this course with his sons: some joined him in the trade down the river, but he wanted Bai to become a government official—the boy had an energetic mind and a powerful memory and could excel in an official career. To achieve that goal, Li Bai needed to study books and acquire extensive schooling. This also meant that Li Ke had to spend much more on Bai’s education than on his other sons’.
At the time, businesspeople belonged to the lower strata of Chinese society. At any moment the state could—and still can—seize people’s personal wealth and even turn them into criminals, regardless of whether any crime had been committed. Whenever the government lacked funds, it would fleece businesspeople and property owners, leaving them no space for safety or growth. As a result, wealth was not viewed as an effective means of self-protection. For millennia, the best way to safeguard one’s interests in China has been to affiliate oneself with political power—to befriend high officials and even join their occupation. The Li family’s arrangement for Bai’s career seems to have followed such a convention. His father must have had other purposes in mind as well—to enhance the family reputation and to put Li Bai in a position to accomplish significant deeds that could give him a lasting name.
Although the civil-service examination system had been in place for more than a century, the way to join officialdom was still narrow and extremely competitive. As a merchant’s son, Li Bai was not allowed to enter for the exam. Businesspeople were viewed as dishonorable elements of society, so their sons were not eligible for civil service. Only young men from official and aristocratic families or from an agricultural background could take the exam. At that time, China had slightly more than ten thousand officials, but each year only around thirty were actually appointed through the examination. Worse still, a candidate was not judged by the results of the tests alone. He also had to have an advocate, usually an official of considerable rank, to support his candidacy. Because of this, many scholars, though intelligent and erudite, never could find a way to an official career.
However, there was another, older way of becoming an official: zhiju, which meant through recommendations and interviews. Ever since the Qin dynasty (221–206 BC), high officials had been obliged to recommend capable talents to court. The emperor would interview them individually to assess their abilities. If the ruler was impressed and satisfied, the candidate would be granted a significant post. (This method continues today in state programs like “The Plan for a Hundred People” and “The Plan for a Thousand People,” which have been designed to recruit experts in various fields from all over the world.) The Tang government needed to secure as many talented men as possible to consolidate its power and strengthen its rule. A candidate undergoing the process of recommendation and interview had to be extraordinarily well learned and acute—ideally, a successful candidate would go on to become a linchpin of the country. Having no access to the civil-service examination, Li Bai would pursue this older path to officialdom, which required mastery of several key areas of knowledge: statecraft, philosophy, classics, writing, swordsmanship.
By age ten he had studied most of the classics available; he was mainly taught by his father and at tutorial schools, each of which had four or five pupils. Sichuan was far from the central land and had not yet been penetrated by the prevailing bureaucratic culture that reflected the imperial order of the time. As a result, education lagged in the region, placing more emphasis on older books written in the era of the Warring States (475–221 BC), when seven states fought over the control of the central land so as to unify China under a single government. Li Bai did not find the Confucian classics appealing—his recalcitrant character was at odds with the rules and rites associated with governance. One of these classics, the Book of Rites, describes the ancient rites and social forms and court ceremonies; another, Spring and Autumn, is a volume of historical records of the State of Lu. The classics also teach official manners and decorum, as shown in the Book of Documents, and together the Confucian texts—the Four Books and Five Classics—provide an education in the official culture. Bai found them boring. He did not like historical books either, especially those written by court historians. He preferred the Daoist texts, particularly Chuang Tzu, a book of writings by the philosopher Zhuang Zhou (369–286 BC).
Bai was inspired by Zhuang’s boundless imagination, and would indulge in his own wild reveries. He often alluded to the beginning passage in Chuang Tzu, in “Xiaoyao you” (“Free Wandering”), which reads, “There was once a fish in the north sea, named Kun. Its size was so immense that it stretched a thousand miles. Later the fish changed into a bird, which was named Peng. Peng’s back was so vast that it was a thousand miles long. When it soared, its wings moved like clouds over the horizon. This bird followed the swells of the ocean to the south sea, which is a big natural pool.” The bird, Peng, refers to a legendary roc—an enormous bird of prey—to which Li Bai compares himself in one of his early rhapsodies, “The Great Peng.” In the poetic essay he expresses his aspiration, like the roc in flight, “to make heaven tilt with the bird’s soaring while the mountains are quaking and the oceans churning and surging below.” Later, in another rhapsody, he again identifies himself as a mystical roc, dreaming of flying and scanning the human world from above. It was Zhuang Zhou that first fired his imagination.
The genre of rhapsody, or fu, is an ancient kind of prose poetry that, thanks to its structure and unlimited length, has more room for dramatization, description, and exposition. Li Bai loved the rhapsody: in one of his poems, he extolls his own talent in the form, saying, “At fifteen I began to read rare books / And surpassed Xiang-ru in writing rhapsodies” (“For Zhang Xianggao”). “Xiang-ru” refers to Sima Xiang-ru (179–117 BC), a court official and a man of letters who is regarded as one of China’s greatest writers of rhapsody. (Although Li Bai loved the form, rhapsodies are a minor part of his literary output. He was much more at home with verse poetry and displayed extraordinary talent in poetic composition at an early age.) Throughout his youth, Li Bai viewed Sima as an exemplary model to follow—a man who was also from Sichuan and had excelled in both his official career and his literary accomplishments.
Like most pupils at the time, Li Bai memorized many ancient poems and essays and went on to emulate them. One of the texts he studied was an old anthology titled Zhaoming Selected Masterpieces compiled in 526, comprising more than seven hundred canonical poems and essays. Li Bai is said to have imitated every piece in the book three times. He often threw away attempts that he believed were not good enough, and grew impatient with his slow progress. One day he came upon an old woman on the side of a brook in his hometown. She was grinding an iron bar on a rock, and he asked her what she was doing. She replied that she was making a needle out of the iron bar. How could that be possible? he wondered aloud. As long as she went on grinding, she said, she would one day reduce the bar to a needle with which she could make embroidery. He was so struck by her answer and her will to persevere that from then on he studied harder and more patiently. Today in Qinglian Town, Jiangyou County, there still flows a creek named the Needle Grinding Brook.
Li Bai’s father encouraged him to compose poems. Although poetry was not a skill required of officials, it could enhance one’s career to be adept in the art. There were great examples of poets from modest family backgrounds who became significant officials without passing the civil-service examination. Chen Zi’ang (661–702), another Sichuan poet just a generation prior to Li Bai, had been appointed a court counselor not through the exam but through the sponsorship of Empress Wu (624–705), the current emperor’s grandmother. Chen’s poems were known everywhere, and people would chant his lines: “The sky is green and the wilderness endless. / When the wind blows, the grass dips revealing herds of cattle and sheep” (“Song of Ascending Youzhou Terrace”).
Poetry had been a major source of entertainment for more than a millennium, both in palaces and in cities and towns. Poems were composed orally or in writing on many kinds of occasions. Court officials were usually vain and proud of their ability to produce poetry, and their sovereigns often invited them to improvise verses at festive gatherings. A particularly outstanding poem would be set to music, and the new song would then be added to the court’s repertoire. Over the centuries, however, poetry composed at court had become hackneyed and routine, though occasionally a genuinely well-crafted poem still emerged. Two centuries before Bai’s time, in the Kingdom of Liang (present-day Henan Province), a general named Cao Jingzong (457–508) had led troops to war and defeated the army of Wei, an enemy kingdom. At the court’s celebratory banquet, King Liangwu had pairs of rhyming words distributed among the courtiers for them to compose poems. Cao was not given any words because he was a warrior and thought unlikely to know how to make verse. He requested a pair of words from King Liangwu three times, and finally was granted the last two: jing (“compete”) and bing (“illness”). This was a very odd pair, nearly impossible to rhyme due to their semantic disconnection, and people were ready to laugh at Cao. After thinking a moment, he wielded a brush and wrote out this poem:
去時女兒悲 歸來笳鼓競
借問行路人 何如 霍去病
When we were departing, our children grieved.
Now we are back, flutes and drums are competing.
My soldiers, tell me
Were you as brave as Huo Qubing?
Huo Qubing (140–117 BC) had been a valorous general centuries before, famous for his victorious battles against the Huns. Cao’s poem amazed the entire banquet hall, and King Liangwu was so impressed that he promoted him to duke. Afterward the poem was set to music and became a classic. How many poets since have envied Cao for the permanent mark he left on Chinese letters by happenstance.
The Tang court had an official, known as the Harmonious Regulator (Xie lȕ lang), who was in charge of studying and refining versification. Just as social rules and official rites had been strictly standardized by then (the process had accelerated after the centralized government was established in the Qin dynasty of 221–207 BC), poetics had also become regulated—so much so that poetry began to grow overly tight and formal, enervated by strict metrical prescriptions. Many practitioners of this standardized poetry focused on technical skill and rules instead of human spirit and experience. However, this was about to change because Li Bai would soon burst onto the scene, and genius always revises the status quo.
From the very beginning Li Bai was not fond of regulated verse—although he could produce it with virtuosity—because he was not someone who liked to be hemmed in by requirements. What he admired most were three poetic traditions: gufeng, or ancient folk poems, a kind of poetry written before the Tang dynasty without specific metric patterns or rhymes; yuefu, or folk songs, which Bai composed throughout his life; and Chuci, Songs of Chu, a body of poems composed mainly by Qu Yuan (340–278 BC).
Gufeng is rather loose and spacious; a poem of this kind can be of any length and can express drama at its fullest and most vivid. Folk songs in the yuefu tradition had a long history prior to Bai’s time. He loved their liveliness and vitality, rooted in immediate human experience; throughout his life, he also learned from the contemporary folk songs performed in inns, taverns, and teahouses. Chuci suited Li Bai’s natural disposition and, later, his vision of the universe shaped by Daoism.
Qu Yuan, the author of Chuci, had once been a court official in the State of Chu in charge of religious worship, but because of his dissenting political views, particularly his fervent opposition to Chu’s alliance with the aggressive Qin State, he had resigned, self-banished, and wandered the wilderness. Two decades later, his country was conquered by the State of Qin, the same enemy to which Qu Yuan had been vehemently opposed. At the news of the loss of his country, he drowned himself in the Liluo River. Ever since, people in China have observed the date of his death, May 5, as a holiday in memory of the great poet. Because zongzi, steamed glutinous rice dumplings wrapped with reed leaves, are eaten on this day, the holiday is also called Zongzi Day. Originally people believed that the dumplings would satiate the fish in the Liluo River so that the body of the drowned poet would be spared. Several other countries in East Asia also celebrate May 5 as a holiday, eating zongzi, holding dragon boat races, and putting on festive shows, although by now its origin is almost forgotten.
What attracted Li Bai to Qu Yuan’s poetry was the celestial space in it, and he would carry on this tradition in his own work. Unlike poetry in the West, which traditionally is rooted in divine inspiration from a poetic Muse, Chinese culture has no concept of Muses, and so the poetry on the whole is chthonian by nature. Poems tend to stay within the worldly domain, focusing on human drama and experience. They do not evoke the divinity for auspices—Qu Yuan’s are a striking exception. A poem in Chuci describes his meeting with an imagined deity this way:
浴蘭湯兮沐芳 華采衣兮若英
靈連蜷兮既留 爛昭昭兮未央
蹇將憺兮壽宮 與日月兮齊光
龍駕兮帝服 聊翱遊兮周章
靈皇皇兮既降 猋遠舉兮雲中
覽冀洲兮有餘 橫四海兮焉窮
思夫君兮太息 極勞心兮忡忡
《雲中君》
In fragrant water I bathe myself and wash my hair
And put on clothes that shine like jade.
I see the cloud goddess lingering as if reluctant to leave,
Her full splendor radiating endlessly.
Above us the Longevity Palace stands aloft,
As glorious as the sun and the moon.
She wears a colored gown and rides a dragon carriage
Going back and forth through the vast sky.
See, she is about to descend, then
Swiftly she flies away and disappears in the clouds.
She scans the whole of the central land below,
Beyond which spreads the ocean in every direction.
I am thinking of you, my goddess,
And can’t stop sighing, laden with worries.
“THE ONE IN CLOUDS”
Through his imagination, the poet travels freely between heaven and earth; his poetry presents an entire celestial sphere where he longs to reside. This space is superior to the mundane order of the secular world and signifies another kind of existence. Li Bai was fascinated by such a space and would ultimately inhabit it in his poetry. Considering the three poetic traditions from which he drew inspiration, Bai was very selective in forming his own poetic heritage.
In addition to the private tutorials and his father’s homeschooling, Li Bai in his midteens also stayed in Daming Temple on Kuang Mountain, studying with the Buddhist monks there. He not only studied books but also learned the art of the sword from an older monk named Master Kong-ling. Swordsmanship would become a lifelong passion. Bai’s stay in the temple seems odd—he did not practice Buddhism and later would become a staunch Daoist. Though he dabbled in Buddhism throughout his life, he was never a serious believer, because while Buddhists were supposed to be detached from politics, his ambitions centered on a government position.
Daoism and Confucianism have each served as the state religion in different dynasties throughout Chinese history; in Li Bai’s time, the Tang rulers held Daoism as the religion of the royal family and therefore of the country. Although Daoism has little to say about governance (it advocates joining the natural course, the way things exist, waxing and waning), the Tang rulers found prestige in associating themselves with Lao Tzu, the author of the Tao Te Ching, claiming him as their ancestor since his personal surname—Li Dan—was the same as theirs. In other eras, Confucianism—with its emphasis on the rites and decorum of officialdom and the ethical order of families and society—has been strongly linked to the state, forming the underpinnings of the bureaucratic culture. Both faiths were more secular than Buddhism, which has never been associated with a governing power, never having become a state religion.
Li Bai’s incongruous taking of refuge in the Buddhist monastery gave rise to a myth meant to explain it. The story goes that he often ran into trouble in his teens and even killed people, so his father hid him away in the temple from time to time.7 Bai might indeed have been a problematic youth, as he later wrote in his poems that he had often fought with others. But the story of his manslaughter is written with such hyperbole that it has the ring of a fanciful boast. In several of his poems, he mentions manslaughter as a way to display his bravery and swordsmanship (attributes valued by the society at large). Lines like these are often cited as evidence: “After three cups I began to play with my sword, / Cutting down people like weeds” (“Song of a White Horse”); “Surrounded by white blades / I killed men in red dust” (“For Brother Hao, Magistrate of Xiangyang County”); and “Walking every ten steps, I cut down a man / And I didn’t stop for a thousand li” (“Song of a Knight”). One li is five hundred meters, and so here his boast of killing for “a thousand li” is an impossibility, a wild poetic exaggeration, similar to analogies in his other poems, such as “In the Yan area snowflakes fall as large as mats” and “My hair grows white, thirty thousand feet long.”
Undoubtedly Li Bai was a hothead, impulsive and intolerant of injustice, and he might have wounded people with his sword, which he carried wherever he went, but it is unlikely that he could have continued his life with impunity if he had committed manslaughter, an extremely serious crime in the Tang dynasty. Its law states unequivocally that capital punishment is to be meted out for such an offender: “Intended manslaughter committed in a fight—to be hanged; manslaughter with a blade—to be beheaded; manslaughter with a weapon in a fight, even though by accident—to be treated the same as intended manslaughter.”8 A Buddhist monastery like Daming was unlikely to harbor a murderer, and Li Bai would later travel through the central land without fear of punishment.
Bai’s boast does seem to reflect his impulse toward destruction and crime, which is often inseparable from artistic creation. He bragged about this impulse even as he might not have been clear about how it was rooted in his being and was a source of his creative energy. Many great writers share this fascination with the dark, violent force in the human soul—Goethe in his Faust and Dostoyevsky in his great psychological novels.9 And Bai’s poetic exaggeration also reflects a broader tendency of the Chinese language in general to use wild analogies. Some of its expressions are based upon very large gestures: to describe pain, for instance, one can say that “my heart is pierced by ten thousand arrows.” In English, a more restrictive and precise language, such an analogy sounds hyperbolic, but to the Chinese ear it sounds proper and even credible. To praise a man’s capacity for alcohol, Du Fu writes that “he drinks like a long whale sucking a hundred rivers”—an impossible image, but Chinese readers take it as natural and wonderful. To describe a woman’s beauty, people will say that her looks make fish dive deeper and geese drop to the ground (as if out of shame). Li Bai’s boasts about his murderous deeds fall into this same tradition: they are not meant to reflect literal truth, but rather to impress others by highlighting his extraordinariness.