The Routledge Handbook of Material Culture in Early Modern Europe

This seventeenth-century engraving and the accompanying text sought not only to identify the furnishings of a church but also to relate them to worship and religious devotion. The short chapter comes from the English translation of Orbis Sensularium Pictus, which had first been published at Nuremberg in 1658. It was written by the Czech educationalist and reformer Johannes Amos Comenius, who believed that children learned from what their senses had first experienced, and therefore the work has an important place in the history of pedagogy (Turner 1972, 109–138; Murphy 1995, 181, 186–187, 198–203). This chapter titled ‘Religion’ was typical, using a numerical key to identify and link objects and practices within the picture to the Latin text below (Comenius 1658, 292–293).

In spite of the didactic purpose of the volume, the confessional identity of the church is not immediately clear. Although this translation was intended for an English audience, the engraving merely replicated the woodcut that had been used in the first Nuremberg edition. (Comenius 1658; 1964, 292; Paternák 2006, 104). It depicts a vaulted interior, but the altar and retable suggest that this could have been a Catholic or Lutheran place of worship, as such items were not found in English or Reformed churches. On balance the relatively plain interior, lacking in the religious imagery associated with Catholicism, as well as the emphasis on preaching indicates that this was probably intended to depict a Lutheran church. To an extent this ambiguity reflected Comenius’s own religious convictions, as he rejected the sectarian or eponymous titles of reform movements such as Hussite, Lutheran, Calvinist etc. and dismissed confessional concerns ‘for the difference of ceremonies’ as mere superstition (Molnár 1957, 35; Murphy 1995, 18–19). Although Comenius indicated that he was responsible for the creation of the images in his work, they may in fact have been produced by a local artist for the printer. These engravings may therefore represent a stylised view of the church interiors of Nuremberg, where the transition to Lutheranism had preserved many features of pre-Reformation worship (Heal 2005; Paternák 2006, 96–97).

Recent studies of the material culture of religion have taken a broad perspective, extending beyond an ecclesiastical setting to consider the significance of sacred and religious objects within the domestic sphere (Walker Bynum 2011; Evangelisti 2013; Ivanič, this volume; Galandra Cooper and Laven, this volume). These studies have either adopted a pre-Reformation or Catholic perspective, although in some cases they consider the reaction to the criticism and destruction of Protestantism. In such circumstances, these religious objects suggest a greater agency and purpose, as their significance not only extended beyond their religious role but became symbols and reassertions of Catholic belief and religious practice in the face of such challenges. There have similarly been studies of aspects of Protestant material culture that have focused on the household or the wider landscape rather than an ecclesiastical context (Hamling 2010; Walsham 2011).

By contrast, through using Comenius’s engraving of ‘Religio’ it is possible to refocus attention on early modern places of worship and to do so from a multi-confessional and comparative perspective. For while there were significant differences in religious practice, there were certain church furnishings that were common to several faiths or existed in some differentiated form depending on theological principles or practical considerations.

Regulating the material culture of worship

One of the significant differences between the Catholic and Protestant churches during the early modern period was their attitude towards religious ceremonies and rites. The medieval Catholic Church had established a very detailed and prescriptive approach to what was needed for the celebration of the mass and other religious services. In the late thirteenth century, the French canon lawyer, papal administrator and bishop of Mende, William Durand (1230–96), compiled the Rationale divinorum officiorum, an exhaustive commentary on the medieval liturgy and worship. Divided over eight books, it examined the church building and liturgical art, the clerical orders and their functions, ecclesiastical vestments, the Mass and divine office, the Church’s calendar and feast days (Thibodeau 2007).

The Rationale articulated what was required for Catholic worship; vestments, for example, were to be worn so that ‘we shall not enter the Holy of Holies wearing everyday clothing, polluted as it is, with the use of everyday life, but enter with a clean conscience and with clean and sacred vestments while we are handling the sacraments’ (Thibodeau 2010, 131). Book Three then continues with chapters on the amice, alb, girdle or belt, stole, maniple, chasuble, stockings and sandals, girdle and orale, tunic, dalmatic, gloves, mitre, ring, pastoral staff, sudarium and pallium. Durand was not merely concerned with detailing these ecclesiastical vestments; he also explained the allegorical symbolism and historical significance of each particular garment (Thibodeau 2010). The Rationale became one of the most widely circulated liturgical treatises, with over 200 Latin manuscripts by the early fifteenth century and subsequently a number of printed editions (Albaric 1992; Thibodeau 2007).

A similar concern for the setting and material culture of worship was reflected in the Instructionem fabricae et supellectilis ecclesiasticae published by Carlo Borromeo in 1577. A compendium of earlier ecclesiastical ordinances, it served as a manual for those visiting churches in the archdiocese of Milan to implement the Tridentine decrees and ensure uniformity. Most historical attention has focused on the first book, which prescribed the layout, appearance and arrangement of the church as well as detailing the form and location of the principal furnishings such as the altar, font, pulpit and tabernacle. Less attention has been paid to the second volume, which comprised 99 short statements or dicta listing the equipment, vestments and linens that are needed for religious services. Although there were similarities with the Rationale, Borromeo did not discuss the symbolism of the various items. As these principles spread beyond the archdiocese, they not only reinforced the Church’s determination of what was required for Catholic worship but also served as a visual riposte to Protestant criticism (Voelker 1977; Voelker 1988; Evangelisti 2013).

At the Reformation, there was a reaction against the decrees and rules relating to Catholic devotion and religious practice, which even earlier critics had regarded as the ‘evil of superfluity’ (Verkamp 1973). The Protestant Reformers reacted against the ceremonies and material culture of Catholicism on theological grounds as they sought to restore worship to the simple form that they associated with Apostolic times. The Scriptures therefore became the measure as to what was acceptable regarding religious practice, although it was acknowledged that at times this information was limited. In spite of taking this stance, they did not themselves provide any definitive statement about the appearance and furnishings of places of worship. For the Protestant Reformers, the material culture of worship was regarded as adiaphora. This philosophical approach had developed to address matters that were not fundamental to religious belief and as a result could be regarded with indifference (Verkamp 1973, 491–504; Anderson 1985). Furthermore, churches and chapels were regarded as merely being convenient places for accommodating the congregation for religious services and in particular preaching the Word of God rather than buildings sanctified and set apart from the secular world, although they were to be kept in a seemly manner that was appropriate to their religious purpose (Cochrane 1966, 289; Murdock 2005; Grosse 2011; Spicer 2011 and 2005; Isaiasz 2012). A distinctive material culture did, however, develop in connection with Protestant places of worship that was particularly associated with the preaching of the Word of God and the administration of the sacraments. This material culture varied, however, not only between confessions but also sometimes within confessions according to particular local circumstances or variations in religious practice. In some regions, the principle of adiaphora established a visual distinction between confessions (Wetter 2016).

In spite of the differences between the Catholic and Protestant confessions regarding what was required, the furnishings illustrated in Comenius’s woodcut indicate three different types of material culture associated with early modern churches. The first of these are the items that related to the sacraments, particularly the Eucharist. These can be seen to form a single category across all the confessions, albeit in varying forms, despite their theological differences. A distinction can be drawn between these sacramental items and the material culture associated with other aspects of religious practice within the church. Theoretically this could include the Catholic cult of saints, identified by their images in the church, or the veneration of relics, but these are not depicted in the woodcut. Another non-sacramental form of religious practice, preaching, is depicted and is something that was important across the confessions, although to differing degrees. Finally, a third more general category can be identified that broadly relates to religious devotion at both a communal and an individual level, as well as the use of the church as a vehicle for displays of civic pride or the interests of local families. These items, such as tombs for example, do not specifically relate to worship but remained an important feature of many churches regardless of confession.

Sacramental material culture

Although these were understood differently by the various confessions, the material culture relating to the sacraments of the Eucharist and baptism are depicted in Comenius’ woodcut. The altar (number 11) is shown in the choir (10) at the east end of the church, an arrangement that is most closely associated with Catholic and Lutheran worship. While Catholic churches were consecrated for worship, the altar was a place of even greater sanctity, as this was where the mass was celebrated and through the miracle of transubstantiation Christ became manifest. The altar had to be of stone, and this was consecrated by a bishop, who anointed the four corners and then the centre with holy oil and sealed holy relics in a cavity within it. If the altar was profaned through the spilling of bodily fluids or damage to the relics, it had to be re-consecrated before the mass could be celebrated again. The altar was therefore more than the place where the rite was performed, it was imbued with an aura of sanctity that could be threatened (Thibodeau 2007). The ritual importance of the altar is reflected in the requirement that even missionary priests performing clandestine masses in Elizabethan England had to use portable altar stones that had been consecrated for the purpose (Holmes 1981; Thibodeau 2007). The sanctity of the altar meant that not only was it to be treated with reverence, but its coverings and linens were to be blessed and the liturgical vessels also consecrated (Thibodeau 2007). Furthermore, the altar was set apart from the rest of the congregation; it was located in the choir, which was the preserve of the clergy and separated by rails and screens (Bond 1908a; Jung 2000; Cragoe 2005). While the visibility of the mass to the whole congregation was something that stemmed from the Tridentine reforms, the altar remained physically separated from the rest of the church behind a balustrade. Retables and the opulent decoration of the east end served to emphasise further the importance of the altar (Voelker 1977; Hall 1979; Moore 1985; Jestaz 1995; Alexander 2004; Spicer 2013).

The nature of the Lutheran Reformation and its German mass meant that a number of aspects of medieval Catholic liturgy were retained, together with their associated ecclesiastical furnishings, in particular the high altar (Pelikan et al. 1955–76; Karant-Nunn 1997; Nischan 2004; Wandel 2006; see also Heal 2005; Thøfner 2012; Wetter 2012). There was a much sharper break from the Catholic past and its material culture in other Protestant confessions, which denounced the mass as idolatrous and rejected the doctrine of transubstantiation. Altars were torn down during iconoclastic riots, particularly during the 1560s in France, the Netherlands and Scotland, or were later removed during the reconfiguration of Catholic churches for Reformed worship (McRoberts 1962; Davis 1973; Crew 1978; Duke 1990 and 2009; Spicer 2003; 2007). The re-conceptualisation of the Eucharist as a memorial of the Last Supper shared by Christ and his disciples also affected the liturgical rites and arrangements for the administration of the Lord’s Supper. In the Dutch Republic and Scotland, those admitted to the Lord’s Supper sat down either side of a long table set up especially for the service. The infrequency of the rite, due to the high regard in which it was held, and the amount of space needed for the administration meant that these trestle tables were only erected when they were required rather than being permanent church furnishings (McMillan 1931; Hay 1957; Burnet 1960; Swigchem, Brouwer and van Os 1984; Todd 2002; Spicer 2007; Steensma 2014). In France, some of the Swiss territories and Transylvania, the Reformed congregation did not sit around a long table but went up to receive communion. At Geneva, the Ecclesiastical Ordinances (1541) stipulated that two tables were to be erected before the pulpit for the administration of the Lord’s Supper, one for men and the other for women. These smaller communion tables were not removed after the service but remained part of the church’s furnishings (Reid ed. 1954, 67; Grosse 2008, 217–219, 265–266). Although outside the city of Geneva churches usually had a single communion table, their pedestal base and oval or polygonal tops clearly distinguished them from medieval altars (Grandjean 1988, 480–489; Reymond 1996; Spicer 2016). There was a similar visual differentiation with the communion tables that were used in English parish churches. These resembled pieces of domestic furniture and were supposed to be kept at the east end but moved into the body of the church and orientated on a north-south axis for communion. In spite of these efforts, for some early seventeenth-century churchmen the purpose for which the table was used gave it a special importance and even sanctity that meant that it should not be treated merely as another piece of furniture (Fincham and Tyacke 2007; Whiting 2010). The different perceptions and celebration of the Eucharist in the Protestant confessions resulted in a significant divergence not only in ecclesiastical furnishings but the manner in which they were regarded.

Another important aspect of the material culture of the Eucharist is the vessels that were used in the performance of the rite. These are often overlooked or considered in isolation from their liturgical purpose. They are absent from Comenius’s woodcut because apart from during the service, these were usually safely locked away in the sacristy or vestry (12). The chalice, paten and other Catholic liturgical vessels were carefully prescribed by ecclesiastical ordinances. Chalices were to be made of silver or gold ‘or on account of poverty, out of tin, since it does not rust, but not out of wood or copper’. Such injunctions were prompted by practical reasons (rust mixed with the wine could cause vomiting) as well as theological tenets (the blood of Christ might be absorbed by wooden vessels). The chalice and paten were also to be consecrated as they were to be treated with reverence, for during the mass they held the body and blood of Christ, symbolically representing the new sepulchre. Borromeo made further stipulations regarding the appearance of these vessels that similarly reflected not only their sacred purpose but also practical considerations relating to the celebration of the mass (Voelker 1977, II Dicta 31–32; Thibodeau 2007). It was this sanctity that iconoclasts and other Catholic opponents sought to counteract through desecrating them, or profaning them through secular use (Davis 1973; Crew 1978; Duke 2009). While Lutherans continued to use some Catholic liturgical vessels, the Reformed Churches favoured either a communion cup or beaker and a bread plate. Generally made of either silver or pewter, these were much simpler vessels that resembled those used in a domestic environment. Unlike Catholics, Protestants received both the bread and the wine at the Lord’s Supper, which meant that these communion cups and beakers were larger than medieval chalices, while there were also substantial flagons for holding the wine for the service. Furthermore these were vessels that were passed between communicants at the administration of the Lord’s Supper. English communion services differed from those in the Dutch Republic and Scotland, but the cups and plates also resembled secular tableware, and in some cases pieces of domestic silver were later donated by parishioners for religious purposes (Burns 1892; McMillan 1931; Oman 1957; Frederiks 1958; Fock ed. 1977; Blaauwen ed. 1979; Citroen 1984; Lomax 1999; Todd 2002; Whiting 2010; McShane 2014; Spicer forthcoming b). Although the vessels were not consecrated, it was possible for some individuals to regard church plate in spiritual terms that set them apart from everyday objects (Peterson 2001).

While there were considerable differences between the confessions regarding the Eucharist, which had significant implications for their ecclesiastical material culture, apart from the Anabaptists, there was less of a divergence of opinion over the sacrament of baptism. In Comenius’s woodcut, this was represented by the font (16) in the foreground, indicating that it was placed at the rear of the church. Although these confessions advocated infant baptism, the Protestant Reformers opposed the ceremonial practices of the medieval Church and rejected private baptism, emphasising the importance of the rite being conducted publicly before the congregation. In England and Lutheran states, the medieval font was retained at the back of the church, and in some Scandinavian churches elaborate enclosures were built around it. Reformed theology tied baptism more closely to preaching the Word, so fonts were moved to a prominent position beside the pulpit (a similar repositioning of the font can be seen later in some Lutheran states). In the Reformed churches, the font gave way to a baptismal dish, which was in some cases mounted in a cradle attached to the pulpit. Such an arrangement was instigated at the beginning of the Scottish Reformation, while in the Netherlands there was a more gradual transition, which partly explains the number of surviving medieval fonts in the country. More radical Protestants criticised fonts because of their associations with Catholicism, and their religious imagery was attacked by iconoclasts, resulting in the scarred appearance of a number of English examples. Some English fonts were completely destroyed during the Interregnum when the Directory for Public Worship (1645) ordered their replacement by a basin attached to the pulpit, but with the Restoration new fonts were erected in parish churches (Bond 1908b; Davies 1962; Dunlop 1967; Spicer 2007; Whiting 2010; Spicer ed. 2012).

While the Protestant confessions only acknowledged the sacraments of baptism and the Eucharist as instituted by Christ, the sacrament of penance also had an impact on early modern Catholic churches. Although the confessional had existed earlier, the example described in Borromeo’s Instructionem came to serve as a model, and its appearance in France has been described by John Bossy as providing an indicator of the implementation of the Tridentine decrees. The confessional was introduced to encourage more decorous behaviour in church, but it subsequently came to symbolise the importance of the sacrament of penance (Bossy 1998; Boer 2001). Although Luther came to reject confession as a sacrament, he recognised the importance of reflective penitence and the consolation that came from absolution. Confession and examination on the tenets of faith came to be a prerequisite for receiving communion. Lucas Cranach the Elder’s Wittenberg altarpiece depicts Johannes Bugenhagen seated in a confessional chair listening to the penitent kneeling beside him, the furnishings resembling those of the late medieval Catholic rite. In some Lutheran churches, boxes or small rooms were erected to allow confessions to be made in private, although these lacked the dividing grill associated with Borromean confessionals (Karant-Nunn 1997; Koerner 2003; Rittgers 2004; Range 2011). Mention might also be made of one uniquely Scottish piece of ecclesiastical furniture, which arose from the attempts of the Reformed Church to establish a godly community. Those whose moral behaviour led to them being brought before the kirk session could be punished by being required to sit before the congregation on the stool of repentance (Todd 2002, plates 11–14; Jackson 2007). These very different types of furniture were therefore both used in attempts to control social behaviour, but in the case of the Catholic confessional this also had a sacramental role.

Non-sacramental material culture

Alongside the material culture relating to the celebration or administration of the sacraments, the second type of ecclesiastical furnishings relate to other forms of religious practice. This could include the images associated with the cult of saints as well as the veneration of relics, religious practices which were upheld by the Council of Trent. Such items were, however, often the focus of Reformed criticism and, sometimes, iconoclastic attacks (Davis 1973; Crew 1978; Deyon and Lottin 1981; Eire 1986; Michalski 1993; Wandel 1995; Lottin 2007; Arnade 2008; Duke 2009; Murdock, Roberts, Spicer ed. 2012; Spicer 2014).

Preaching took place across the confessions, and the engraving depicts a range of associated church furnishings: the pulpit (13), pews (14) and gallery (15). Before the Reformation, preaching was not a focal point for religious services, but sermons were delivered from pulpits and some of the more affluent regions also had pews for the elite members of the congregation. It assumed a much greater significance for the Protestant churches, partly due to the less regular celebration of the Eucharist, particularly in the Reformed tradition, but also because of the emphasis placed by the theologians on the Word of God. This is represented in the woodcut by the open Bible resting on a lectern (3), open towards the reader, while on a nearby pillar are the tablets with the Ten Commandments (5). Although preaching was not actually a sacrament, it was held in almost the same high regard by Protestants. In the Reformed tradition, the minister was the mouthpiece of God and therefore was to be visible and audible to the entire congregation during the sermon. It was also the duty of the congregation to be attentive and responsive to the Word of God (Parker 1992; Haemig and Kolb 2008). The implications of this understanding of preaching were that the pulpit had to be placed in a central location within the church building and at a height that meant the minister could be seen and heard. This resulted in the 90-degree reorientation of the focus of the building, as the pulpit, usually positioned on a side wall in the nave, replaced the altar at the east end. Initially pre-Reformation pulpits were retained for Reformed worship, but a number of these were gradually replaced with more substantial pulpits (Bangs 1997; Spicer 2003a; Jackson 2007; Mochizuki 2008; Whiting 2010; Steensma 2014). The retention of an altar or a communion table at the east end meant that in Lutheran and English churches, an arrangement similar to that depicted by Comenius developed, with the pulpit and altar providing the two foci for the building but in close proximity to each other. Later, some Lutheran churches developed the Prinzipalstück arrangement in which the pulpit was erected above the altar (Spicer 2012; Gray 2016). It should also be noted that preaching was also an important part of the revitalisation of Catholicism during the early modern period, with similar attention being paid to the form and location of the pulpit in relation to the congregation (O’Malley 1988; Smith 2002; Debby 2007).

Although generally the pulpit was not consecrated, it did assume a special importance within the church as the place from which the Word of God was preached. This significance was reflected in the elaborate carvings, sometimes depicting Biblical scenes, as well as the substantial sounding boards, which particularly in the Dutch Republic could tower over the structure, thereby emphasising its importance. In some communities, it replaced the high altar as the preferred location for the burial of the elite within the church. Furthermore the ecclesiastical authorities reacted against those who ‘desecrated’ the pulpit from which the Word was preached. As a result the pulpit was more significant in the material culture of Protestantism than might otherwise be generally recognised (Spicer 2011; Thøfner 2012).

Seating was also important for ensuring an attentive congregation, not only by accommodating them during lengthy sermons but also through establishing a degree of social control and making movement around the building during the service more difficult. With assigned places it also made it easier for parish officials to monitor attendance and behaviour. A further aspect of these seating arrangements was the separation of male and female members of the congregation. Gender segregation in churches was not new. In Milan, Borromeo’s concern for decorum and preventing men from being distracted by female members of the congregation led to the erection of a wooden screen the length of the cathedral. Reformed ministers had similar concerns and also sought to accommodate men and women separately in church. Women were usually seated on stools in front of the pulpit, which could be removed for the administration of the Lord’s Supper. Usually fixed raked seating was provided, sometimes in an amphitheatric arrangement, centred on the pulpit for the men. The galleries were also usually occupied by the male members of the congregation. Special seats were provided for the consistory as well as elite members of the local community; the most important of these private pews had their own separate access and although in a prominent position were often concealed by screens or windows that allowed the occupants to follow the service unobserved by the majority of the congregation. The number of disputes that arose over church seating is an indication of how this had evolved from being a means to control the congregation to one related to social status and prominence within the community. This was reinforced by the inheritance of seats, the burial of past generations beneath or in close proximity to the family bench and ultimately pew rents. A similar pattern of private pews and proprietary rights can also be seen in the English and Lutheran churches, where the seating arrangements were more akin to the pews illustrated by Comenius (Aston 1990; Spicer 2000; Marsh 2001; 2002 and 2005; Spicer 2003b; Mentzer 2006; Spicer 2007; Whiting 2010; Cooper and Brown eds. 2011; Spicer ed. 2012; Schofield 2013; Spicer forthcoming a).

Commemorative and devotional material culture

A final category of material culture related to church furnishings was more to do with community or individuals than related to regular worship. The engraving illustrates the revelation of God’s message through Nature (2) with a wreath made from ears of grain and flowers at the end of the harvest. Such medieval rituals survived the Reformation, and in some areas these customs were adapted for a Protestant context. In central and eastern Europe, the Reformed Church had replaced a Catholic festival with the ‘feast of the new bread’, during which wreaths of the newly harvested corn were placed in the church, where they remained for the rest of the year (Tufnell 1924; Scribner 2001; Muir 2005; Christman 2008).¹

Alongside such seasonal objects were the items that were donated to churches by local communities or corporations. These included captured military banners or recovered cannon balls, in thanksgiving for success in battle, withstanding a siege or the defeat of their opponents. There was also a long tradition of presenting model ships to churches both in Catholic and Reformed states, particularly by fishermen in recognition of divine protection from storms, pirates and other perils at sea (Todd 2002; Spicer 2007; Mochizuki 2008; Tingle 2010; Eekhout 2011). The more personal ex voto paintings and donations made by Catholics should be seen in the same light. Individuals gave thanks for divine intervention that had provided relief from illness and suffering or for being saved from accident or misfortune. These gifts could take the form of small silver or gilt representations of the recovered limbs, eyes and ears as well as animals but also included primitive paintings of a particular incident or miracle. Similarly crutches, walking canes and other items rendered unnecessary by the miraculous intercession of the saint, or everyday objects that evoked the particular reason for their veneration, were also left at these sites. Although such things were associated with shrines and the cult of saints, these were not items that of themselves had a liturgical significance but were demonstrations of personal piety given by a grateful individual or family (Gockerell 2009; Tingle 2010; Wellcome Collection 2011; Jacobs 2013; the results of Mary Laven’s research project, ‘Objects of Devotion: The Material Culture of Italian Renaissance Piety, 1400–1600’).

Funerary monuments similarly lacked a specific liturgical or religious role, although through their inscriptions they could call upon the onlooker to pray for the souls of the departed, alternatively serving as either a warning or an exemplar for the living. For Catholics, interment inside the building, particularly near the altar, reflected the sanctity of the church as a consecrated place of worship, a perception that persisted after the Reformation in spite of the Reformers’ rejection of the notion that one place could be more holy than another. These tombs emphasised status and lineage, particularly when a group of family monuments were arranged in a private chapel or mausoleum, which was supported by displays of heraldry and funeral hatchments. They also established a proprietary connection with the building; even where there was no grandiose monument, individuals often requested to be interred near their customary pew or the grave of a relative (Summers et al. eds. 1974–94; Swigchem et al. 1984; Burnett 1986; Colvin 1991 and 2005; Bueren with Wustefeld eds 1999; Llewellyn 2000; Harding 2002; Sherlock 2008; Whiting 2010; Harris 2013; Penman ed. 2013; Steensma 2014; Spicer forthcoming a).

These more costly tombs have tended to overshadow the humbler memorials made of less durable materials, such as the wooden crosses or grave-markers in the churchyard. Inside the building, carved or painted panels, often alongside the grave, provided eulogies or life histories of the deceased (Starr 1999; Llewellyn 2000; Tait 2002, 104; Sherlock 2008, 94; Ekroll 2013; Gittos 2013, 19, 39; Penman ed. 2013, 94, 209–210). A similar commemorative role was played by boards recording charitable bequests to the parish or, in Catholic states, detailing the contractual arrangements regarding the endowment of masses to be celebrated at a particular altar (Harding 2002; Sankovitch 2005; Ben-Amos 2008). More ephemeral were maidens’ garlands, which were carried at the funerals of young girls who died in a ‘state of virginity’ and were subsequently hung in the parish church. Although the oldest surviving examples date from the nineteenth century, the practice can be traced to the early modern period and may represent the continuation of an even earlier tradition (Morris 2011).

Distinct from this funerary material culture were the donations made to churches at a civic, corporate or individual level, although these also reflected a wish to be associated with a particular church. This might include stained glass windows or boards with scriptural texts; their practical significance or any religious message conveyed also evoked recognition of the donor through the emblems and coats of arms with which they were embellished. Chandeliers, to illuminate the sometimes dark church interior, were another important donation for early modern churches which similarly, through inscriptions and heraldry, provided a permanent reminder of the donor’s generosity (Spicer 2006; Mochizuki 2008; Beyer 2013; Beyer 2013–14; Steensma 2014). Such items were undoubtedly part of the material culture of the ecclesiastical environment, but they represent individual devotion and communal aspirations more than having a defined place in the liturgical life of the church.

Conclusion

In spite of the confessional diversity of early modern Europe, it is still possible to define three strands of material culture relating to worship, depending on whether items were essential for the administration of the sacraments and church services in general or had a less well-defined role. While Catholic religious practice and material culture were carefully prescribed and sanctified for religious use, this was not necessarily the case when it came to the Protestant confessions, which did not consider such issues to be fundamental to religious belief and practice. Nonetheless it is clear that the association of particular items with the administration of the Lord’s Supper or the preaching of the Word of God gave them an importance, even quasi-sacrality, which could be profaned by disrespectful behaviour. Therefore even within the Protestant confessions the material culture of worship came to assume an importance and significance for the devout that exceeded the practical value of the item. To understand fully the material culture of the early modern church, its furnishings and liturgical items not only need to be assessed for their intrinsic value and artistic merit but also considered in relation to the ritual and theological context to which they belong. As Comenius showed, church furnishings should not be isolated from religious devotion and worship.

Note

1I am grateful to Maria Crǎciun for her assistance on this point.

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5The material culture of early modern churches