Tsutomu Iwasaki makes clear in this essay the thoroughgoing integration of religion and politics after the demise of the Tibetan empire, and shifts the focus from Central to northeastern Tibet. He demonstrates that by the early eleventh century Tibetan Buddhist monks had come to be potent political leaders in a system known as hierocracy: government by the clergy. This part of Tibet, now called Amdo, was known in Chinese as Hexi, meaning “west of the (Yellow) River,” and had three main Tibetan centers, one in Xiliangfu (present-day Wuwei, in Gansu province), another in the Tsongkha region (around Xining, Qinghai province), and the third south of Lanzhou, Gansu. He describes the first important postimperial Tibetan polity in eastern Tibet after the fall of the empire: the Tsongkha kingdom, founded in the name of Gusiluo (Tib. Gyelsé, or prince), a scion of the Tibetan (Ch. Tufan) imperial rulers. He describes the earliest instances of mass monasticism, of monasteries serving as important centers of economic activity, and of the merging of political and religious power in the hands of monastic figures, all trends that were to become central to the rest of Tibetan history. The Tibetan regimes of this area were eventually caught between the expansion of the Chinese Song dynasty and the rise of the Tangut Minyak (Ch. Xixia) Kingdom. If we speak of a renaissance of Tibetan Buddhist culture in Central Tibet brought about by the reintroduction of Buddhist monasticism, we cannot ignore the role of the Amdo region in keeping Tibetan Buddhist culture alive after the collapse of the empire. Iwasaki’s essay emphasizes the continuities and enduring success of Buddhist monastics in the east.
The birthplace of Tsongkhapa (1357–1419), the great reformer of Tibetan Buddhism, was the Tsongkha region, and his name means “man of Tsongkha.” Ta’ersi [Kumbum], the largest monastery in Qinghai province, is held to have been built on the site of his birthplace.1 Even in the twentieth century this region continues to flourish as an important center of Tibetan Buddhism, and if we go back in history, we find that Buddhism was thriving already a long time prior to the birth of Tsongkhapa. It was the Tibetan tribes of Hexi, who were active in this region during the Northern Song period, that laid the foundations of the subsequent Buddhist faith here, and in the Song shi [History of the Song Dynasty] their religion is described succinctly as “revering Buddhism.”2 In the following I would like to discuss the relationship between the Hexi Tibetans and Buddhism.
II. THE XILIANGFU ADMINISTRATION AND BUDDHISM
The main center of the Hexi Tibetans during the Five Dynasties period and the early Song was Xiliangfu (Liangzhou). That the inhabitants of this region were devout Buddhists is evident from the following passage of indeterminate date from the Song shi “Tufan zhuan” [History of the Song Dynasty, “Account of Tufan (Tibet)]:”
The prefect (zhou shuai) of Xiliangfu lost the support of the people, who held a meeting in protest. The prefect hastily climbed a wooden seven-storied pagoda inside the town and deceitfully shouted to them, “If you attack me, I will set fire to the pagoda!” The people, who set great value on the pagoda, made a promise with the prefect and forgave him.
We know that in the year 998 Xiliangfu had a population of more than 128,000, of whom the greater part were of Tibetan stock,3 and so the above incident may be said to indicate that Buddhism had become firmly rooted in Tibetan society.
According to the “Tufan zhuan,” Zhebu Jiashi, the first person to establish an administration controlled by Tibetans, provided protection for a Chinese monk on his way to India in search of Buddhist scriptures, and his second successor Zhebu Youlongbo asked the Song for gold and five-colored decorations for use in the construction of a pagoda. It is not clear in which monastery this pagoda was to be erected, but in view of the fact that Panluozhi, who took over political power from the Zhebu clan, received gold foil and other materials from the Song in order to repair the two monasteries Hongyuansi and Dayunsi in 1004,4 it is to be surmised that the pagoda that Youlongbo intended building was connected with the repairs on one of these two monasteries, probably the former. This is because in the same year Panluozhi made a further request of the Song for the dispatch of artisans and gifts of gold, jasper and silk for making repairs on Hongyuansi.5 These repairs on Hongyuansi were not completed during Panluozhi’s lifetime and were continued by his younger brother Siduodu.6 Thus, judging from the fact that two successive rulers of Xiliangfu devoted considerable efforts to effecting repairs on Hongyuansi, we are no doubt justified in assuming that the pagoda that Youlongbo intended erecting was also connected with this monastery. It was probably a renowned monastery dating from prior to the Tang and the main center of Buddhism in Xiliangfu. Making repairs on this monastery therefore afforded the holders of political power in Xiliangfu a chance of representing themselves to the general populace as patrons of Buddhism and was utilized as an opportunity to ensure the stability of their rule. Dayunsi, the other monastery for the repairs of which Panluozhi also asked the assistance of the Song, is an old monastery still extant today, and it is a well-known fact that the famous Ganyingda stele of Xixia stood in its precincts.7
Let us now consider the position of Buddhism under the Xiliangfu administration. During the rule of the Zhebu clan and Panluozhi there were no noteworthy activities on the part of the Buddhist clergy. But with the assumption of power by Siduodu the activities of monks suddenly came to the fore. According to Xu’s Song huiyao jigao [Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song], “Xiliangfu” section, three monks dispatched by Siduodu every three years starting in 1008 were given purple robes by the Song. But this was not so much a manifestation of Siduodu’s pro-Buddhist policies as testimony to the fact that these monks were closely involved in the inner workings of the administration, for during the Song period purple robes (ziyi) and the title of master (shihao) were granted upon request to non-Chinese, especially for pacificatory purposes, in accordance with the relationship obtaining between a particular regime and the Song, and it was not necessary for the monk in question to be a monk of any note. It is also known that during the time of Siduodu there were already tribes (fan bu) ruled by monks. Evidence of this may be seen in the name “Lanbuchi” appearing in the following passage from Xu’s Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song, “Xiliangfu” section:
In the 5th month of the 4th year [of the Jingde era] Siduodu dispatched soldiers, and eighteen leaders (shouling) of the Liugu tribes, including Lanbuchi, brought tributes. They were grateful for the hospitable treatment given them by the Song and expressed their thanks.
As will be discussed in greater detail below, “Lanbuchi” represents a transliteration of rinpoché, the Tibetan term for a reverend lama. The tribe representative of the eighteen Liugu tribes, which constituted the mainstay of the Xiliangfu administration at the time, was, namely, ruled by a monk. But this does not mean that an ordinary monk had risen to a position where he was able to assume political power; it probably indicates rather that a tribal chieftain (fanqiu) or his family had taken advantage of the popularity of Buddhism to win over the monasteries and assume their spiritual authority. Thus during the rule of Siduodu there was a marked rise in the influence exerted by Buddhism both in the center of the government and among the tribes, and this formed the prototype of the Tibetan administration of the next generation.
III. THE APPEARANCE OF GUSILUO AND THE RISE OF TIBETAN MONKS
The area inhabited by the Hexi Tibetans outside of Xiliangfu may be divided into two main regions. One is the region extending from the valley of the Huangshui in the upper reaches of the Yellow River to the valley of the Taohe and corresponding to the former home of the Tuyuhun, while the other is the region around the Liupan Mountains on the northern side of the upper and middle reaches of the Weishui, the largest tributary of the Yellow River. During the period of rule by Tufan [the Tibetan empire] the Huangshui Valley was politically the most important area. This region was known as Tsongkha already during the Tang, and its inhabitants appear to have been quite familiar with Buddhism. According to Yamaguchi Zuihō, a monk by the name of Menhashang betook himself to Tsongkha towards the end of the eighth century and there trained disciples, one of whom (named Namkha Nyingpo) traveled from Tibet proper to Qinghai to receive religious instruction.8 R. A. Stein further notes that the monk who killed the king Langdarma fled to the neighborhood of Xunhua, south of the Yellow River, and he also mentions later examples of monks who fled to this region.9 These instances probably indicate that Tsongkha had been flourishing as a center of Buddhism from a rather early stage. This region no doubt maintained links with Buddhist circles in Dunhuang and Tibet even in the late Tang and during the Five Dynasties period, and it is to be surmised that it upheld a form of Buddhism tinged even more strongly with Tibetan elements than was the Buddhism of Xiliangfu. Once we enter the Song period, the Buddhist faith of the Hexi Tibetans doubtless flourished even more in response to the movements to revive Buddhism in central Tibet.
The number of monks involved in government further increased with the birth of the Gusiluo regime in Zonggecheng [Tsongkha town, present-day Ping’an, one of the administrative centers for the court of the Tibetan prince, Gusiluo]; the sphere of their influence was not restricted to the Tsongkha region alone, and in the upper reaches of the Weishui, too, the activities of Tibetan monks (fanseng) leading various tribes became more noticeable. This coincided with the time when the illustrious general Cao Wei of the Song was in the course of bringing the tribes along the northwestern borders under control,10 and the movements of the Tibetan monks were also connected with this. Our attention is first drawn to a passage in the entry for the 2nd month of Dazhong Xiangfu 8 (1015) in Li Tao’s Xu zizhi tongjian changbian (The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government”), fasc. 84.
Cao Wei memorialized the Throne, suggesting that purple robes and the title of master be conferred on four Tibetan monks, one of them Lishi Linbuchi, who held power in the Jingyuan region. The Emperor issued an order in accordance with the request.
At this time Cao Wei was also applying himself to the administration of Yuanzhou, and Lishi Linbuchi and his colleagues probably stood over and above the tribal leaders and controlled both political and religious power in this region. “Linbuchi” corresponds to the aforementioned rinpoché and this title was also used by Li Zun, to be mentioned below, who gave his backing to Gusiluo. Today the title rinpoché is generally applied to reverend lamas such as the Dalai Lama and Paṇchen Lama, and the passage quoted above tells us that among the Hexi Tibetans in the eleventh century a rinpoché was revered as someone differing from ordinary monks. The conferral by the Song of purple robes and the title of master on these four monks testifies to the fact that they wielded enormous spiritual authority among the tribes of the Jingyuan region. Their special treatment by the Song represented nothing less than the finishing touches to Cao Wei’s subjugation of the Jingyuan circuit.
It was also around the second month of 1015 that Li Zun and other chieftains of the Zongge [Tsongkha] tribe installed Gusiluo in the seat of power in Kuozhou [on the banks of the Yellow River, in present-day Hualong County, Qinghai]. Li Zun then began to assume dictatorial powers, leading to the establishment of the Gusiluo regime in Zonggecheng, and already in autumn of the same year an offensive was launched against the tribes of Qinzhou. At about the same time, in the ninth month of 1015, the Song authorities charged Cao Wei with the task of bringing Qinzhou under control and subjugating the tribes living there. Owing to the success of the careful measures taken by Cao Wei in dealing with these tribes, this conflict ended in the total defeat of the Zongge side. But an examination of this confrontation clearly reveals that Tibetan monks were politically active in Qinzhou too. In the Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government” fasc. 91, we find the following entry for the fourth month of Tianxi 2 (1018):
Jimao: Cao Wei reported that the Tibetan monk Yumuzhabuqin once gathered together the people in Guweizhou and established a wenfa, but that it has now completely collapsed.
Yumuzhabuqin was a Tibetan monk serving under Li Zun, the dictator behind the Zonggecheng administration, and, although only for a short time, he had laid down a wenfa11 in Chuimangcheng in Guweizhou and there established a strongpoint for the Zonggecheng administration. There is no doubting the fact that he took advantage of the Buddhist faith of the Hexi Tibetans living in the upper reaches of the Weishui and, siding with Li Zun’s despotic Buddhist regime under Gusiluo, aimed at gaining control over the Tibetan tribes. His rule of Chuimangcheng also ended in total failure following attacks by Zhang Xiaoge, head chieftain (dushouling) of the Zhang tribe, and other local inhabitants,12 but it would appear that influential monks from this region were in fact actively involved in these attacks too. In Li’s The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government” fasc. 93, in the entry for dingmao, 1st month, Tianxi 3 (1019), we read that
the two Tibetan monks Celingbanzhuer and Yilangbowo of Yongning Xing in Qinzhou were granted purple robes in consideration of the fact that they had often both followed the directions of commander-in-chief (bushu) Cao Wei.
The fact that these two Tibetan monks Celingbanzhuer and Yilangbowo were granted purple robes on account of their having “often followed … directions” is proof that they controlled the tribes of Yongning Xing, and it also points to the existence in Yongning Xing of Buddhist groups that did not submit to Yumuzhabuqin, who was using the authority of Gusiluo for his own ends. Such a state of affairs was by no means restricted to Yongning Xing alone, and a similar situation appears to have been developing in Qinzhou. Qinzhou was at this time already under the control of Cao Wei,13 and Mangbumalagan, a disciple of the already deceased Tibetan monk Nubunuoer, was granted a purple robe on the grounds that he was “discharging duties.” The conferral of a purple robe represented a reward for the services that he had rendered in controlling the Buddhist tribes of Qinzhou and preventing them from yielding to the maneuvers of Yumuzhabuqin, and it means that the Song recognized Mangbumalagan as the successor to Nubunuoer. It is thus evident that in the upper reaches of the Weishui there were Tibetan monks such as Yumuzhabuqin who ranged themselves with the Zonggecheng administration and those who sided with the Song and did not submit to Gusiluo’s authority.
It is now time to consider the exact character of the Zonggecheng administration, which aimed at the expansion of its political power even to the extent of taking advantage of the Buddhist faith of the Tibetan tribes in the manner outlined in the above. It should go without saying that the name “Gusiluo” represents a transliteration of the Tibetan gyelsé meaning “son of the Buddha.”14 Recently, however, it has come to light that this gyelsé was not Gusiluo’s personal name but a royal title and that it was frequently used also by his successors, in which cases the Chinese sources translate gyelsé in its alternative meaning of “prince.”15 This would suggest that the Hexi Tibetans employed the term gyelsé not so much in its Buddhist sense but rather as a title signifying more directly temporal power. It was after his move to Hezhou [present-day Linxia, Gansu] during the Xianping era (998–1003) that Tri Namdéwön Tsenpo (Qinanlingwenjianbu, “Tsenpo of the descendants of Ösung”) changed his name to Gyelsé, and it is clearly mentioned in the Song shi “Tufan zhuan,” and in the Luoquan ji (The Works of Chang Fangping, Styled Luoquan), fasc. 22, that its initial meaning was “son of the Buddha” (foer). Songchangsijun and other members of the tribes in Hezhou relied not only on Gusiluo’s origins but, taking advantage of the Buddhist faith of the Tibetan tribes, purposely adopted as Tri Namdéwön Tsenpo’s new name the term gyelsé, with the meaning of “son of the Buddha” in addition to that of “prince,” in order to facilitate the unification of the tribes. It was probably an ingenious stratagem whereby they sought to superimpose upon his status as a member of the royal family that of a “manifestation of the Buddha” and impress it on the minds of the people. The identification of people in positions of power with buddhas and bodhisattvas was no doubt easy to effect among Tibetans,16 and it may be assumed that the cult centered on Gusiluo as “son of the Buddha” followed such traditions. But soon after Gusiluo moved to Zonggecheng and installed Li Zun as dictator any elements that might be associated with a “son of the Buddha” seem to have disappeared from the character of Gusiluo. This is clearly demonstrated by the following passage from the account of the Uighurs (Huigu) in Section 4 on “Fanyi” (Barbarians) in Xu’s Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song:
[The king] Guihua and his prime minister Suowenshougui both reported to the Emperor that they were forming a friendship with Prince Zanbu of Xifan.
The original Uighur corresponding to “Prince Zanbu” (Zanbu wangzi) would have translated the Tibetan tsenpo gyelsé, which, properly speaking, ought to have been translated “son of the Buddha (foer) Zanbu.” The fact that gyelsé is, however, here translated as “prince” (wangzi) would suggest that under the Zonggecheng administration, once the situation had settled down, the title gyelsé, which had by now gained currency, continued to be used, but only with the political connotation of descendant of the royal house of Tufan. Since the translators on the Chinese side were also familiar with these circumstances, they accordingly adopted a translation more in line with the true state of affairs, and as a result we happen to learn from the above source that Gusiluo’s full title under the Zonggecheng administration was tsenpo gyelsé (zanbu gusiluo). This means that the title of “prince” was in use already from the time of Gusiluo. Initially Li Zun had probably attempted to make maximum use of Gusiluo’s spiritual authority. But, as is evident from the failure of the operations against the tribes of Qinzhou, the spiritual authority of Gusiluo had not been established among all the Tibetans in Hexi. The reason for Li Zun’s prompt renunciation of monastic orders and return to secular life may also lie in these circumstances.
At this point it will be just as well to consider why Li Zun was able to assume political power in the Zonggecheng administration. Later, when Gusiluo fled Zonggecheng, it was Li Zun’s nephew Nasijie who acted as his guide, and even after Li Zun’s death Zonggecheng remained under the rule of a member of Li Zun’s family by the name of Li Baqin. On the basis of these facts, we are probably justified in assuming that Li Zun was originally a powerful tribal chieftain (qiuhao) of the Zongge Tibetan tribes in control of Zonggecheng. When Li Zun installed Gusiluo in Zonggecheng, he initially assumed the position of lunbu (Tib. lönpo: minister of state), but he also used the title yingcheng lanbuchi. Yingcheng probably represents a transliteration of the Tibetan deng zhang/desi, meaning “regent,” while lanbuchi corresponds to the aforementioned rinpoché.17 This means that at first Li Zun held a position in which he was able to exercise both political and religious power on behalf of Gusiluo, but when he realized that Gusiluo’s spiritual authority would not take root, he abandoned the title of rinpoché and returned to secular life, retaining the title of yingcheng18 and maintaining his position as a political dictator.
IV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF HIEROCRACY
After having parted with Li Zun in 1025, Gusiluo betook himself to Miaochuancheng [present-day Ledu] with the assistance of Wenbuqi. But he soon fell out with Wenbuqi too and, after having killed him, moved to Qingtangcheng [present-day Xining] around 1032–33. During this time Gusiluo’s eldest son Xiazhan established himself in Hezhou, while his second son Mozhanjiao was based in Zonggecheng; both of them laid down wenfa and subsequently fell into violent conflict with their father Gusiluo.19 Their confrontation was long lasting and continued until the two sons were killed by Gusiluo’s third son Dongzhan in the year Jiayou 3 (1058).20 Political developments among the Hexi Tibetans thereafter evolved around Dongzhan and his adopted son Alige, but with the passing of time political divisions deepened, and the political activities of Tibetan monks became correspondingly more marked. In this section I shall trace the movements of these monks subsequent to the three-cornered confrontation between Gusiluo and his sons.
First, in the case of Xiazhan, when in 1054 he assisted the Song army in resolving a dispute among the Tibetan tribes of Guweizhou, he received assistance from the tribal chieftain Lijuesa and his elder brother Zunzhuige, the latter a monk, and they were conferred by the Song the rank of army commander-in-chief (dujun zhu) and a purple robe respectively.21 This indicates that these two figures wielded considerable influence in the Xiazhan regime. Then immediately after Xiazhan’s death, when there arose the question of his son Mucheng’s instatement, the monk Luzun worked actively on his behalf together with the tribal chieftains, and he played a part in winning the allegiance of the tribes throughout Tao, Min, Die, Tang and Wushengjun.22 It is thus evident that under the rule of Xiazhan and his son monks exerted considerable political influence.
Next, in the case of the Mozhanjiao regime, the leaders in charge of offering tributes (jinfeng shouling) and purple-robed monks (ziyi seng) Zunlanzhanjiebu, Chenzun and Tangzunchilaqing were each granted a purple robe, silver vessels and other garments by the Song in 1053.23 Judging from the fact that there were three monks with purple robes, one may assume that the political influence of monks under the Mozhanjiao regime was even greater than under the Xiazhan regime. Of particular interest among these three monks is Chenzun. Following Mozhanjiao’s death, the political power of his son Xiasaqiding was, in accordance of the wishes of his grandmother of the Li clan, absorbed by the Gusiluo regime, and Chenzun now appears in Gusiluo’s administration as a monk with the title of great master (dashi) and was also treated with deference by the Song, being granted the position of a regular army commander of his tribe (benzi zhengjunzhu).24 This treatment may be considered to have been in recognition of his services, and it is quite possible that it was in fact Chenzun who prevailed upon the Li clan to allow the absorption of Xiasaqiding’s political power by the Gusiluo regime. Other Tibetan monks involved in the Gusiluo regime included Sengjieba and Caozun, both to be considered in further detail below.25 It is thus evident that a considerable number of monks were involved in the Gusiluo regime too, but as is equally clear from the above instances and from the examples to be considered below, these monks were not all men of religion alone, and there appear to have been not a few who had been ordained while in fact retaining their positions as tribal chieftains at the head of Tibetan tribes.
In his later years Gusiluo entrusted the affairs of state to his third son Dongzhan, and the death of Gusiluo in 1065 saw the birth of the Dongzhan regime in both name and deed. But at the same time Mucheng, who had inherited Xiazhan’s political power, ruled all of Hezhou [now Linxia, Gansu] and stood opposed to Dongzhan, and in addition minor independent regimes were mushrooming throughout the region, making the establishment of a unified administration even more difficult.26 In dealing with this state of affairs among the Tibetan tribes of Hexi, the Song modified its earlier policies and began to actively develop a policy the aim of which was to prevent the advance of Xixia.27 From this time onwards the historical sources give even greater prominence to the independent activities of hierocracies led by monks who do not appear to have been associated with the Dongzhan regime.
In 1070 there first occurred an incident in which the two Tibetan monks Jiewuchila and Kangzunxinluojie, lending their support to Mucheng’s younger brother Donggu, attempted to establish an independent regime in the important center of Wushengjun (Lintao).28 They also considered entering into a marriage of convenience with Xixia,29 and the fact that Tibetan monks directly related to neither Dongzhan nor Mucheng should have backed a grandson of Gusiluo in an attempt to establish a pro-Xixia regime merits our attention. In particular, Jiewuchila had many tribes under his command,30 and he was evidently a force to be reckoned with. In view of the fact that he had plans for a marriage between Donggu and the rulers of Xixia, it is clear that he was aiming at the establishment of his own regime to replace that of Dongzhan and unify the Hexi Tibetans. His activities call to mind the figure of Li Zun and his backing of Gusiluo. This incident therefore had important implications for the Song too, and although the suppression of those involved was delayed because of a protracted confrontation between the reformist (xinfa) and conservative (jiufa) parties over the question of how to deal with the affair, it was eventually brought to a conclusion with the surrender of the two monks to Wang Shao.31
At about the same time Yulongke and Wangqibu, both powerful tribal chieftains in the uppermost reaches of the Weishui, pledged in turn their allegiance to the Song, and 1072 saw the restoration of Wushengjun to Chinese control. In conjunction with these events the Song also established the Xihe circuit, and the influence of its rule began to be felt directly even further afield in Hezhou, Taozhou and Minzhou. This inevitably led to a fierce struggle with Mucheng, who regarded this region as his own sphere of influence, and the Song was to carry out three offensives against him.32 These offensives, under the direction of Wang Shao, at first proceeded satisfactorily, but then in 1074 Mucheng, joining forces with Dongzhan’s general Guizhang, attempted a final major counteroffensive.
On this occasion the Tibetan monk Wenzun, acting in concert with Mucheng, brought the three tribes of Rong, Li and Long to participate in the besiegement of Minzhou. Wenzun was probably a monk native to the vicinity of Minzhou, and he may in fact be regarded as having been a powerful local chieftain who not only had the above three tribes under his command, but also possessed his own tribe. Judging from the fact that, apart from the Long, these tribes do not appear to have taken any real military action and that when Mucheng was put to rout he immediately submitted to the Song,33 Wenzun was probably not a chieftain originally affiliated with Mucheng, but rather the leader of a regime ruling a particular region who controlled an independent hierocracy in the vicinity of Minzhou and contrived to preserve his political power by skillfully adapting himself to changing political circumstances.
In the fourth month of 1074 Mucheng finally capitulated, and soon afterwards Dongzhan and Guizhang also submitted to Song governance. At the same time there was a sense of growing crisis in Xixia, leading to an intensification of the struggle between the Song and Xixia for the allegiance of the Tibetan tribes, and in the fifth month of 1075 a large tribe living to the north of the Yellow River and ruled by monks tendered its submission to the Song. In reference to this, an entry for the year Xining 8 (1075) in Xu’s Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song “Tufan” section has:
fifteenth of fifth month: The Tibetan monk Libazhan was appointed commissioner of the three ranks (sanban chaishi) and frontier military inspector of his own tribe (benzi fan xunjian). Libazhan lives to the north of the Yellow River; he rules over a large number of tribes and shares borders with Xixia. It appears that Xixia is bringing pressure to bear on him in an attempt to win him over. For this reason he was given the above official titles in order to appease him.
Libazhan is thought to have been in possession of the area along the northern banks of the Yellow River to the north of Lanzhou.34 This region was one in which the Song, Xixia and Dongzhan were contending for domination, and it was also of considerable political importance, with an independent hierocracy far more powerful than that of the above-mentioned Wenzun.
In regard to another hierocracy lying within range of direct pressurizing on the part of Xixia, Li’s The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government” fasc. 275, records the following events of early 1076 in an entry for the fifth month of this year:
Mouchen: The military commissioner (jinglüesi) of the Xihe circuit says: “On guiyou of the first month Longjibu and others of the Tibetans tribes who have not submitted to the Song encircled [the monastery] Guomangsi with troops. The Tibetan monk Baluosidan, the leader Zhebuzun and others mobilized troops and held the enemy off, taking thirteen heads. Baluosidan and Zhebuzun, who distinguished themselves, and their tribes had recently submitted to the Song. … Those who distinguished themselves should be appointed commissioners of the three ranks, and in particular Baluosidan should be made military inspector of his own tribe (benzi xunjian), while Zhebuzun and Baluojiyingcheng should be made military inspectors (xunjian).” The Song administration acted accordingly.
The monastery Guomangsi referred to in this passage corresponds to Guanghuisi, which still stands today. It lies approximately 60 km to the north-northeast of Xining, and even in the twentieth century it is an important monastery with its own hutuketu (qutughtu) or “living Buddha” and twelve temples under its jurisdiction.35 The incident described in Li’s The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government” would appear to have been an internal clash over policy between, on the one hand, the Tibetan monk Baluosidan and his followers who were prepared to submit to the Song and, on the other, Longjibu and others who stubbornly resisted all Song overtures. Judging from the fact that Baluosidan was appointed to the same posts as the aforementioned Libazhan, namely, commissioner of the three ranks and military inspector of his own tribe, he was doubtless an important chieftain (daqiu) exercising control over tribes in this region, and the fact that he undertook the defense of Guomangsi would suggest that he was the chief abbot of this monastery. It is also interesting to note that the struggle for control of Guomangsi confirms the fact that the center of a hierocracy was located, as is only to be expected, in a monastery.
There were, however, not a few monks who aligned themselves with the Dongzhan regime, which had taken over Gusiluo’s sovereign power, and who in practice acted as tribal chieftains. In the ninth month of 1076, immediately after the settlement of the Guomangsi incident, a monk by the name of Wangzun serving under Dongzhan encroached upon territory under the control of the Song and was taken prisoner.36 He was probably one of the tribal chieftains supporting Dongzhan’s regime. Another monk who sided with this regime was Luzun, who together with Dongzhan and Guizhang repeatedly violated the border with the Song during the Xining era (1068–77).37 He is probably identical to the Luzun who had worked for the instatement of Mucheng twenty years earlier, and in 1080 he was granted by the Song the rank of inspector-chief (duyuhou) of the Lusijie tribe. This would suggest that he too was originally a tribal chieftain, ruling over the Lusijie tribe. Later, shortly after the birth of the Alige regime, he is mentioned in a holograph edict issued by the emperor Shenzong in the tenth month of 1084 to encourage his forces in their offensive against Xixia—“The Tibetan monk Luzun came and gave advice on tactics against Xixia and other matters”38—and it is thus evident that he continued to be active as a negotiator for the Song. He represents an interesting example of a Tibetan monk who cleverly conducted himself in accordance with changing circumstances.
It is thus to be seen that during the time of Gusiluo and his successors there was a marked increase in the number of Tibetan tribes that may be considered to have been governed by monks. This does not mean, however, that monks came to assume control of these tribes; rather, as is evident from the examples that we have already considered, it would appear that in actual fact tribal chieftains took the tonsure and donned the robes of a monk while retaining political authority over their tribes. A case in point is the monk Zunzhuige, who, as already mentioned, was involved in Xiazhan’s administration, and his younger brother: they were conferred a purple robe and the rank of army commander-in-chief respectively, thus clearly indicating that they had originally been tribal chieftains. We shall now consider the reasons for this increase in the number of tribal chieftains who became monks.
The first point to be made is that Buddhism was flourishing among the Tibetans throughout Hexi, with the social status of monks rising proportionately, and the position of monks as leaders of the general populace in matters both temporal and spiritual had been established. Li Yuan, who participated in the subjugation of the Hexi Tibetans during the Yuanfu era (1098–1100), makes the following comment in his Qingtang lu (Record of Qingtang):
The Tibetans respect monks and invariably turn to them for decisions in important matters. In addition, monks are excused even if they violate the law.
In its entry for mouzi in the eighth month of Yuanfu 2 (1099), recording the defeat of Alige’s son Xiacheng, Li’s The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government” fasc. 514, indicates that those who had taken monastic orders were given special treatment.
Then, together with his wife and children, he shaved his head and they became monks and nuns, entering a Buddhist temple to the west of the town. This took place on gengwu in the seventh month. It is customary among Tibetans that those who become monks or nuns are not killed. Xiacheng acted in this way simply because he did not want to die.
In its account of Liu Huan’s journey to visit Gusiluo in 1041, the Qingbo zazhi (Pure Wave Random Records), fasc. 10, similarly shows that monks were venerated as people of special status.
According to Tibetan law, only monks are able to move about freely, and they are also given food and drink. Liu Huan accordingly shaved his head and went wearing a monk’s robes.
We may thus assume that one reason for the donning of monks’ robes by tribal chieftains was to facilitate control of their tribes through the exercise of both temporal and spiritual authority. It is, however, likely that they did at least possess sufficient religious faith to win the respect of the tribes. When Wang Shao set about winning over the two monks Jiewuchila and Kangzun Xinluojie who had been trying to instate Mucheng’s younger brother Donggu, Wang Anshi purposely chose the monk Zhiyuan for this task,39 and this was probably a tactic that took into full account the Buddhist faith of these two monks. The account of the dispute between Alige and Wenxiqin in the entry for Xinyou, sixth month, Yuanyou 5 (1090), in Li’s The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government” fasc. 444, contains the following passage:
The Tibetan monk Guasidun has more than one thousand people under his rule and is venerated by many people both high and low in this region. He was enraged at the unnecessary slaughter performed by Alige.
Judging from the context, Guasidun was probably a tribal chieftain, and he provides us with a concrete example of a tribal chieftain who was revered among the tribes in his capacity as a monk.
The second reason for the increase in the number of tribal chieftains who became monks is related to various questions concerning monasteries, and there already exists an extremely instructive study on this subject by Satō Hisashi. In a paper entitled “Daruma-ō no shison ni tsuite” (On the descendants of King Darma),40 he discusses the relationship between monasteries and secular lords, taking as his example the family known as Yarlung-Jowo, which wielded considerable influence in the Yarlung Valley, the birthplace of the ancient Tibetan dynasty. He argues that “it was the secular lords who supported the large monasteries both economically and militarily and who strove to have successive abbots chosen from the same family, thereby monopolizing this position.” The reasons for this were that “abbots at the time were entrusted with the social responsibility of arbitrating disputes and wars between secular forces, and it was impossible for an abbot who was a commoner by birth and lacked any real power to perform this important duty. In addition, the monasteries too were no doubt strongly desirous of abbots who had been tribal chieftains in order to enhance their prestige.” As regards the reason for a particular family’s monopolization of the position of abbot for successive generations, Satō draws the following conclusion: “The abbot’s wealth was distinguished from the wealth of the monastic community, but when the abbot died his wealth was inherited by the next abbot or by the monastic community, and it was not returned to the abbot’s family. The abbot’s family would therefore push strongly for a monk from the same family to succeed him and have his wealth and position transferred to the new abbot. If the family was always contributing to the maintenance of the monastery, its voice would have increasing influence, and in practice this would result in the creation of a branch family taking the form of an abbacy.” A situation similar to this would have obtained among the Tibetans of Hexi too. In Xu’s Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song, “Gusiluo” section, it is mentioned that when the monk Maqubusiji who had been serving under Gusiluo died, his purple robe was passed on to his nephew, the monk Sengjieba, and this signified abbatial succession within a single family. The earlier instance of the monk Zunzhuige and his younger brother Lijuesa, both serving under Xiazhan, would suggest that the elder brother became an abbot and assumed control of a monastery.
Next we must also consider the question of the economic strength of monasteries. Satō maintains that it was secular forces that supported the monasteries economically, but I consider that the situation was rather such that the secular powers depended on or made use of the economic activities undertaken by monasteries. In an entry for the tenth month in the winter of Tiansheng 3 (1025) in Li’s The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government” fasc. 103, there is the following passage:
On gengshen [an official of] the fiscal commission (zhuanyunsi) of Shanxi said: “Cela, the tribal army commander (fanguan junzhu) of Qinzhou, and others have made a request to erect a Buddhist temple in Laiyuanxing, and they wish to make it into facilities for travelers and horse traders.” The Song agreed to this.
In addition to the fact that monks were the safest travelers, it is to be readily assumed that monasteries played an important role from this time onwards not only in horse trading but also in many other forms of economic activity. The opportunity to secure control of such economic power may also be regarded as a reason for the taking of the tonsure by tribal chieftains.
Finally, we may also add the military use of monasteries. It is a well-known fact that even today Tibetan monasteries are situated in strategically important locations backed by mountains. This was also true in the case of Guangren chanyuan to be discussed in the following section, and even judging from the struggle for the monastery Guomang si mentioned above, it would be safe to say that monasteries served an important function as military strongpoints.
V. THE ACTUAL STATE OF BUDDHISM
This period was a time of revival for Buddhism and, as is symbolized by the entry of Atiśa (982–1054) into Tibet, it was a time of new movements throughout the Buddhist world. In view of the fact that Jangchup Jungné, who was born in 1015 and became the chief abbot of Radreng [Reting] monastery, hailed from the Tsongkha region,41 it is to be assumed that there was a considerable amount of exchange between the monasteries of central Tibet and the Hexi region. In this section I shall give an indication of the actual state of Buddhism as it was practiced among the Tibetan tribes of Hexi on the basis of references to be found in Chinese historical sources.
There are very few leads for acquainting ourselves with the actual state of Buddhism among the Hexi Tibetans, and the only contemporary inscription is the Guangren chanyuan stele to be found in present-day Guangfusi in Min county.42 This stele records the early history of this monastery, which was built in Minzhou by the Song as a measure to appease the frontier tribes, and it is of considerable historical value in that it is almost completely undamaged and it is possible to ascertain the date of its erection on the basis of its concluding phrase: “Inscribed on the fourteenth of the eighth month, Yuangfeng 7 (1084).” It describes the religion of the Hexi Tibetans in the following terms:
The Hexi Tibetans believe in Buddhism. Each tribe, in accordance with its numbers, selects a deity to worship and makes an image of it.
A leading role in the religious affairs of each tribe was performed by the tribal chieftains, who also acted as important patrons of Buddhism. According to our stele, on the occasion of the founding of Guangren chanyuan,
the tribal chieftains Zhao Chunzhong, Bao Shun and Bao Cheng, who all wielded considerable influence throughout the prefecture, each made donations and erected a Buddhist image. The woods that had stood there were completely cleared, and in their place a magnificent Buddha-hall rises up. The doors to its entrance are kept open, and the gilded Buddhist image looks even more splendid. They then had a bell cast to announce the time, had the scriptures stored, and devoted themselves to the Buddhist faith.
Zhao Chunzhong corresponds to Mucheng’s younger brother Bazhanjiao, while Bao Shun and Bao Cheng correspond to the aforementioned powerful tribal chieftains Yulongke and Wangqibu of Xihe who submitted to Wang Shao. This passage exemplifies the Buddhist faith of the tribal chieftains who went over to the Song, but Gusiluo’s successors were also devout followers of Buddhism. Li’s The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government” fasc. 226, mentions that “Dongzhan and Mucheng are cultivating friendship with many monks,” and the same work, fasc. 507, in an entry for gengwu, third month, Yuanfa 2 (1099), describes the Buddhist faith of Alige in the following manner:
Xibawen sent word to Alige: “Am I not a distant relative of yours? In addition, I have been reading books about Buddhism for many years, and I am now a monk. Do not be suspicious of me.” Alige realized that he was not somebody to be feared and left the matter at that. The Tibetans of Hexi revere the teachings of the Buddha, and Alige in particular took pleasure in devoting himself to the construction of temples and so forth.
Xibawen referred to in this passage was the son of the aforementioned Wen Xiqin, and in a gloss in Li’s The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government” fasc. 511, it is stated that “Xibawen is a person of Buddha lineage (fozhongren = rinpoché?) and has very many followers.” Successive rulers of Qingtangcheng such as Dongzhan and Alige revered Buddhism as the state religion, and their administration also had a Buddhist coloration, as is indicated by Li Yuan in his Qingtanglu where, after having noted that the town was divided into an eastern sector and a western sector, he continues as follows:
The king resides in the western sector. The gate consists of two watch-towers, and behind it there is a middle gate (zhongmen) and a ceremonial gate (yimen).… About two hundred steps to the north of the ceremonial gate there is a large hall. The pillars and beams are colored gold, and the throne is eight to nine feet high and set nine feet apart from where the people sit. [The throne] is surrounded by glazed tiles of blue lapis lazuli, and people refer to it as the imperial court. Even when tribal leaders come for an audience [with the king] they remain outside the tiles, and anyone who steps on them is killed. Next [to the throne] there stands a golden Buddhist image which is several dozen feet high, adorned with pearls, and draped with a cover of birds’ feathers.
From these accounts it is to be inferred that the tribal chieftains of the Hexi Tibetans not only ruled their tribes, but also played a central role in religious affairs.
In addition, as is suggested by the instances of Guangren chanyuan and the temple at Laiyouanxing in Qinzhou mentioned in the previous section, the erection of a monastery also provided proof of the strength of secular forces. Let us accordingly next consider the outward appearance of monasteries constructed with such secular assistance. On the subject of Qingtangcheng, where Alige resided, the Qingtanglu contains the following passage describing the magnificent spectacle of a large temple complex lying on the western outskirts of the town:
To the west of the town there flows a river called the Qingtangshui, and it flows into the Zonghe. The land is flat to the east and west, and a monastery has been built here. It is five to six li in width and surrounded by a wall, and it has more than one thousand buildings. Large Buddhist images have been carved on the pillars and painted in gold. In addition, thirteen pagodas have been erected and are being preserved. In order to win the hearts of the people, Alige also made Buddhist images.
This monastery corresponds to the “Buddhist temple to the west of the town” mentioned in an earlier quotation from Li’s The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government” as the place where Xiacheng took the tonsure, and it was probably the largest monastery in the whole of Hexi. The Qingtanglu further describes how temples stood side by side within the town too:
Temples account for half of the town. Tiles are used only on the king’s great hall and on temples, and the roofs of other buildings, including even the king’s palace, are covered in earth.
Qingtangcheng would have had the appearance of a veritable religious city. In 1099, when the town was attacked by the Song general Wang Shan, it was “Buddhist images of gold and silver”43 and “a triad of golden images adorned with pearl necklaces”44 that became the targets of pillage, and this reflects the fact that Qingtangcheng had so many temples. In regard to Guangren chanyuan, it was constructed with donations from people such as Zhao Chunzhong, Bao Shun and Bao Cheng, the stele quoted earlier continues with the following description of the monastery itself:
The monks have fixed quarters, and there are also houses set aside for guests. The storehouses are stocked with provisions, and meals are prepared hygienically. The buildings number in all four hundred and sixty. One is able to view them in the distance from high mountains and large rivers and beyond thick woods and the town walls. While on their way there or on their return people say in unison to one another, “What a magnificent sight! There has never been such a fine monastery in this region!”
Let us lastly consider the daily life of the Tibetan monks. Again it is the Guangren chanyuan stele that serves as the only suitable historical source.
The monks recite from scriptures written from left to right, resembling pattra (leaves), and although it is totally incomprehensible because it is in Tibetan, their voices ring out beautifully and flow on endlessly like the waters of a plunging waterfall. From autumn to winter the monks secure a supply of food and do not go outside. Sometimes they simply sit inside their retreats. This is called zuochan (seated meditation), and if one performs zuochan the mind becomes relaxed and one is able to readily comprehend the teachings of the Buddha. But it is difficult for ordinary people. On the other hand, although Tibetan monks understand the teachings of Buddhism, they do not study the monastic code. They therefore marry and have children, often behave no differently from the laity, and think nothing of eating meat and drinking liquor.
It is as if we were here given a glimpse of life in Tibetan monasteries of the so-called Red Hats (zha marpa) prior to Tsongkhapa’s reforms.
VI. CONCLUSION
There are many aspects of Tibetan history that remain obscure in the period between the fall of the ancient kingdom of Tufan and the birth of the Dalai Lama’s regime. It was during this time in Amdo, an outlying district remote from central Tibet, that the Hexi Tibetans, with Gusiluo, a descendant of the former rulers of Tufan, as their progenitor and wedged in between the Song and Xixia, made their appearance in the eleventh century and shed a light of their own on the stage of history for the span of about one century before vanishing again. Their history had a strongly Buddhist coloring. Both Gusiluo and his successors were devout Buddhists, and the town of Qingtangcheng, their seat of government, looked almost like a religious city. Monks were always in positions of importance within the administration, and they were not simply men of religion but were also involved in the operations of government. Religion was not, however, the prerogative of the ruling class, and each tribal domain had its own deity and monks were accorded special respect. For the tribal chieftains, monasteries represented a focal point for regional rule. As the political power of Gusiluo and his successors gradually waned as a result of the pressure exerted by the Song and Xixia, tribal chieftains themselves began to don monks’ robes. In the state of virtual anarchy that now existed, the concentrated exercise of power was necessary for ruling individual tribes, and this led to the birth of numerous hierocracies, both great and small and endowed with both temporal and spiritual power, throughout the region. It is possible for us to perceive quite clearly in these Tibetan tribes of Hexi the forerunners of the later Buddhist kingdom of Tibet centered on monastic power.
NOTES
1. Furong Kang, Qinghai ji [Account of Qinghai], in Zhongguo fangzhi congshu [Series of Chinese Local Gazetteers] (Taipei: Cheng wen chubanshe, 1968).
2. Song shi [History of the Song Dynasty], fasc. 492, “Liezhuan” [Biographies] 251, “Waiguo” [Foreign Lands] 8, “Tufan” [Tibet]. All names appearing in this paper are given in the form in which they appear in the History of the Song Dynasty.
3. Xu Song, Song huiyao jigao [Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song] (Beijing: Guoli Beijing tushuguan, 1936), “Fangyou” (Regions) 21, “Xiliangfu.”
4. Entry for Jingde 1 (1004) in the History of the Song, “Tufan zhuan.”
5. Entry for Jingde 1 in Xu, Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song, “Xiliangfu.”
6. Xu, Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song, entry for Jingde 2.
7. The section on Xixia in Yan Kejun, Tieqiao jinshi bo [Epigraphical Notes by Tieqiao], fasc. 4, states: “[this] stele is at Dayunsi in Liangzhou; it was erected during the reign of Chongzong of Xixia in the year Tianyouminan 5 (1095).”
8. Zuihō Yamaguchi, “Toban Shihai Jidai 3: Tonkō no Bukkyōkai [Dunhuang Under Tibetan Rule 3: Buddhist Circles in Dunhuang],” in Kōza Tonkō 2, Tonkō no Rekishi 2 [Lectures on Dunhuang 2: History of Dunhuang], ed. Enoki Kazuo (Tokyo: Daitō Shuppansha, 1980), 227–228.
9. R. A. Stein, Tibetan Civilization (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), 69, 71.
10. Tsutomu Iwasaki, “Sokajō Kakushira Seiken no Seikaku to Kito” [The Character and Designs of the Gusiluo Regime of Zonggecheng], Chūō Daigaku Ajiashi Kenkyū no. 2 (Tokyo: Chūō Daigaku, 1978).
11. There is much that remains uncertain about the meaning of wenfa, but it appears to have been a code of rules laid down by a tribal chieftain when he united a number of tribes and established his sovereignty over them, and its content is thought to have been strongly marked by Buddhist influence. For details see Enoki Kazuo, “Oshō no Kiga Keiryaku ni Tsuite” [Wang Shao’s Administration of Xihe], Mōko Gakuhō, no. 1 (Tokyo: Mōko Kenkyūjo, 1940).
12. Iwasaki, “The Gusiluo Regime of Zonggecheng.”
13. Iwasaki, “The Gusiluo Regime of Zonggecheng.”
14. H. A. Jäschke’s A Tibetan-English Dictionary (1881; reprint, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1980), 109b has: “1. prince. 2. son of Buddha, a saint.”
15. Ryüichi Suzuki, “Geruse Seitō Toban ōkoku no ōgō” [Rgyal sras: The Royal Title of the Kingdom of Tufan in Qingtang], Yasuda Gakuen Kenkyū Kiyō 25 (1985).
16. It is, for example, a well-known fact that Srong btsan sgam po, the founder of the kingdom of Tufan, and the later Dalai Lamas were regarded as manifestations of Avalokiteśvara.
17. Xu, Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song, “Fanyi” 6, “Tufan” mentions the name Qinzhan Linbuzhi, thus indicating that lan is an error for lin.
18. Xu, Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song, “Fanyi” 6, “Gusiluo,” mentions a “tribal official (fanguan) Li Yingzheng.” He is perhaps identical to the Li Baqin who invited Mozhanjiao and his mother to Zonggecheng. The title yingzheng was evidently inherited by the Li clan.
19. Tsutomu Iwasaki, “Seika kenkoku to Sōkazoku no dōkō” [The Founding of Xixia and the Movements of the Zongge Tribe], in Nakamura Jihei sensei kaki kinen toyoshi ronsō [Collection of Papers on Oriental History in Honor of the 70th Birthday of Professor Nakamura Jihei] (Tōsui Shobō, 1986).
20. Sima Guang, Sushui jiwen [Sushui Notes], fasc. 12.
21. Li, The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government,” fasc. 176.
22. Li, The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government,” fasc. 188.
23. Xu, Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song, “Gusiluo.”
24. Xu, Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song. This source erroneously gives benxian zhengjunzhu for benzi zhengjunzhu.
25. Xu, Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song.
26. Li, The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government,” fasc. 197.
27. Enoki, Wang Shao’s Administration of Xihe.
28. Enoki, Wang Shao’s Administration of Xihe.
29. Li, The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government,” fasc. 213.
30. Li, The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government,” fasc. 226.
31. Enoki, Wang Shao’s Administration of Xihe.
32. Enoki, Wang Shao’s Administration of Xihe.
33. Li, The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government,” fasc. 252.
34. Enoki, Wang Shao’s Administration of Xihe.
35. Liu Yunxin, ed., Datong Xian zhi [Account of Datong County], Part 2; contained in Zhongguo fangzhi congshu (Taibei: Chengwen chubanshe, 1970).
36. Li, The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government”, fasc. 277.
37. Li, The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government,” fasc. 291.
38. Li, The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government,” fasc. 349.
39. Enoki, Wang Shao’s Administration of Xihe.
40. Tōyō Gakuhō 46, no. 4. (1964).
41. Stein, Tibetan Civilization, 73.
42. Wei Zhang, Longyou jinshi lu [Epigraphic Records of Longyou], fasc. 3, “Song,” Part 1.
43. Li, The Expanded Sequel to “The Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Government,” fasc. 516.
44. Xu, Draft Compendium of Institutions During the Song, “Tufan.”