ELIZABETH A. MARTIN
World Englishes and media communications is a research field that has attracted scholars from a variety of disciplines. Although some recent studies have explored social media, comics, popular music, films, and entertainment television (Ben‐Rafael 2008; T. Bhatia 2006; Hilgendorf 2013; Lee & Moody 2012; Moody & Matsumoto 2003; Ooi & Tan 2014), much of the research on world Englishes in the media has focused on news discourse and advertising. Structures of ideologies and their discursive reproduction in television and radio news broadcasts, printed news, and sports reporting across media have been extensively documented in different areas of the world (Bell 1991; Bentele 1985; Gonzalez 1991; Hänsel & Deuber 2013; Husband & Chouhan 1985; Kapper 1992; Leitner & Hesselmann 1996; Mesthrie 2002; Min 2001; Natarajan & Hao 2003; Norbrook & Ricketts 1997; Sanders 2000; Schmied & Hudson‐Ettle 1996; Scollon 1997; Stadler 2013; Upadhyay 2001; Vachek 1986; Watson 1997; Chan 2000; L. Zhang 2002; Guo & Huang 2002).
There has also been a considerable amount of research on multilingual advertising. Earlier investigations of the forms, functions and symbolic value of English in advertising discourse (T. Bhatia 1987; Haarmann 1984; Masavisut, Sukwiwat, & Wongmontha 1986; Takashi 1990) have unleashed an avalanche of studies and publications on code‐mixed advertising from East Asia (T. Bhatia 2007; Chen 2006; Hsu 2013; Jung 2001; Lee 2006; H. Zhang 2001), West Asia and the Middle East (Baumgardner & Brown 2012; Hamdan & Abu Hatab 2009; Meraj 1993), Africa (Kasanga 2010; Mutonya 2008), North America (Baumgardner 2006), South America (Alm 2003; Friedrich 2002), and most particularly, Europe (Birken‐Silverman 1995; Cheshire & Moser 1994; Dürmüller 1994; Gerritsen et al. 2007; Griffin 1997; Hilgendorf & Martin 2001; Larson 1990; Martin 2006; Meurs 2010; Meurs, Korzilius, Planken & Fairley 2007; Pavlou 2003; Pétery 2011; Piller 2003; Ruellot 2011; Dimova 2012; Ustinova 2006; Vettorel 2013).
The fairly new field of linguistic landscapes (Landry & Bourhis 1997) is also growing rapidly, with a number of recent studies on the use of English in shop signs and other elements of urban public signage (Bolton 2012; Dumont 1998; Lawrence 2012; MacGregor 2003; Ong, Ghesquière, & Serwe 2013; Rosendal 2009; Schlick 2003; Dimova 2008; see also Backhaus 2007; Gorter 2006; Scollon & Scollon 2003; Troyer 2012). Much information can be gleaned as well from pan‐regional and country‐specific analyses addressing a wide range of issues, including but not exclusively media‐related topics (Bell & Kuiper 1999; Berns 1988; Biewer 2015; Bolton 2002; Cheshire 1991; Crystal 1997; Deneire & Goethals 1997; Görlach 2002; Hilgendorf 2007; Kachru 1982; Low & Hashim 2012; McCrum, Cran, & MacNeil 1992; Modiano 2009; Mufwene 2001; Oikonomidis 2003; Truchot 1997). Genre analyses of media discourse from a broader perspective have added valuable context to research in these areas (Bell 1991; V. Bhatia 2001; Cook 1992; Fowler 1993; Geis 1982; Myers 1994; Tanaka 1994; Van Dijk 1988; Vestergaard & Schrøder 1985).
The bulk of the research conducted to date can be grouped by topical focus into the following main categories: power and ideology, linguistic and cultural identities, language attitudes, intelligibility and linguistic innovation, and language planning, with some of the studies addressing several of these topics simultaneously. The impact of technology on the spread of English and the shaping of new varieties has also been a focus of world Englishes research in recent years, covering various issues relating to electronic media such as text messaging, online chat, e‐mails, and weblogs. World Englishes and popular music is another burgeoning field of inquiry.
Research paradigms for the analysis of mass media discourse vary considerably. Methodologies used (both quantitative and qualitative) include critical discourse analysis, media semiotics, and corpus‐linguistic approaches, as well as content analyses supplemented by interviews with media audiences and/or members of the media industry. There is also a growing body of literature reporting the use of media to elicit audience reactions to specific varieties of English as a means of discounting certain pedagogical models (primarily Received Pronunciation, or RP).
Much of this research is inspired by the work of pioneers in the field of sociolinguistics who introduced and developed the notion of “context of situation” (Firth 1957; Halliday 1978; Halliday & Hasan 1985; Hymes 1972) as well as those known for their work in critical discourse analysis (Fairclough 1995; Foucault 1981; Van Dijk 1988), semiotics (Barthes 1964; Van Leeuwen 2005), and speech act theory (Searle 1969). The relationship between language and ideology (Thompson 1987; Fowler 1993) is also addressed in the literature. In his study of public broadcast and printed news in Hong Kong, for instance, Scollon demonstrates “the ambiguity of power” in news discourse (Scollon 1997: 384). Using Goffman’s (1981) communicative roles (author, animator, and principal) as a point of reference, Scollon provides a useful framework for the analysis of “discursive power” in the media, examining in detail the following (Scollon 1997: 384):
Scollon notes, for example, that bylining practices must be interpreted within the sociocultural context in which they operate. Indeed, whereas attributing a story to a well‐known reporter may be flattering in North America (and add a certain prestige to the article), in China it may also be a form of repression as journalists are often clearly identified in the media so that they may be held accountable should the government find the story unacceptable (Scollon 1997: 387). Recent studies provide further evidence that the ideological, political, and cultural underpinnings of media coverage remain visible (Guo & Huang 2002).
An early example of corpus‐linguistic analysis can be found in Schmied and Hudson‐Ettle’s study (1996) of specific grammatical linguistic features (in this case, the distribution of the verbal suffix –ing) over various East African newspaper text types. More recent corpus‐based studies in the field of world Englishes include Makalela’s research (2013) on oral speech patterns of Black South African English in radio programs aimed at rural communities in South Africa and Dimova’s analysis (2007) of linguistic innovation relating to Macedonian computer terminology. (See also Hundt & Gut 2012).
Pandey’s study (1997) on the effect of American cinema on children’s attitudes towards minority groups powerfully illustrates the importance of examining media language in terms of power and ideology. Focusing on different varieties of English portrayed in Walt Disney movies directed at children (e.g. The Jungle Book, 101 Dalmatians, The Lion King), she notes that there is “a consistent attempt to present speakers of nonstandard varieties of English as powerless proletarians of low cultural and socioeconomic status” (Pandey 1997: iii). Through her in‐depth analysis of excerpts from these and other animated films, she argues that, in the Hollywood movie industry, language functions as an ideological tool where “dialectal variations are systematically synthesized with variations in power and moral worth” (Pandey 1997: iii). Recent studies indicate that this trend is continuing (Pandey 2001).
In his study of English loan words in Thai print media, Kapper documents the spread of English in Thai journalistic discourse, arguing that the favored domains for English (e.g. business and marketing) “suggest social, economic and political motivations” (Kapper 1992: 17):
Language‐exporting countries are those which create a need for their language by being a source of consumer products, technology, “innovation” and sometimes “aid.” The result of all this is that countries like Thailand are literally buying into western culture. This is the mechanism which maintains the status of English as a global prestige language.
Similar observations reverberate elsewhere in the literature. Truchot, for instance, claims that remakes of movies originating in the Expanding Circle get more recognition internationally if filmed in English, noting that French filmmaker and producer Claude Berri was disappointed that his adaptations of Marcel Pagnol’s novels (Jean de Florette and Manon des Sources, distributed around the world in their original French versions with subtitles), were less successful than he had hoped. Truchot concludes:
The idea that a product reflecting too closely the culture of a particular country… will not reach an international audience is now largely accepted…. As a consequence an increasing number of films (and also television programmes, songs) are produced along the lines of so‐called international standards largely inspired by those of the USA, and English is their lingua franca.
(Truchot 1997: 70)
The debate over linguistic and cultural identities in the media has been approached from several different angles. In her longitudinal study of feature films released in Germany, Hilgendorf (2013) documents carefully orchestrated language blending in movie titles to appeal to audiences in this market. Her research indicates that the cultural and economic aspects of cinema often transcend perceived national boundaries, providing an interesting twist on previous findings cited above (Truchot 1997: 70). This study also provides further evidence of the expanding role of English in Germany (Berns 1988; Hilgendorf 2007). Other studies have focused on the misrepresentation of cultural and linguistic diversity. A very insightful survey of twentieth‐century African‐American language and cultural images in American advertising, for instance, appears in O’Barr along with a discussion of other ethnic minorities in the media (1994: 107–156). (See also Avraham & First 2003; Haarmann 1984; Mufwene 2001.) Another example is provided by T. Bhatia, who describes how Indians are portrayed “in an overwhelmingly negative light” in American media, leaving the Indian‐American population feeling “betrayed and exploited”:
Gruesome images left by movies such as Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom do irreparable damage to the perception of Indians by Americans. Their sacred symbols, especially Hindu symbols, are exploited for commercial gains and damage their religious tolerance. Two recent cases in point are Madonna wearing the sacred Vaishnava Tilak (which is a symbol of purity) on her forehead, and the Aerosmith album cover that shows distorted and mutilated images of Krishna.
(T. Bhatia 2001: 279)
Many Indians worldwide find solace, however, in Bollywood films, which T. Bhatia (2001: 282) describes as “the lifeline of the promotion of the Indian identity,” noting that “Indians abroad take this identity, perhaps, much more seriously than Indians in India.” Gokulsing and Dissanayake have made similar observations: “Indian popular culture, particularly through the influence of its music, is producing a different kind of empowerment – its impact on the reconfiguration of diasporic Asians is powerful” (Gokulsing & Dissanayake 1998: 177). One very positive development of the growing international success of Bollywood films has been the celebration of diversity and ethnicity in both the recording industry (e.g. world music) and cinema. An example is the Indian musical genre featured in the music soundtracks of many Indian movies distributed to international audiences. As for choice of language for Bollywood dialog, acclaimed Indian film director Mira Nair (2001), whose movies include Monsoon Wedding, Kama Sutra, Mississippi Masala, and Salaam Bombay!, notes the following in a recent interview:
Like music and costumes, language is also something we play with very much in India. It’s very common and totally natural to speak mixing two or three languages: Hindi, English and Punjabi in this case. [In Monsoon Wedding] we just went with the absolute honest flow of exactly how we would do it in life…to celebrate being from India rather than look upon the west as anything as close to happiness in any way. (Director commentary provided on DVD for Monsoon Wedding)
Gill (2000: 85–102) paints a similar picture of linguistic and cultural diversity in her description of Malaysian radio advertisements. Focusing her analysis on the different subvarieties of Malaysian English, she notes that “the English language and how it is employed in radio advertisements in Malaysia plays an integral role in reflecting Malaysian identity” (Gill 2000: 98). This observation is confirmed by copywriters who emphasize the importance of “understanding the consumer’s mind‐set” and using local varieties “to create closeness to the audience” (Gill 2000: 98).
Although studies such as these have done much to dispel cultural stereotypes and clarify the notion of local varieties of English, the misrepresentation of cultural and linguistic identities remains, unfortunately, a recurring theme in the literature on world Englishes in the media. In his latest book on rural Indian advertising, T. Bhatia (2007) observes that rural consumers are bombarded with western images and values that do not correspond with the local perceptions, sensibilities and traditions, highlighting various problems associated with the use of English when addressing this audience (e.g. pronunciation of English product names, misinterpreted slogans, irrelevance, and lack of appeal).
Referring to Hong Kong and the media coverage of the 1997 handover from British to Chinese rule, Chan (2000: 328) notes “the outside world’s dependency on Western sources for news and analysis,” claiming that “often these mediated images are distorted and narrowly framed, reinforcing established stereotypes.” The author concludes that the solution lies in training local journalists in the art of English‐language news reporting “for the global stage” in order to avoid the often misinformed observations made by “parachute reporters” (those who remain only a few days in the country for the purposes of reporting a story) and the “typical colonial discourses that often portray Hong Kong before and after the 1997 handover in black and white terms” (Chan 2000: 333). (For additional research on Asian news discourse, see V. Bhatia 2001; Bolton 2002; Hänsel & Deuber 2013; Natarajan & Hao 2003; and Scollon 1997).
Some of the research on world Englishes in the media has investigated whether certain audiences favor one variety of English over another in global media discourse. The results of several studies suggest that, through the influence of American films, television programs, and pop music, American English is becoming increasingly attractive (and intelligible) to certain media consumers. Based on a study involving a questionnaire and listening samples of both British and American varieties of English distributed to 760 students, Mobärg reports that younger audiences in Sweden express a clear preference for American English and strongly favor English rock lyrics over Swedish. One of the author’s conclusions is that “the traditional insistence on RP as a model accent in schools does not fully respond to the positive momentum created by the students’ being exposed to popular media” (Mobärg 1998: 261).
Sajavaara also reports attitudinal data regarding English in the media, claiming that television seems to be a major source of English for young people in Finland. Of the 539 students surveyed as part of the Jyväskylä Anglicism Project, a research initiative designed to measure “the impact of English on the Finnish language and Finnish culture,” “at least one English‐language TV programme was seen by 70 percent of the informants every week” (Sajavaara 1986: 68–71). This research effort is particularly noteworthy, in that it measures audience reactions to the use of English in many different media genres, including press news, comic strips, advertisements, job announcements, popular music, television, and translated fiction (Sajavaara 1986: 70). One of the most interesting findings is that self‐reported language attitudes do not necessarily reflect social behavior, even when subjects are being observed in a controlled research environment. Whereas a very large majority (90%) of the informants claimed that English appearing in Finnish advertisements rendered them “less efficient,” they were just as likely to favor “Anglicized ads” over those containing only Finnish (Sajavaara 1986: 75). (For different varieties of English in French television advertising, see Martin 2002. See also Flaitz 1993 and Meurs 2010).
A number of studies have also been published on the use of English for humorous narratives in media discourse in Outer and Expanding Circle countries (T. Bhatia 2006; Lee 2014; Ben‐Rafael 2008; Vizcaíno 2011). In her analysis of language use in Korean entertainment media, for instance, Lee describes English as “a source of stress as well as a medium of humor,” focusing on the “polarizing” effect of English on television with regard to oral English proficiency (Lee 2014: 33). She concludes that “whether one can be entertained and humored by television programs may become another English‐related stratification variable in Korea” (Lee 2014: 33).
There have been a number of attitudinal studies in recent years measuring audiences’ reactions to different language varieties in the media while underscoring the notion of intelligibility. Meurs (2010), for instance, provides a detailed analysis of the use of English in job advertisements in the Netherlands that includes statistical tests to determine readers’ comprehension of and attitudes towards English. This study also documents the degree to which English is used and motivations for inserting English in this context. From their study of audience comprehension of commercial advertising in Western Europe, Gerritsen et al. conclude that “English is less well understood in non‐Anglophone Europe than advertising agencies believe” with 39% of their respondents “not being reached effectively by the advertising texts designed to persuade them to buy” (Gerritsen et al. 2010: 358). (See also Meurs et al. 2007; Planken, Meurs, & Radlinska 2010.) Van der Walt used recordings of television and radio broadcasts to test the international comprehensibility of South African English, Indian English, Cape English, Black English, and Afrikaans English, with 140 study participants in Germany, the Netherlands, Canada, and the USA. She found that although “all varieties of South African English are comprehensible internationally… those Englishes spoken by the advantaged white communities (‘Traditional White’ and ‘Afrikaans’) and by communities that speak English as a first language (‘Traditional White’ and ‘Indian’) receive the most positive responses” (Van der Walt 2000: 145–148).
Myers (1994: 90–104) provides some fascinating examples of language varieties used for special effect in advertising. One strategy consists of writing English text in such a way as to imitate other varieties. This is achieved by producing a line of nonsensical text (such as a slogan) that, when pronounced by an English speaker, becomes intelligible, as in: De woord onder bus es Oranjeboom … Not everyone will get it (British bus poster campaign for the Dutch beer Oranjeboom) (Myers 1994: 93). To illustrate the foregrounding of different varieties of English in advertising, Myers shares an ad for Brooks running shoes used in South Africa: “It shows a naked man, his groin covered by pictures of shoes. The text says ‘I feel naked without my Brooks — Mark Page.’ This works as a pun only in South Africa, where brooks is borrowed from Afrikaans, as slang for shorts” (Myers 1994: 98). Myers also points out that consumers associate certain concepts with particular varieties of English in advertising and that British ads are notorious for exploiting this technique (Myers 1994: 97).
There is also an extensive and growing body of literature on language contact in advertising with a particular focus on the symbolic functions of English and the linguistic creativity encountered in advertising copy. Investigations of code‐mixed advertising now reach into practically every corner of the world (Alm 2003; Baumgardner 2006; Baumgardner & Brown 2012; T. Bhatia 2007; Chen 2006; Cheshire & Moser 1994; Friedrich 2002; Gerritsen et al. 2007; Hamdan & Abu Hatab 2009; Kasanga 2010; Kelly‐Holmes 2005; Lee 2010; Martin 2011; Pétery 2011; Piller 2003; Dimova 2012; Ustinova 2006; Vettorel 2013). Consumer reactions to multilingual advertising in different countries have also been empirically investigated (Gerritsen et al. 2000; Hornikx, Meurs, & de Boer 2010; Hornikx, Meurs, & Starren 2007).
The use of English across different electronic media is another burgeoning field of inquiry that has received increasing attention by scholars engaged in research on world Englishes. Leppänen (2007: 167) aptly characterizes as “appropriation and playful linguistic creativity” the English‐Finnish mixing among young Finns when interacting with an electronic game session, hip‐hop lyrics, and weblogs. Demonstrating the varying degrees to which English is drawn upon by young Finns engaging in these different forms of expression, she argues that the Finnish linguistic and cultural identity remains very much intact despite intense language contact, echoing the findings of other studies of media discourse (T. Bhatia 2007; Martin 2006). Ooi and Tan (2014) shed light on how Web users in Singapore navigate issues of identity and connect with their peers on social networking sites through an analysis of code‐mixing on Facebook. You (2008) examines rhetorical strategies and community building among Chinese youth through the use of English in online discussion forums (see also Androutsopoulos 2006). Additional studies of computer‐mediated communication, including text messaging, instant messaging, chat rooms, and e‐mails, appear in the literature (Baron 2000; Gao 2006; Seargeant & Tagg 2011; Seargeant, Tagg, & Ngampramuan 2012). Recent research into world Englishes also documents how electronic media and their convergence have transformed journalism and news consumption (Chan 2000; Hänsel & Deuber 2013). Other studies illustrate how computing terminology in different cultural contexts borrows from English (Saint 2013; Dimova 2007).
Popular music is another topic that has received a fair amount of attention in the literature (Lee & Kachru 2006). Recent studies on Japanese and Korean popular music (also known as J‐pop and K‐pop), rap, and other musical genres focus on linguistic creativity and identity while underscoring the pervasive use of English in entertainment media (Ch’ien 2011; Lee 2004; Leung 2009; Moody 2006). McCrum, Cran, and MacNeil (1992) underscore the extent to which English dominates the global recorded music industry:
English as the language of international pop music and mass entertainment is a worldwide phenomenon. In 1982, a Spanish punk rock group, called Asfalto (Asphalt), released a disc about learning English, which became a hit. The Swedish group Abba recorded all its numbers in English. Michael Luszynski is a Polish singer who performs almost entirely in English … Luszynski notes wryly that a phrase like “Stysze warkot pociagu nadjedzie na torze” does not roll as smoothly in a lyric as “I hear the train a‐coming, it’s rolling down the line….”
(McCrum, Cran, & MacNeil 1992: 26)
Roberts (2010) reports that French pop bands and artists who record and perform songs in English have topped the charts in France, a phenomenon observed worldwide (Hilgendorf 2007; Lee & Moody 2012; Leppänen 2007; see also Snodin 2014: 107–108). Céline Dion, a famous pop recording artist from Quebec, also markets her music internationally through the medium of English. Indeed, even in France, where she can very easily communicate with her audiences in French, television commercials for her latest recordings feature English lyrics and album titles. During a recent television interview on a major French network (TF2), she alluded to the fact that English opens doors to an international career. When asked why she sings in English, she responded: “Vous savez, comme moi, que la langue anglaise, c’est la langue internationale. Alors, je pense qu’il faut mettre toutes les chances de son côté” [You know, as I do, that English is the language for international communication. I feel I should do what’s necessary to succeed] (TF1 interview with Patrick Poivre d’Arvor, March 2002).
Roe and Cammaer (1993: 173) have investigated the impact of MTV‐Europe, The Music Television Channel, on adolescents in Flemish provinces of Belgium. Questionnaire data solicited from 783 area high school students regarding their MTV viewing habits suggest that music videos have totally captivated this segment of the television viewing audience – 42% of respondents reported watching MTV at least every other day and 61% remained tuned to the channel during commercials. As a result, an overwhelming majority (80%) were able to recall a special brand name featured in MTV advertising, with Coca‐Cola, Braun, and Nike topping the list (see also Wallace‐Whitaker 1989). The authors also noted audience reactions to English in this “hybrid medium”:
While beamed predominantly at Continental Europe, the dominant language of MTV is English. However, this did not appear to present a problem for most of our respondents: only 29 percent gave negative responses regarding this dominance and only 24 percent state that they would watch more MTV if more programmes were in Dutch.
(Roe & Cammaer 1993: 173)
Any discussion of English in the media would be incomplete without some mention of government‐led efforts to curb its use in certain contexts. The pervasiveness of English in blockbuster movies, syndicated television programs, music broadcast on radio and other media has, indeed, met with some resistance. A case in point is France, a country that has made repeated attempts to limit the amount of English in the media through official legislation (Martin 2010). With their long history of language policy aimed at protecting the French language (and numerous organizations, starting with Académie Française founded in 1635), the French government has been attacking anglicisms since Americans began seriously exporting their products (including Hollywood movies, television programs, and popular music) after World War II. This “cultural invasion” led to the adoption of certain English borrowings and what French language purists refer to as Franglais “Frenglish,” a mixture parodied by French literary scholar René Etiemble (1964) in his famous book Parlez‐Vous Franglais? Soon thereafter came the creation of various language defense organizations (e.g. Haut Comité pour la defense et l’expansion de la Langue Française 1966; Haut Conseil de la Francophonie 1984) whose mission was to promote the French language and enforce, to the extent possible, the use of French terms coined by the government‐appointed terminology commissions to replace anglicisms. In more recent years, there has been stricter legislation specifically targeting the media, such as the French language quota for music broadcast on French radio and the 1994 Toubon law requiring “equally legible” French translations for all foreign languages appearing in advertisements in print and broadcast media.
The French crusade against English is aptly described by Nelms‐Reyes, who writes: “the much ballyhooed cultural objective of the Loi Toubon remains frustrated because the statute as worded is unable to affect the way French is spoken in ‘everyday discourse,’ which is where a language truly exists” (Nelms‐Reyes 1996: 310). Nevertheless, a language defense organization known as the General Association of French Users, or AGULF (Association générale des utilisateurs de la langue française), has brought several “language offenders” to justice, including the Paris Opera, which was cited for “non‐use of French” after publishing a five‐page program for a theatrical production in English, with a much shorter French version (Nelms‐Reyes 1996: 286; see also Truchot 1997: 74–75). In recent years, advertising agencies in France have found ingenious ways of circumventing the legislation, using trademarked slogans (e.g. Nike’s Just do it) and expressions (e.g. airbag) in advertisements, and liberally exploiting English in areas that are not targeted by the Toubon Law, such as product names and jingles (Martin 2006: 226–241).
Another context in which the limits of English have been legally defined is Quebec (Corbeil 2007). The central legislative piece in Quebec’s language policy is the Charter of the French Language (otherwise known as Bill 101), a statute adopted in 1977 with the purpose of enhancing the status of the French language in this Canadian province. This law stipulates that all public signs, posters, and commercial advertising must be in French, imposing fines up to $40,000 for noncompliance. A language other than French may be used on signs and posters, provided that French is markedly predominant. Advertising distributed via French‐language media, however, must remain intelligible to francophone audiences (Beaudoin, Naud, Tremblay, and Loranger 2014). The Quebec Office of the French Language (OQLF) is the government agency responsible for enforcing the charter, receiving over 4,000 complaints annually regarding alleged violators, approximately 49% of which pertain to public and commercial signage. One of the most notorious cases, which occurred in 2013, involved Montreal’s Buonanotte restaurant failing to provide French equivalents for its Italian menu items (such as pasta, antipasto, and bottiglia). OQLF’s letter of warning generated widespread public criticism. Following this public relations fiasco (dubbed “Pastagate” in the worldwide media), the OQLF revised their procedures for handling complaints (Peritz 2013). Corporate trademarks are exempt from the legislation, however, unless a French version has been registered. Nevertheless, some companies have translated their brand names into French to appeal to consumers in this market, including Kentucky Fried Chicken (known as Poulet Frit Kentucky, or PFK in Quebec) and Staples (whose stores in Quebec are called Bureau en gros).
The impact of digital media on everyday discourse has opened new avenues of research which have yet to be fully explored, creating, in essence, new subgenres (such as online chat, instant messaging, weblogs, podcasts, mobile apps, and so forth), all of which are resurfacing as colloquial discourse in other media genres. This gradual reshaping of different varieties of English is all the more intriguing in that these new discourses defy geographical description due to the global electronic environment in which they exist. Although researchers are beginning to focus on computer‐mediated communication, with the exception of a few recent studies (Ooi & Tan 2014; Seargeant & Tagg 2014), there has been scant world Englishes research on social networking (e.g. Facebook, MySpace, Twitter, LinkedIn) and video‐sharing Web sites (e.g. YouTube). Broader regional varieties such “Euro‐English” (Carstensen 1986; McArthur 2003; Modiano 1996) and the use of “Globish” in international marketing discourse (Nerrière 2004; Spielmann & Delvert 2014) also warrant further discussion. Other topics which have received relatively little attention to date include the pedagogical applications of various media (Baik & Shim 2002) and the impact of language policy on minority languages in the media (Kelly‐Holmes 2005; Kelly‐Holmes & Mautner 2010). These and other research efforts will help determine whether the media consistently and accurately reflect the “pluricentricity” of English or, on the contrary, largely misrepresent both linguistic and sociocultural reality.