Early on Friday, October 19, the president had finally met directly with the Joint Chiefs, the men who had consistently urged immediate military action in Cuba. The most vocal had been the most predictable, Air Force general Curtis LeMay, a man with every right to claim the title American Hero. LeMay had engineered the bombing campaigns over Japan, which did much to bring about the end of World War Two, and he had been in charge of the Strategic Air Command, before assuming the role as Air Force chief of staff. Pugnacious to a fault, he had already made a number of indiscreet comments about the job Kennedy was doing, specifically the Bay of Pigs debacle. The president disliked LeMay, had learned to avoid the man when possible, but with the Joint Chiefs so closely involved in the debates over Cuba, that was no longer possible.
True to form, it was LeMay who suggested in the strongest terms that the United States cut to the chase and use nuclear bombs across Cuba, and possibly, engage the Soviet Union directly, since, in LeMay’s view, the Soviets were just as likely to respond to any action on Kennedy’s part with nuclear missiles of their own. At the very least, LeMay cautioned that the idea of a blockade was insanely dangerous and would only provoke the Soviets to nuclear war.
The meeting, exhausting in its own way, only delayed Kennedy’s departure for another campaign trip. He was not swayed by LeMay’s argument.
THE EXCOMM MEETINGS had gone throughout the day on Friday, the nineteenth, and as before, the two sides of the debate seemed to solidify their positions, though the concept of a blockade was gaining momentum. The president was absent throughout, the last of his essential campaign stops, this time the Midwest and Chicago. In his absence, McNamara and Bobby held firmly to their hopes for a blockade, while others, including, now, McGeorge Bundy, still pushed for a military strike.
It was becoming obvious that Kennedy himself was going to have to make the decision on just what was going to happen next. Bobby spoke to him several times throughout Friday, welcome interruptions to the president’s mundane schedule of so many talking points in support of various Democratic candidates. By Saturday morning, the twentieth, Bobby had convinced the president to return home, to cut short the campaigning with the standby excuse that the president had caught a cold. Though the crowds were disappointed, no one begrudged Kennedy the right to take care of himself. By early afternoon on Saturday, he was back in Washington.
Saturday, October 20, 1962
The White House
Bobby sat beside the pool, watched as his brother swam slow laps, unraveling the persistent tightness in his back. After a long silence, Jack said, “I never thought I’d use this thing. Indoor pools seemed a little stifling. But I give credit to FDR. He deserves the thanks of every president who follows him. This pool is a godsend. I can see why he would have used it often, with his crippled legs. My back’s killing me, but at least I can walk. I think about FDR and I don’t take that for granted. I need to figure out how to put a whirlpool on Air Force One.”
Bobby, not sure if his brother was joking, said, “Take your time. The next meeting will start when you get there, close to three, so they’ve been told. It will be a larger group, as you requested. Not sure if the Joint Chiefs will come. They’ve been a little pissy about being left out of the Excomm group so far, since General Taylor briefs them secondhand.”
“They’re still pissy. They didn’t appreciate me not jumping whole hog into their idea to blow up the world. One thing I’ve learned about the military. Those brass hats have one great advantage. If we listen to them, and do what they want us to do, none of us will be alive later to tell them they were wrong.”
Bobby watched as Jack swam another slow lap, until Kennedy stopped, seeming winded, said, “Enough of this, I think. You’ve got me anxious to get started. One thing concerns me, and there isn’t much we can do about it.”
“What?”
“Reporters. There are some pretty smart cookies, like Scotty Reston, Walt Lippmann, they’re sniffing pretty steadily around this whole affair. They know something’s up, and they’re pushing hard for a story. We can’t give them anything yet, but I know how sharp some of those boys are. They’re already figuring out this has to do with Cuba, and certainly the Russians. I can only go so far in telling them, or rather, begging them not to print any kind of story until we figure out what we’re doing. For now, we’ve been feeding them word that these meetings all have to do with Berlin. It’s working, to a point.”
“Jack, they’re already running stories, mostly based on the noise coming from the Republicans, doubts about our Cuba policy, our Berlin policy, our Civil Rights policy, hell they’re bitching about what you had for breakfast. The Republicans are feeding Reston and those fellows anything they can.”
“I know. But this is real news, not just political whining. We have to hold them off, every damn one of us. If there’s a weak link, a single leak, it could really screw us with the Russians. And that’s dangerous.”
“Well, Jack, maybe it’s best we make some hard decisions pretty quick, something we can tell the public. That’s why I thought you should come back here now, cut through the chatter, the arguments. We’re really not making any progress.”
Kennedy climbed up out of the water, wrapped a towel around himself.
“Sorenson gave me the draft of a speech he’s been working on, something to tell the public. It’s not ready yet, because I’m not ready. He fed me a whole pile of documents too, notes from your meetings, notes from the CIA, so at least I’m up to speed. I have a pretty good idea what I want us to do, but I’m not cutting the floor out from under anyone, not yet. Let’s go hear what they have to say.”
Saturday, October 20, 1962
The White House, Cabinet Room
The room was bulging with men, a few standing against the walls, no place to sit.
The debates were spirited, but Kennedy’s presence seemed to tone down the rhetoric, particularly among those who seemed eager still to deploy the military.
McCone had begun the discussion by distributing the latest photos from the CIA’s constant surveillance over Cuba.
“As you can see, the construction work is progressing at a rapid pace. A greater number of missiles will be operational within days, or at most, a couple of weeks.”
McCone sat as the photos were examined by men who had just learned the details of what they were seeing. Kennedy kept silent, as usual, pointed to Rusk, who said, “I have prepared a lengthy note on this, my reasoning for a blockade.” He read for a while, then said, “The essence is that a blockade is a place to start, the first rung on a ladder. It is not a perfect solution. It is not a safe and secure action. But it opens the door for further action if it is required.”
McNamara spoke up now, said, “Both choices before us are risky, but I will say this. A blockade is the most likely way to encourage the Soviets to remove their missiles, without going to war. That is after all, the point. We have to allow Khrushchev to have a place to retreat to, to back down. Otherwise, how do we convince them to back down from their position without blowing up the world? A military strike opens the door to a complete breakdown, to retaliation that will result in greater retaliation after that. There is no good ending to that scenario.”
The deputy secretary of defense, Roswell Gilpatric, said, “Essentially, Mr. President, we are faced with two options, limited action and unlimited action. Most of us think that it’s better to start with limited action.”
Kennedy sat looking down, Bobby scanning the room, looking for signs anyone else had something to say. The room was silent for a long moment, all eyes on the president, who finally said, “There is one argument that hasn’t been made here. What are the principles of the United States, the principles we live and govern under? Go back to Teddy Roosevelt. Walk softly and carry a big stick. We have the stick. We are the most powerful nuclear nation on Earth, no matter what the Russians want everyone else to believe. But taking military action against a sovereign nation goes against the United Nations Charter, and it goes against the principles that are my responsibility to maintain. An air strike opens a door that cannot be closed. The potential for escalation is absolute, and certainly could result in an all-out invasion of Cuba. The air strike would cause Russian deaths. An invasion will cause deaths on all sides. That is not how we should begin. I agree that an air strike is an irreversible step. Our bombers, excellent weapons that they are, are not surgical instruments, but bludgeons. It may become necessary still to use those weapons, but it is not how we should start. I also prefer that we continue with troop and warship mobilization in the southeast, in the event our forces must act in short order. It cannot hurt our cause to show such a mobilization to both the Russians and Cubans, that we are serious in backing up our plans.”
Rusk raised his hand, said, “Mr. President, I have been advised by one of my legal counsels, Mr. Meeker, that we forgo use of the word blockade, and instead refer to our action as a quarantine. The reasons make sense to me, that blockade is a far more militaristic term.”
Bobby laughed, said, “Does it matter? Semantics won’t change the way we’ll be perceived, all over the world. Khrushchev won’t care what we call it.”
The president held up a hand.
“No, I don’t agree. Semantics might mean a great deal. All right, for now, we refer to our action as a quarantine of Cuba, that we are preventing any more offensive weapons from entering the country. The quarantine specifically will put a halt to offensive weapons and weapon systems, but will not interfere in the legal transport of material goods, such as food and fuel for the Cuban people.”
Bobby spoke up again, all heads turning his way.
“We should examine the legality here. By that I mean we should secure the approval of the OAS countries. I believe our charter calls for a two-thirds approval for any action. That means we would need at least fourteen of the twenty nations to approve what we’re doing. Without that backing, we’ll be out on a pretty big limb. And, we should immediately notify our allies in Europe, plus Canada and Australia, just what’s going on. No one likes surprises, and this is a big one.”
Kennedy nodded slowly, spoke in a low voice.
“Agreed. See to it. You all have your stations. Man them, with secrecy still, and efficiency. Wait for the final word from me. I still want to discuss the effectiveness of air strikes with our tactical bombing experts. But that is an option we must hold on to for now. I want all of you to understand that I have not ruled out a military strike. But I will not start with one. I hope you are all clear on that.”
Bobby said, “What about your speech? Are you prepared to go forward with this publicly?”
“I had hoped tomorrow evening. But perhaps that’s too soon for the work that must still be done. Let’s schedule it for Monday night, October 22. I’ll have the press people clear it with the networks. And I want it broadcast in Spanish as well, to reach as much of Latin America as possible, including, of course, Cuba.”
The door opened, and Adlai Stevenson appeared, disheveled, moving with clumsy haste.
“Sorry. I couldn’t get here sooner from New York. Mr. President, I have something to say.”
Kennedy sat back, seemed to clamp down on his expression, said, “We have made great progress today, Adlai. But we will listen.”
Bobby watched Stevenson, searching in vain for a chair. He doesn’t care what’s been decided, he thought. He just has to hear his own voice.
Stevenson, finally resigned to standing, said, “I propose, Mr. President, that we summon the United Nations Security Council into session, to coincide with any public announcement of what we intend to do. I also believe we should inform the Soviets we are withdrawing from Guantánamo Naval Base, and that we will guarantee that we will demilitarize and neutralize the territorial integrity of Cuba. We should also announce that we will remove our missiles from Turkey as part of the arrangement whereby the Soviets will remove their missiles from Cuba. It’s only fair, after all.”
There was a hum of grumbling around the room, and Kennedy said, “We are already pursuing contacts with the OAS nations. I will not abandon Guantánamo, nor will I pull the missiles out of Turkey, merely as a sop to the Soviets. There are no secrets regarding our missiles in Turkey, but should we unilaterally decide to remove them, it could seriously weaken our NATO alliances. Missiles in Cuba serve no purpose other than to threaten us. Missiles in Turkey and Italy serve as a defensive deterrent against Soviet aggressive moves against NATO. Do you not see the difference? Besides, the Soviets have never threatened us with regard to those missiles. They have accepted their presence as a fait accompli. That is not the case with the missiles in Cuba, which, as things stand now, are still being installed in secret, presumably to be sprung on us later as a surprise. You seem to be suggesting that we are the provocateurs here, that we are threatening Cuba’s integrity. We have done nothing of the sort, and for now, we do not intend to.”
Others agreed, Bobby watching Stevenson’s doughy face, the man clearly not expecting to have his suggestions refuted. Bobby looked to his brother now, saw exhausted aggravation, Kennedy gathering papers, preparation for ending the meeting. Bobby looked at his watch, 5:30, thought suddenly of Neville Chamberlain. Appeasement. That’s what Adlai is suggesting. Give away the store, only so the Russians might oblige us by doing the same. That could be a catastrophic mistake. Assuming we offer all that Stevenson suggests, what if Khrushchev simply says no? We would be left with no alternative other than war. Well, perhaps we are left with that alternative regardless. But by God, I’m with Jack. It’s essential that we have options. We can talk later about missiles in Turkey.