Sunday, October 21, 1962
The White House
The press was swarming, seasoned reporters sniffing in every corner. They were experienced men who understood that routine meant calm, and among the president’s closest advisors, the usual routines had seemed to vanish. Late night meetings had become normal, lights blazing in high offices, limousines gathered in unlikely places, standard meetings cancelled, the normalcy of state dinners and pleasant social interactions interrupted by pressing matters. Kennedy had made every effort to conduct business as usual, to throw the persistent reporters off the trail, but even he knew it was hopeless, that these men who had made Washington their news beat for so many years had an instinct for drama. In a futile gesture, as though making a good show, Kennedy attended worship services that morning alongside Jackie, a small unassuming Catholic church called St. Stephen the Martyr. As always, the press was waiting, recording his every move, which, on the surface seemed as mundane as any other Sunday. The service concluded, Kennedy wasted no time with pleasantries and immediately returned to the White House.
THE EXCOMM MEETING was scheduled for later that afternoon, but Kennedy met now with a smaller group, men who insisted on a forum to discuss their own doubts. Along with Bobby sat McNamara, General Taylor, and Air Force general Walter Sweeney, as well as McCone and another CIA analyst, fresh with the latest intel from the U-2 flights. Bobby sat slightly apart from the others, as though appraising, measuring what he had heard so far, fighting the urge to raise holy hell.
McCone had the floor, examining the photos, now in each man’s hands.
“We are certain, Mr. President, that as of right now, eight to twelve Soviet medium-range missiles are operational and can be fired with no more than a three- or four-hour advance notice. I urge you, sir, to reconsider your options.”
Taylor spoke now, waving the photos like a small flag.
“I agree, sir. The Joint Chiefs and I are unanimous in our view that an air strike is called for, and quickly. We are firm in our belief that a blockade … excuse me, quarantine, will do nothing to eliminate the crisis we now face, and may in fact, make it worse.”
McNamara said, “I am beginning to agree. I hadn’t expected the Soviets to make such rapid progress with their deployments, their construction. The more I consider the quarantine, the less secure I am that the Soviets will respond the way we need them to. Khrushchev is a wild card, and we don’t know what kind of pressure he is under at the Kremlin. Surely there are hard-liners, the same men who supported the installation of their missiles in the first place. It’s doubtful they will simply change their minds.”
Taylor said, “We know that there are at least forty missile launchers in place. Even though there is no photograph which specifically shows nuclear warheads, there are indications of bunkers close to the launch sites, where the warheads likely are stored.” He looked at Sweeney, who said, “Sir, I would suggest you authorize the bombing of those sites, as well as the airfields where the MiGs are now situated. We can commence that action within hours of your say-so.”
Taylor leaned forward, his arms out on the table, as if to emphasize the importance of his words.
“Mr. President, an air strike will eliminate ninety percent of the known missile sites. If it becomes necessary to engage further, we can stage a full-on invasion within ten days. The preparations are being made even now, troop movements, Navy ships assembling within range. The carrier Essex is prepared to launch planes at a moment’s notice.”
Bobby could see the raw anger on the president’s face. He held back, knew that Kennedy would have the final say, with no help from his brother.
“Gentlemen, your input is appreciated, but you are certainly aware, from our last meeting, that the decision has been made. We have weighed every piece of what you describe, and much more. We have made every effort to anticipate the Soviet response to any action we might take and have come to the conclusion that the quarantine is the first step. I’m surprised you would come to me now. Be advised that I will be announcing to the American people tomorrow evening that we are instituting a quarantine of Cuba. At this evening’s executive meeting, we will examine every particle of that speech, and iron out every wrinkle.” He paused, seemed to hesitate. “Look, it is important that you understand that I am not disregarding your counsel. You should continue with your preparations and be ready to launch an air strike on my command anytime. It’s true, we cannot predict what Khrushchev will do. But assuming the worst is a mistake. That being said, I require you to prepare for the worst. That is, after all, the military’s job. Right now, there are wheels in motion all over the world, our State Department people and others preparing to issue official notifications of our intentions to dozens of nations. I will not spread a smoke screen over anyone’s eyes, only to spring some kind of surprise attack on Cuba. Every issue we discussed, every variable is still in play. But I will not start a war as a first step. Are we clear?”
There was a brief silence, Bobby staring at McNamara, eager to ask the obvious question, why did you change your mind yet again? He wondered now about the meeting to come later that day, if other members of Excomm were having second thoughts, if there was a growing consensus that an air strike might be the best decision after all. I suppose, he thought, we’ll know soon enough.
THE TWO MEN were alone now, Kennedy’s mood seeming more at ease. They had been visited by the British ambassador, David Ormsby-Gore, the man a close friend to both Kennedys. Ormsby-Gore had accepted news of the impending action against Cuba with the knowing smile of a man who had already figured out most of what was going on. It was little surprise that the British had quietly felt the pulse of the Soviets, as well as the goings-on in Washington, and with no real activity involving Berlin, by process of elimination, the British had assumed there was a crisis brewing in Cuba. Kennedy was completely frank about the Soviet missiles, Ormsby-Gore reacting as Kennedy would hope, pledging complete support for whatever action the Americans were to take. Ormsby-Gore would, of course, immediately report the news to his prime minister, Harold MacMillan, the first in a line of American allies to be briefed.
Dean Acheson, on his way to Paris, was scheduled to meet with French president Charles de Gaulle. In Bonn, American ambassador Walter Dowling had arranged to confer with German chancellor Konrad Adenauer. The treasury secretary, Douglas Dillon, had flown to Mexico to meet with Mexican officials, an important link in the chain, since the Mexicans would wield considerable influence with other members of the OAS. Former U.S. ambassador Livingston Merchant had been tagged to sit down with Canadian prime minister John Diefenbaker. Diefenbaker was no friend to the Kennedys, and Merchant’s job was to smooth over the prickly relationship between the Canadians and the American administration, to convince Diefenbaker that what Kennedy was planning was the only wise move. By meeting with Diefenbaker as a special envoy, it was hoped that Merchant could accomplish exactly that, to ensure Canadian cooperation.
With these aircraft in the skies, the president made specific phone calls himself, personal conversations with all three surviving U.S. presidents, Eisenhower, Truman, and Hoover. Though he didn’t require their counsel, not at this late date, it was gratifying that, although they certainly had questions, none of the three objected to Kennedy’s decision.
Sunday, October 21, 1962
Excomm meeting, the White House Cabinet Room
Rusk had the floor, and was standing, which was unusual, and addressed the room as much as he focused on the president.
“Mr. President, the State Department has prepared explanatory letters to the consulates of one hundred thirty-four countries. In addition, we have scheduled briefings here in Washington, for ninety-five foreign ambassadors. We have drafted a special text to be presented to the United Nations Security Council, and we have prepared detailed documents to be presented to an emergency meeting of the Organization of American States. The ambassadors from those countries will also be notified, of course. As we have discussed, the OAS is being asked to vote approval on our planned quarantine, as part of Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, which states that each member nation has the right to defend its own border. But more importantly, we are making the point that each member nation of the OAS is obliged to participate in collective measures in guarding the overall security of the Americas. We are hopeful that the majority of the Latin nations will understand that what the Soviets have done in Cuba is a threat to every sovereign nation in this hemisphere. Assuming we gain approval of at least fourteen of those nations, our actions will be deemed completely legal on the world stage.”
Bobby stared at Rusk, and for the first time, he understood why his brother had been so adamant about Rusk being named secretary of state. Kennedy, who had absorbed Rusk’s presentation without any expression, nodded slowly as Rusk sat down. Kennedy then motioned toward the chief of naval operations, Admiral George Anderson. Bobby liked Anderson, a tall, beefy man who looked the part of the firm-handed commander. The president said, “Admiral, you have received specific instructions regarding your role in the quarantine. Please fill in the committee as to those plans.”
Anderson stood as well, consulted a legal pad.
“Mr. President, as per your orders, the quarantine line will be established at a point eight hundred miles from Cuban territorial waters, which places them out of range of the Soviet MiGs and their bombers that are now on Cuba. Each Soviet ship, or any ship in service to the Soviet Union, that approaches the line will be signaled to halt and commanded to prepare for boarding and inspection. If the ship does not respond, we will fire a shot across the bow. If the vessel continues to ignore the hail, one of our warships will fire a shot into the ship’s rudder and cripple the ship. Unless we are directly fired upon, we will not take any action to sink the ship.”
Bobby said, “Excuse me, Admiral, but can we do that effectively, with precision?”
He caught a brief smile on Anderson’s face.
“Absolutely, Mr. Attorney General.”
Kennedy kept his somber expression, his eyes still on the admiral.
“You realize, Admiral, how much we are depending on your people to carry this ball. The success of this entire operation depends on the actions of the Navy.”
Anderson stiffened, said, “Mr. President, the Navy will not let you down.”
Monday, October 22, 1962
Excomm meeting, the White House Cabinet Room
The meeting focused on Bundy, who still seemed to favor the military strike.
“The Republicans are going to raise hell, you know. They’ll say that you knew about the missiles for weeks before doing anything, giving the Soviets plenty of time to complete their construction.”
Kennedy seemed annoyed, said, “You know damn well that I only learned about these missiles a week ago, from the U-2 flights.”
“But the Republicans will say they knew well before that. Keating, the others, they’ve been spouting off about this stuff since August. How the hell did they know?”
Bobby shared his brother’s annoyance, said, “They didn’t. They were being fed reports from the CIA people in Miami. That place leaks like a sponge. They took every report of any kind of missile and blew it up to something dramatic, reports from completely unreliable eyewitnesses that we had discounted as being useless.” He looked at McCone now. “You confirmed that those reports were coming from utterly unreliable sources. Is that still the case?”
McCone shifted uncomfortably, but seemed to puff up against the obvious insinuation.
“What the Republicans believe they know has nothing to do with reality, with any hard information. They just happened to have guessed right. But they have no specifics, they know nothing about the position or quantity of MRBMs or IRBMs. They can claim anything they want. If they make too much noise, I wouldn’t hesitate, Mr. President, to remind them that spreading this kind of information without confirmation puts them in a dicey legal position.”
Kennedy seemed to be weary of any talk of politics.
“It won’t come to that. I won’t let it. Let them have their day in the sun. The greater problem is the issue we’re dealing with, not who knew what at what time. You’ve been given drafts of the speech prepared by Sorenson. I’ve already nixed a few lines, a few points that don’t belong.”
Bobby said, “I think it’s important to remember that there is nothing inherently illegal about the missiles being in Cuba. Instead, we should emphasize Khrushchev’s lies, his complete duplicity about the offensive nature of the weapons.”
McNamara said, “Mr. President, I would also refrain from offering details as to the number of missiles, their positions, etc. There is no need to show our hand when it comes to our intelligence capabilities. The Soviets know we’re overhead taking pictures, but it isn’t necessary to tell them just how good those pictures are.”
Rusk said, “Your ultimatum, the whole purpose of the quarantine, should be aimed directly at Khrushchev, the Soviets, and not Cuba. We don’t want to be seen as having a conflict with Cuba over this mess. That just makes us out to be a bully. This is a U.S. versus Soviet problem. That should be emphasized. I also believe it would be wise to invite the United Nations inspectors to set up shop, to oversee the missile sites.”
Kennedy shook his head.
“No. Bringing in the UN would take time, too much time. They would serve no real purpose, and frankly, I don’t think the UN would view this with the same urgency we do.”
Bobby stepped forward, leaned his hands on the table, the other eyes on him.
“We might not be able to completely predict Khrushchev’s response, but we had best be prepared for anything that comes out of the Kremlin.”
Kennedy held up a hand, said, “I think it’s pretty obvious that we can expect the Soviets to increase the speed of their construction, and they might be prompted to do something aggressive toward Berlin, some kind of tit-for-tat. You can be damned sure that Khrushchev will bellow out a new warning about any invasion of Cuba. That’s his one strength, protecting the sovereignty of Cuba, and now that we know about the missiles, he’ll up the ante with his threats. I fully expect he’ll tell us, if you invade Cuba, we’ll fire the missiles.”
Bobby was impressed, had wondered just how far ahead his brother was thinking. But the words stirred up his gut, the faces in the room sharing the same uneasiness. The room was silent for a long moment, and Bobby said, “If he makes that threat, do you think he’ll mean it? You think he’s willing to start a nuclear war?”
Kennedy scanned the room, looked down now, his hands clasped on the table.
“That’s the question, isn’t it?”
WITH THE SPEECH scheduled for Monday night, all doubts about the nature of this crisis had been swept away from the eyes of the news reporters. Kennedy accepted the inevitable, that if the major news outlets printed the story detailing offensive missiles in Cuba prior to his speech, any hope of surprising Khrushchev would be gone. Kennedy reacted proactively, contacting directly the key players at The Washington Post, The New York Times, and the New York Herald-Tribune. Kennedy confirmed what they all had suspected, openly admitting the coming action, with the hoped-for stipulation that the newspapers would hold off on running the complete story until Kennedy had notified the public himself. They agreed to comply. But still, the stories were spreading, and even if many of the news outlets didn’t know exact details, the sense of alarm was being communicated. The San Francisco Examiner blared in its Monday morning headline, “A Day of Mystery in D.C.!” Though The New York Times had agreed not to publish specifics until after Kennedy’s scheduled speech, the Times still offered an opening line to tease its readers: “There was an air of crisis in the capital tonight…”
Monday, October 22, 1962
Throughout the day, the Excomm continued to wrestle with the speech Kennedy was now set to give at seven that night. The television networks had been notified, a request for airtime, all of them complying without question. Arrangements had been made, at Kennedy’s request, for a Spanish language broadcast that would reach into Cuba, and much farther, into most of Latin America’s capitals.
In Washington, the Joint Chiefs issued their orders to the naval force, already deployed throughout the Caribbean. One hundred eighty warships had assembled off the coast of Florida and Cuba, with the quarantine line to be comprised of destroyers, backed up by a force of cruisers. With the Air Force now ordered into readiness, one-eighth of the Strategic Air Command’s B-52 bombers would remain airborne at all times, armed with nuclear bombs. The remaining flight crews would be on alert, prepared to become airborne in fifteen minutes. The Air Force’s missile crews, manning silos spread across the nation, were ordered into maximum alert.
With Excomm now firmly committed to Kennedy’s speech, with the specific points settled under full agreement, Kennedy scheduled one last meeting. For weeks now, he had endured the criticism coming from Congress, including from members of his own party. Two hours before he went on the air, he met with twenty congressional leaders from both parties. With the assistance of McCone, Rusk, and McNamara, the entire scenario was laid before the astonished congressmen, but their responses were not what Kennedy had hoped to hear. To Kennedy’s enormous annoyance, the congressmen seemed too eager to jump into the fray, dismissing the quarantine idea, opting instead for a full-on invasion of Cuba, starting of course with a massive bombing campaign to eliminate the Soviet missiles. Democratic Senators Russell of Georgia and Fulbright of Arkansas, along with several Republicans, suggested in the strongest terms that the invasion option was the proper way to go. Egos came to the fore as well, the Republican leader of the House, Indiana congressman Charles Halleck, among others, insisting that the record show that the congressmen were merely being informed, and not consulted. Kennedy blunted as much of the criticism as possible by pointing out that the quarantine was only a first step, that military options were still on the table. After all, the complete bulk of the nation’s military power had been activated or placed on alert. After so much criticism, Kennedy’s patience had worn thin, especially since he had not believed that key members of his own party would stand up in opposition to the quarantine plan. After more than an hour, the meeting ended abruptly, a furious Kennedy making every effort to hold on to his temper. His final comment to Bobby summed up his mood. “I should have let them read about it in the paper.”
There was one final detail that required prompt attention. With one hour to go before the president’s broadcast, Secretary of State Rusk met with Soviet ambassador Dobrynin. By six o’clock, there was no longer any need for subterfuge. Dobrynin was given a full copy of Kennedy’s speech. Shortly after in Moscow, Ambassador Foy Kohler did the same, offering the text to the office of the Soviet premier.