Tuesday, October 23, 1962
Moscow, the Kremlin
Throughout the day on Monday, Khrushchev had felt an odd itch, that something was happening in Washington that no one around him could truly explain. Vague reports still flowed from various sources in the American capital, those whose job it was to keep their ears to the ground, picking up any tidbits of information that could tell Khrushchev just what might be going on in the hearts and minds of the American leaders. This Monday had been particularly intriguing, word coming from Dobrynin’s office, as well as the far more low-key source, the spy Bolshakov, reporting a heightened sense of agitation in the capital. It had become clear that great efforts were being made to display a business-as-usual attitude, yet nothing about the behavior of several key American officials was usual at all. Most obvious was the absence of men like Rusk and McNamara from their usual haunts, social and diplomatic gatherings; if they were present at all, it was for short minutes. Gone seemed to be the social chatter that usually surrounded Kennedy and his staff, and in Moscow, it was seen as most strange that Kennedy himself seemed to cut short his efforts at campaigning for the midterm elections. But Khrushchev knew not to trust rumor, even from those he otherwise trusted completely, though the heightened presence of American troops and ships near Cuba was no rumor at all. Khrushchev still couldn’t believe that Kennedy would be reckless enough to invade Cuba, not with so many warnings passing from Moscow to Washington. Kosygin had been no help at all defusing the mystery, his meeting with Kennedy as bland as both men tried to portray. As usual, there had been the perfunctory warnings passed back and forth about Berlin and Cuba, and if Kennedy had anything of substance to say, he didn’t say it to Kosygin. Dobrynin seemed more interested in playing the role of the genial diplomat, enjoying the various state dinners, all the while trying to feel the pulse of official Washington. But Dobrynin had nothing useful to offer, and Khrushchev had begun to wonder if Dobrynin was enjoying himself a bit too much in Washington. At any rate, Khrushchev had long since avoided passing on highly sensitive information to his ambassador. If Dobrynin didn’t have secrets to reveal, he couldn’t reveal them.
He looked at his watch, after midnight, stretched his back, felt the weariness of another day of haphazard news and unreliable reporting. But finally, word had come from Dobrynin that Kennedy was to speak to the American people via television, which seemed to be Kennedy’s favorite venue. Khrushchev received that news with a sense of relief, that surely, Kennedy wouldn’t waste his time speaking to his public unless he had something significant to say. With so many mysteries about, perhaps Kennedy would clear them up.
Kennedy’s speech had prompted him to summon the Presidium into a rare nighttime session, preparing, as always, to react to any kind of important news. He knew the rumors were flying, something he couldn’t prevent, the members of the Presidium each with their own fears and doubts about just what the Americans were about. He remained in his office, for now, his son, Sergei, keeping him company, didn’t need anyone outside of his own family observing that he was as anxious as the members of the Presidium.
Sergei sat in a thick leather chair to one side, scanned through a small book, a gift from a friend, supposed to be for his children.
“This is infantile. I would not inflict this on my son, whether he understood it or not.”
Khrushchev had drifted away, pulled himself back to the moment.
“What? The book?”
“Did you fall asleep, Father?”
Khrushchev shook his head, laid his hands flat on the desk.
“No time for sleep.”
There was a sharp knock, Khrushchev pushing himself to stand. Sergei moved that way quickly, pulled the door open, and Khrushchev was surprised to see Malinovsky.
“Excuse me. We have more news from Ambassador Dobrynin. He has wired us the text of Kennedy’s speech. I have just completed reading it. You should know the details immediately.”
“That is excellent. Dobrynin is doing his job for once. I don’t need Kennedy’s pleasantries. Just give me the short points.”
Malinovsky stepped inside, Sergei closing the door behind him. Malinovsky took a long breath, glanced at a notepad in his hand.
“They have discovered the missiles. They are responding by implementing a blockade around Cuba. Kennedy insists that we remove the missiles and their launchers from Cuba.”
Khrushchev felt a stab of ice.
“I knew they would discover them. I knew it. Could we not have hidden the damned things with more care? Who is to blame? Pliyev? No, perhaps it is Castro, leaking information like wine from a broken bottle, telling anyone who will listen about his precious nuclear missiles.”
His voice had risen, and Malinovsky glanced at Sergei, then said, “Kennedy’s message appears to be one of restraint. He did not bellow demands. And, he claims there will be no invasion of Cuba. On that, we should believe him, since it is unlikely he would make such a speech, only to change his mind a few days later. It would make him look irrational to the rest of the world, and certainly damage his credibility.”
Khrushchev rose from his chair, plodded heavily across the room, then back again.
“I trust you are correct. But if he knows of our missiles, then he must know they are vulnerable to attack. Since he is not sending his bombers, we must believe that he is seeking some sort of negotiation.”
“Or, Nikita, it is a pre-election trick, something aimed only at his opponents in their Congress. Big pronouncements, to get votes, and nothing more.”
He knew Malinovsky was offering him a bone, trying to boost his spirits.
The election, he thought. All this to gain votes?
“No, my friend, the Americans have beaten us to the punch. We underestimated the power of their U-2s, their skill at identifying our missiles from grainy photographs. We have been sloppy, and now, we will pay the price. We are now forced to repeat to the world what we have been saying all along, that the missiles are there for defensive purposes. We must continue to emphasize that we are only defending our ally from the aggressive posture of the United States. After all, we are doing nothing to the United States that they have not already done to us. They find it uncomfortable to have nuclear missiles on their doorstep. That is the reality we have lived under for years. I will not be ordered about by Kennedy, or anyone else.”
“I agree, Nikita. But the immediate question is how we respond to their blockade.”
Khrushchev pondered the word, clenched his fist.
“It is simply an outrage. It will not be supported by the rest of the world, not even the Latin nations. Heavy-handed stupidity.”
“But, as you say, it is not an attack. Not yet. Only a threat. He refers to the blockade as a quarantine. There is a reason for such a euphemism. He does not wish to appear too warlike.”
Khrushchev stopped beside his enormous desk, pounded a fist down hard. “A blockade is a blockade. It is unlawful, piracy on the high seas. He has no right to enforce such a thing. I will not recall our ships. They have every right to continue their journeys, to deliver their goods to Cuba. We will order submarines to be stationed near their blockade line, prepared to sink any American ship that sinks one of our own.” His voice rose again. “This is an outrage that shall not stand.”
“Nikita, you must prepare a public response.”
“Oh, I will respond. I will also raise the alert level of all our military installations, and I will instruct General Pliyev to heighten his attention to the possibility of an invasion that may yet come. I will not be fooled.”
Sergei said, “Father, can you trust General Pliyev not to engage his nuclear warheads? If the Americans are truly showing restraint, shouldn’t we? There is no call yet for us to go to war.”
His son’s voice calmed him.
“Perhaps … if Kennedy is using restraint, then we shall as well. I will instruct General Pliyev that he is to respond, along with the Cuban army, to any kind of invasion, any aggressive action by the Americans with the full military assets he has at his disposal. But he is not to fire any nuclear missiles or nuclear artillery without my permission. It is annoying that I must give such an order. I would hope he would know not to start a nuclear war on his own.”
Malinovsky said, “That is the correct action.”
Khrushchev sat heavily in the chair, slumped toward his desk.
“We have made mistakes, Rodion. We should have shipped all the missiles to Cuba in a short period of time, instead of dragging out the shipments. I should have made sure Pliyev used his brains in how the missiles were arranged and situated. But dammit, a blockade … it’s an act of war. Kennedy knows that. We cannot just accept being denied access to our ally.”
“It is a blockade of weapons only. Supplies will not be stopped.”
“So he says. We must rely on the wisdom of some American navy captain far out to sea, who does not feel the itch in his trigger finger, seeking a feather in his cap by sinking a Soviet ship. I will not sit here and pretend that will not start a war. Action must be met with action. There is no other way. We cannot allow any of our ships to be turned away or boarded. Illegal piracy. That’s all it is.”
Malinovsky said, “The Presidium is being seated. Perhaps we should join them? There is much to discuss.”
“Yes. They must be informed of Kennedy’s words. But we must maintain our decorum from prying eyes. I want the Presidium members to sleep in their offices here tonight, so the Americans will not see us scrambling through the night like frightened mice.”
Sergei said, “What of the people? What will you tell them?”
Khrushchev was surprised by the question.
“The people? We will tell them none of this. I will order Izvestia to print nothing of Kennedy’s speech, no mention of nuclear missiles. We need not have such anxiety in the streets of Moscow. Now, leave me for a moment. Before I attend the Presidium, I must begin to prepare my official response to Kennedy’s words.”
“I SHOULD SAY frankly that measures outlined in your statement represent serious threats to peace and security … We confirm that the armaments now in Cuba, regardless of the classification to which they belong, are destined exclusively for defensive purposes, in order to secure the Cuban Republic from attack … I hope that the United States government will display wisdom and renounce the actions pursued by you, which may lead to catastrophic consequences for world peace.”