Saturday afternoon, October 27, 1962
The White House, Cabinet Room
“Your own words, Mr. President. Your own words. First option. The Joint Chiefs and myself went along with the idea of a quarantine as a first option, that it was the first attempt to encourage the Soviets to remove the missiles. It’s apparent, both by their actions, and by Khrushchev’s response, that the quarantine hasn’t worked.”
All eyes were on General Taylor, the man’s temper on a knife’s edge. It had been this way throughout the meeting, those who had always been the more militant now recognizing their opportunity to speak up.
Taylor continued, “With the loss of the U-2, the Soviets have made it clear that they are not inclined to support our position, and with Khrushchev’s new letter, it is obvious that they are in no hurry to remove their missiles at all. Mr. President, we have no choice but to expand our operations to the next step. The Joint Chiefs have reinforced their position that an air strike of all the SAM positions in Cuba can be made by tomorrow morning.”
There were mumbles around the room, many of the Excomm members seeming to welcome Taylor’s aggressiveness.
Kennedy had kept his calm, Bobby impressed with that, since he had been under steady pressure by some of the others. Kennedy looked at Taylor now, said, “I am not so worried about the next step. We all can expect that our next step shall lead to a next step by the Soviets. In that event, it is the fourth and fifth steps that we should be concerned about, because by that time, none of us will be around.” He looked at McNamara. “Are we absolutely certain the U-2 was shot down and didn’t suffer some kind of mechanical malfunction?”
McNamara said, “Unfortunately, yes. We have evidence that three Soviet SAM missiles were fired. Two missed, one did not. Sir, the military plan is now clear. We must move past a limited strike. We must have the reconnaissance aircraft at our disposal without worrying just how many of them will be shot down. So, the military plan must take priority, a full-on invasion following the air strike on all Soviet missile batteries. If we do not invade, we will have to assume the Soviets or their Cuban allies will respond to our air strike by firing missiles, perhaps a great many missiles, with targets around the country. With the invasion, they will have their hands full closer to home. Once our troops are on the ground across Cuba, we can remove the balance of the Soviet missile sites that might be missed by the air strike.”
McNamara had been shouting, seemed out of breath, and Bobby stared at him with an open mouth. The word rolled through Bobby’s head, calm. My God, he’s lost his composure. None of us can afford that, not now.
Kennedy seemed to feel the same way, said slowly, “Bob, I believe there is another step we can take that does not involve going to war. It has always been an option to strengthen the quarantine by stopping the flow of petroleum goods to Cuba. This emphasizes our seriousness since this will have a deadly effect on the Cuban economy. Surely…”
Taylor stood now.
“Surely nothing, Mr. President. With all due respect, if you want to emphasize our seriousness, you take out those SAM sites, as well as the ballistic missile sites that are already up and running. The invasion, if so ordered, can begin as soon as four days later. How many more U-2 flights can we order, knowing the Soviets are now willing to target them?”
Kennedy held up his hands, a clear signal: quiet. Taylor sat again, angry, seemed to fight for control. Bobby couldn’t ignore a bellyful of butterflies, thought, we’re talking about war, about a real shooting war. He stared at his brother, grateful for Kennedy’s demeanor, said, “If we go to war in Cuba, we must understand that it will not be confined to Cuba. Turkey will be vulnerable, and so, if the Soviets hit Turkey, do we respond by firing our missiles there? It’s the same question they must be asking about their missiles in Cuba. What of Berlin? Do they blockade there, squeezing us in yet another way? What role do our NATO allies play in making these decisions? We might be condemning our allies to death by the decisions we make here, and they have no say in the matter.”
Kennedy nodded, his hands still raised, as though trying to defuse tempers.
“There are implications in every step we might take, far beyond this room, and far beyond Cuba. I wonder if our NATO allies truly understand the danger we could be placing them in. Any decision made right here, could create a life and death situation for a dozen or more nations around the world.”
Bobby said, “It’s not a dozen, Jack. It’s all of mankind.”
More mumbling followed, no one willing to speak out loud. Bobby watched McNamara, who seemed to be embarrassed for his outburst. Kennedy stared down at the table in front of him, and after a long minute, said, “We won’t attack tomorrow. There will be no air strikes, not yet. We’ll try again to respond to Khrushchev. I have to believe that Khrushchev is not in a hurry to see this explode out of control. For all we know, he feels that shooting down the U-2 was a deadly mistake, some field commander’s blunder. We have to give him time to act on that.”
Rusk said, “Mr. President, my people at State have been working on the draft of a response letter, which thus far, addresses each of the points in the second Khrushchev letter, explanations why we cannot agree with his demands.”
More arguments exploded now, Taylor and others worn down by a long day’s tensions, voices insisting that Khrushchev’s letter be treated with every response from disdain to ridicule. After a long minute, and a jumble of arguments, Bobby said, “This won’t work, Jack. We have to respond to Khrushchev, but I don’t agree with what the State Department is trying to say. I think we should completely ignore the second letter and focus solely on the first. In that letter, Khrushchev made no demands on us that we could not accept, and his points were reinforced by the message given to Scali. Let’s respond to that, and for now, ignore any talk of Turkey.”
Kennedy pointed at Bobby.
“Fine. You don’t like the State Department letter, go write your own. Take Sorenson with you. Put a draft together as quick as you can. I’ll try to hold down the tempers here.”
Dear Mr. Chairman,
I have read your letter of October 26 with great care and welcomed the statement of your desire to seek a prompt solution to the problem. The first thing that needs to be done, however, is for work to cease on offensive missile bases in Cuba, and for all weapons systems in Cuba capable of offensive use to be rendered inoperable, under effective United Nations arrangements. Assuming this is done promptly, I have given my representatives in New York instructions that will permit them to work out this weekend … an arrangement for a permanent solution to the Cuban problem, along the lines suggested in your letter of October 26. The key elements of your proposals—which seem generally acceptable as I understand them—are as follows:
There is no reason why we should not be able to complete these arrangements and announce them to the world within a couple of days. The effect of such a settlement on easing world tensions would enable us to work toward a more general arrangement regarding “other armaments” as proposed in your second letter, which you made public. I would like to say again that the United States is very much interested in reducing tensions and halting the arms race; and if your letter signifies that you are prepared to discuss a détente affecting NATO and the Warsaw Pact, we are quite prepared to consider with our allies any useful proposals.
But the first ingredient, let me emphasize, is the cessation of work on missile sites in Cuba, and measures to render such weapons inoperable, under effective international guarantees. The continuation of this threat, or a prolonging of this discussion concerning Cuba by linking these problems to the broader questions of European and world security, would surely lead to an intensification of the Cuban crisis and a grave risk to the peace of the world …
John F. Kennedy
Saturday, late afternoon, October 27
White House, Kennedy’s private office
“Nicely done, Bobby.”
“It’s Sorenson. He has the golden tongue. I just argue about it.”
“I’m tired of arguments. But regardless, I’ve ordered another meeting tonight at nine. There’s too much happening all at once to ignore that. I wish I could keep the hotheads quiet, convince those people we have to err on the side of caution, instead of reacting with an all-out blitz.”
“Jack, you have to let everyone have their say. Otherwise, what’s the point? You didn’t go into this thing convinced exactly what you were going to do, and I’m not sure you’re convinced now. You have to hear all sides. And if the Joint Chiefs are all gung-ho for a war, isn’t it better to hear them out, so you can address their points?”
“There’s a lot of tension, a lot of stress, and I guess it needs to be released. And the Joint Chiefs. They opt for the simplest answers. They know how to do one thing really well, so that’s all they want to do. They deal in things like acceptable casualties, weighing the cost on a balance scale. I keep thinking about the U-2 pilot, Major Anderson, the man’s family. Despite what Taylor says, Anderson didn’t go to work each day expecting to be shot down. It used to be that a U-2 was invulnerable, that it flew too high for ground weapons.”
“The weapons caught up. That’s the way it works.”
“And, I suppose miscalculations are a part of it too. It goes back to that book, The Guns of August, the start of World War One. In 1914, the worst weapon you had to contend with was the cannon, maybe mustard gas. Now, a miscalculation destroys mankind. Yeah, the weapons have caught up. I can’t believe that the Soviets want to fight a war any more than we do. But we’re on that path. That’s why the letter matters, why we have to keep trying to find a way to end this. Sure, I guess both sides have to save face. No one can accept being humiliated. So, you back off the big demands, the deal killers. Surely Khrushchev understands that too. But damn it all, it doesn’t change the fact that unless Khrushchev pulls those missiles out of Cuba, we’ll have to go get them.”
“That’s your decision, Jack. I understand why it might be necessary. But I can’t help thinking about the kids. Not just my own, but kids everywhere. They have no say in any of this, and when it comes to a war, they serve one role: they’re casualties. For us to make that kind of decision, to control the lives of so many who have no control over what we decide to do … Jesus, Jack.”
A voice at the door. “Sir, the secretary of state.”
Rusk was there now, held out a paper.
“Here it is, all typed up, ready to go. Several copies.” He paused. “It’s a good letter, Bobby. I have to believe this will work. Mr. President, I have a thought. I believe it might be a good idea to present a copy of this directly to Ambassador Dobrynin. For one thing, Bobby can add a more personal, private message to Khrushchev that goes beyond the letter. Am I right that you’re intending to make the letter public?”
Kennedy looked at Bobby, said, “Yes. Khrushchev started that, so there’s no reason to hide anything, not anymore.”
Rusk seemed troubled, sat now.
“Jack, if Khrushchev keeps on leaning on the Turkey deal, it could be that’s a corner he’s backed into at home. I guarantee there are Russians generals fuming about those missiles staring at them across their border, and Khrushchev keeping them powerless to change that. We’ve been hearing about public demonstrations, damned near riots, near our embassy in Moscow, and at other government buildings there. Not to mention demonstrations in London, Paris, and so forth. But the Russian demonstrations are worrisome, since very little happens there that isn’t orchestrated. Those demonstrations, bordering on violence, might be for Khrushchev’s benefit, not just ours. It might be a way that certain powers in Moscow are telling Khrushchev to get those damn missiles out of Turkey, or face consequences. It explains why Khrushchev went public with his demands in the second letter. I know we’re going to try to ignore that demand for now, but we can’t ignore it for long. It’s Khrushchev’s ace in the hole.” Rusk paused. “Jack, if this entire deal hinges on us pulling our missiles out of Turkey, wouldn’t you be willing to do that to avoid a war?”
Kennedy seemed annoyed.
“We’ve been over this. The Turks will have a fit, and it could wreck the NATO alliance.”
Bobby weighed Rusk’s words, then looked at his brother, said, “Jack, it might take some time, but surely we can convince the Turks that there is a better alternative to those obsolete Jupiters. Positioning a Polaris sub off their coast would surely make the difference.”
Kennedy rubbed a hand on his face.
“They haven’t wanted to accept that those Jupiters are obsolete. It might be nothing more than Turkish generals who like their photographs taken in front of missile launchers. It’s hard to do that with a submarine.”
Bobby said, “In this afternoon’s meeting, McCone said that Khrushchev has made a great show of claiming that thus far, he has saved Cuba, that he has stopped an invasion. I agree with that, and I still think Khrushchev is more concerned about what we do to Cuba than he is old missiles in Turkey, even if he’s getting pressured by his generals.”
Kennedy shook his head.
“But that’s not what his second letter says.”
“Jack, we’re addressing his first letter, basically ignoring the second one.”
“Publicly. But I want you to take this deal to Dobrynin. Convince him that our proposal in the letter is the best way to stop this escalation, but that, quietly, we might offer more down the road.” He looked at Rusk. “Dean, what do you think?”
“Agreed. Let the letter explain our position publicly. But Bobby can offer Dobrynin a bit more.”
Kennedy looked at Bobby now.
“Dobrynin seems to like you. What do you think?”
Bobby took the typewritten letter from Rusk, scanned it, said, “I think I’ll phone him right now and invite him to come over to Justice. Hopefully he doesn’t have important dinner plans.”
Saturday night, October 27
Department of Justice, Office of the Attorney General
Dobrynin stood in front of the stuffed tiger, said, “I cannot quite become accustomed to your beast. I find I must touch it, though I suspect he no longer minds.”
Bobby watched Dobrynin’s hand on the tiger’s head, slow movements, no telltale signs of nervousness. Of course not, he thought. He is, above all else, cool.
“If I may get to the point, Mr. Ambassador. Please sit down. You are aware that Premier Khrushchev has offered communications to President Kennedy, as a means of settling this unfortunate disagreement.”
Dobrynin continued to play with the tiger’s fur.
“Yes, certainly. It would be so much better for us all if this matter was put behind us.”
“I will be direct, sir. There is no need at this late hour for me to waste your time, or for you to waste mine. We are aware that work is continuing on the missile bases in Cuba, and in the past few days, it has been expedited. You must certainly know that this morning, one of our U-2 reconnaissance planes was shot down by your SAM missiles, with the loss of life of the pilot. That is, for us, a most serious turn of events.”
Dobrynin left the tiger alone, tried not to appear too eager to hear more of what Bobby had to say.
“Loss of life is most unfortunate.”
“Mr. Ambassador, the president does not want a military confrontation. We have done everything possible to avoid escalating this matter into an armed confrontation, but the downing of our plane has forced our hand.”
Dobrynin moved to the chair, sat slowly.
“I must point out, Mr. Attorney General, that the Cubans welcome our air defenses, and they feel as though the United States is continually violating the sanctity of their air space.”
“Mr. Ambassador, if Mr. Khrushchev had not deceived us as to the construction of your missile sites all over Cuba, there would have been no need for reconnaissance flights in the first place. It has been confirmed that you have offered us descriptions of various sites throughout Cuba which are not accurate. Thus, we must continue to photograph these sites, to protect ourselves. You must understand that if the Cubans, or the Soviets, continue to shoot at our reconnaissance planes, we will have to shoot back. This will inevitably lead to further incidents, and to escalation of the conflict, with very grave implications for us all. Mr. Ambassador, the Soviet Union has secretly established missile bases in Cuba, while proclaiming both publicly and privately that this would never be done. I must request in the strongest terms that you offer us a commitment by tomorrow that those bases will be removed. Please understand that this is not an ultimatum, but a question of fact. Please understand that if you do not pledge to remove those bases, we shall remove them ourselves. President Kennedy has great respect for the people of the Soviet Union, and we understand that your country might feel it necessary to take retaliatory action. Before that is over, there will be not only dead Americans, but dead Russians as well.”
“Mr. Attorney General, are you making a specific offer to my government?”
Dobrynin’s voice was quivering just enough to tell Bobby that he had struck a chord.
“I have a letter for Premier Khrushchev, a copy for you. A copy has already been transmitted to the premier.”
Dobrynin took the letter, read slowly, reached the end, seemed surprised there was no more. He finished reading, and Bobby said, “I must emphasize to you, sir, that should there not be a positive response to these entreaties, the president has ordered the military to launch extensive bombing attacks throughout Cuba, to remove the missile launch sites ourselves. This possibility has been mentioned before, and the president feels that the gravity of such a response has not been taken seriously by you. I assure you, Ambassador. The president is serious. This is not a decision taken lightly, but in the president’s view, it is essential to the security of the United States.”
Dobrynin folded the letter slowly, slipped it into his coat pocket. He stared down at the desk, seemed deep in thought, and after a silent moment, said, “I understand. In that event, I must ask you … what about the removal of your missiles from Turkey?”
Bobby hesitated, formed his words carefully.
“There can be no arrangement made under pressure or threat. The decision of missiles in Turkey is one that must be made by NATO. However, the president has been anxious to remove those missiles for a long period of time. He had ordered a discussion regarding their removal some time ago, and it is our judgment that, within a short time after this crisis is over, those missiles will in fact be gone.”
Dobrynin seemed to flinch, made a slow nod.
“A short time. How much time?”
“The president estimates four to five months. And I can assure you … those sites and their missiles will be closed down and removed in that time period … but there is one important … essential condition.”
“Yes?”
“The Soviet Union must respect this promise to you as a secret, never to be linked with the Cuban missile agreement.” He paused, gave Dobrynin time to absorb the full meaning.
“Mr. Attorney General, this is important information. I am grateful to receive it.”
“President Kennedy wishes to resolve the problems that confront us in Europe and Southeast Asia. He wishes to move forward on the control of nuclear weapons. However, we can make progress on those matters only when this crisis in Cuba is behind us. Sir, time is running out. We have only a few more hours before the vital decision will be made to remove the missiles sites from Cuba by force. We must have your answer by tomorrow. You may wonder if there are generals among us, who are prepared, who are itching for a fight. Surely you have such men in Moscow. Those passions are very real, and frankly, sir, we must both consider them terrifying.”
Dobrynin looked down, and Bobby could see the acknowledgment on his face, though he knew Dobrynin would never admit it. After a silent moment, Dobrynin said, “I should like to contact Moscow.”
Bobby’s mind rolled with the words … do it now. But protocol had to be maintained. Dobrynin recognized the meeting had concluded, and he stood.
“Mr. Attorney General, allow me to take your leave.”
He turned, moved back through the office, one hand reaching out, a slow stroke of the tiger’s head.