Mary McLeod Bethune’s Call for the Inclusion of Black Women During World War II
ASHLEY ROBERTSON PRESTON
She [Mary McLeod Bethune] came out there and talked to us and told us that they [The War Department] did not want us in this service in the first place, so we had to set an example. And we did.
—Brenda Lee Moore, 1996
On September 30, 2016, Solange Knowles released an album titled A Seat at the Table, which became one of the most talked about albums of 2016. Huffington Post called the work “a beautiful statement about what it means to be Black while acknowledging how the world makes it hard to celebrate life in a Black body” (Anthony, 2016). The younger sister of Beyoncé found a way to carve out her own unique space in the world of music. In her own words she states that the album is a “project on identity, empowerment, independence, grief and healing” (Johnston, 2016). Within the content of the lyrics she expresses social commentary on the state of Black America, a celebration of Black culture and self-assertion. The title A Seat at the Table sounds simple, but its interpretation is much deeper. Over the course of African American history, women have often had to create space where there was none. When no one offered a seat, they found their own. Studying the life of Mrs. Mary McLeod Bethune, one finds that just as Solange demanded a seat, Mrs. Bethune demanded the same not only for herself but also for Black women as a whole. Bethune once said:
By the very force of circumstances, the part she has played in the progress has been of necessity to a certain extent subtle and indirect. She has not always been permitted a place in the front ranks where she could show her face and make her voice heard with effect. But she has been quick to seize every opportunity, which presented itself to come more and more into the open and strive directly for the uplift of the race and nation. In that direction, her achievements have been amazing. (Torricelli, 1999, 105–106)
It is in this statement that Bethune expressed how Black women were not always allowed in certain spaces but found ways to insert themselves despite resistance. Throughout her life, Bethune would often insert herself into situations in which most women were not allowed. Born in 1875 in rural South Carolina to formerly enslaved parents, Mary McLeod Bethune rose from very humble beginnings through hard work and persistence. She was the first in her family to be formally educated, and after being denied an opportunity to be a missionary in Africa she decided to become a teacher. In 1904, she traveled to Daytona Beach, Florida, with $1.50 in her pocket, and on October 3 of that same year she opened the Daytona Literary and Industrial School for the Training of Negro Girls (Hanson, 2003).
At the height of her career, Bethune served as the only woman in President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Black Cabinet, and in 1923 she became president of Bethune-Cookman College at a time when men led most institutions of higher learning. In 1936, Bethune became the first Black woman to head a federal agency when she accepted the position of Director of the Division of Negro Affairs for the National Youth Administration. She also created women’s organizations such as the National Council of Negro Women to galvanize women to be involved in political and social issues in a male-dominated society. When the advent of World War II brought forth new opportunities for women in the workforce, Bethune seized this opportunity to fight for defense jobs, military positions, and recognition of the achievements of Black women.
In 1939, World War II began between European and Asian powers while the United States maintained its neutrality. It wasn’t until the Japanese attacked Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, that the United States joined the allied forces and officially entered the war. Doris “Dorie” Miller fought during the attack on Pearl Harbor, manning a machine gun and saving the lives of some of his fellow troops by taking them to safety. Shortly after, he was awarded the Navy Cross for bravery, as he proved that Black soldiers were not only necessary but also dedicated to the protection of the United States. When the United States entered the war, Black troops served in France, Great Britain, and Tunisia, risking their lives far from home. As they fought to end the terrorist fascist reign of Adolf Hitler, they also decided it was time to end the reign of terror known as Jim Crow.
On January 31, 1942, cafeteria worker James G. Thompson wrote a letter to the editor of the Pittsburgh Courier on the subject of the War and asked, “Should I sacrifice my life to live half American?” (Thompson, 1942). Like many Black men, Thompson was concerned about both the possibilities of being drafted and how his sacrifice would affect his community. At a time when African Americans faced prejudice, segregation, and disenfranchisement at home, fighting abroad for the freedom of unknown constituents of fascist countries was illogical for many. In his letter, Thomas questioned whether democracy would come to the Black community as a result of the war. The allied forces of the war had taken on the slogan “V for Victory” to represent victory against the enemies. In keeping with the “V” symbol, Thompson called for a “double V” campaign in which “[t]he first V for victory over our enemies from without, the second V for victory over our enemies within” (Thompson, 1942). Thompson linked Black participation in the war as a war on two fronts, hoping that if they proved their loyalty to fighting the causes of America, then in turn America would honor the sacrifice of its soldiers by committing to equality and democracy.
As the war continued, the African American press, particularly Chicago Defender and Pittsburgh Courier promoted the ideals of the “Double V” campaign and criticized the United States for its hypocritical stance against fascism. The press was so influential in rallying African Americans that FBI head J. Edgar Hoover “believed that elements of the Double V campaign were seditious and therefore violated the Espionage and Smith acts” (Copeland, 2010, 7). In response, an agreement was made between African American newspapers and the government to lessen the combativeness of the articles, but the campaign continued. Throughout World War II, African Americans strategically linked the need to eliminate the evils of Jim Crow with the need to end fascism across the world, confirming their roles as international activists.
Although the bombing of Pearl Harbor marked a turning point in the involvement of America in the war, Bethune was well aware of the opportunities for advancement of women that had already become available. Many of those opportunities were not inclusive of Black women, nor did they consider them to be candidates. She wrote President Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1940, urging him to consider Black women for defense-related jobs: “I offer my own services without reservation, and urge you, in the planning and work which lies ahead, to make such use of the services of qualified Negro women” (McCluskey & Smith, 1999, 174) As president of the National Council of Negro Women, one of the largest women’s organizations at the time, she represented member organizations including the National Association of Graduate Nurses, National Iota Phi Lambda Sorority, Inc., and Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Inc. Her letter to the president was the voice of Black women from around the United States.
After the December 7, 1941, attack on Pearl Harbor, the United States became fully immersed in the war. Due to the promotion of John Thompson’s call for “Double Victory” throughout African American newspapers and the media, African Americans also became involved in the war, both on the front line as soldiers and in defense-related jobs. Although the campaign caught on, some remained skeptical about how the war would actually help African Americans. However, Bethune saw the war as an opportunity for the advancement of African Americans and promoted the war through NCNW and was a strong advocate for women’s involvement.
At a time when men were going off to war by the thousands, Representative Edith Nourse Rogers of Massachusetts introduced a bill to Congress to create the Women’s Army Auxiliary Corps Act (WAAC) in May 1941. The act would “create a voluntary enrollment program for women to join the U.S. Army in a noncombat capacity” (Wasniewski, 2006, 73) in positions such as clerical workers, cooks, phone operators, and medical-related jobs. Doing so would allow more men to be on the front line and free from noncombat positions. One year later, on May 14, 1942, the act became a bill, and the following day President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed it into law, making Oveta Culp Hobby the first director.
Behind the scenes it was Bethune who fought for the inclusion of African American women as WAAC members. In her 2011 memoir, Justice Older Than the Law, former WAAC officer Dovey Johnson Roundtree recalled watching Bethune meet with First Lady Roosevelt in attempts to get “her girls” involved in the war.1 Roosevelt was leery about having African American women serve alongside white women, but Bethune did not back down. Roundtree wrote: “Watching Dr. Bethune fight so hard over so many months for a place for Black women in the military, I came to the conclusion that for all my reservations and fears, I couldn’t turn away from her challenge” (McCabe & Roundtree, 2009, 52). It was due to Bethune’s continued persistence that the first class of officers for the WAAC began their July 1942 training in Des Moines, Iowa, with approximately 39 African American female officers in their number. Approximately 10.6% of the WAAC’s members were to be African American women, and in its early phase Bethune saw to it that the number was fulfilled.
Bethune became a special assistant to Secretary of War Harry L. Stimson and was responsible for handpicking the first 40 members of WAAC. In choosing the members, she picked women who were college educated and whom she felt would best represent the race. She went throughout the United States recruiting on college campuses to find women to serve. On the first day of training, Bethune met the women in Des Moines and checked out the facilities to ensure that the women were in livable conditions (Hobby, 1942). Remembering the sobering effect of Bethune’s visit, Roundtree wrote, “[s]he gathered her girls about her … and reminded us of our place in history” (McCabe & Johnson, 2009, 57). She also wrote that “Dr. Bethune transformed the atmosphere of those uneasy hours with a few carefully chosen words” (McCabe & Johnson, 2009, 57). Bethune didn’t just throw the women into action; she paid a personal visit to ensure their safety and give them a boost of confidence. Over the years she would be a supporter of the women and a confidante in whom they could call on.
Bethune was also concerned about the general welfare of soldiers abroad and pushed for NCNW to be on the advisory council on soldiers’ welfare. In a letter to Stimson published in the Atlanta Daily World, Bethune advised the general: “We still seek this end and urge upon you that Negro representation be included in this advisory council and in all future plans” (McCluskey & Smith, 1999, 174–175). In her protest, Bethune also reiterated the connections between inclusion of African Americans and democracy. She often told the government that African Americans receiving equal treatment and equal opportunities was a vital extension of American democracy. By 1943, NCNW was represented by Dorothy Porter as a member of the Advisory Council for the Women’s Interests Section. The organization was formed to inform women about the welfare of soldiers and to distribute information about soldier’s health, available recreational activities, and information on how women could contribute to the war. With Bethune and NCNW’s involvement, the women asserted themselves into every aspect of the war. The first 39 African American women to go into the Corps were the first women to serve in the military other than nurses. Previous to their arrival, all military members had been men. For the women, it was a scary, yet historic time. In Roundtree’s text she recalled explaining her desire to enlist in WAAC despite her grandmother and mother, who “regarded the military with fear” (McCabe & Johnson, 2009, 56). WAAC’s members and their families did not know what to expect. As a recruiter and advisor, Bethune used her organization to calm the fears of African Americans. In the 1942 anniversary pre-conference issue of Aframerican Women’s Journal, NCNW featured the WAAC. In the article “The W.A.A.C.—The Girl Who Wouldn’t Be Left Behind,” the journal emphasized the historical significance of the Corps, featured information about Director Oveta Culp Hobby, and provided an outline of the typical daily requirements of a WAAC member. The article also featured the names and contact information for the women who graduated from the officer’s training school, encouraging NCNW to communicate with the women. Overall, the journal also updated the community on the conditions of the women of the Corps.
The women of the WAAC made a significant contribution to the winning of the war, and many of their roles gave more men the opportunity to serve in combat. In her book When the Nation was in Need: Blacks in the Women’s Army Corps During World War II, former WAAC officer Margaret Settle Putney recalls the numerous jobs that women worked in during the war, including typists, clerks, telephone operators, librarians, nurses’ aides, and laboratory technicians. Although many positions were available, the women found themselves having to fight to gain them, and Bethune had to persist in ensuring that the women were not selected to be WAACs in name only. Many thought that the Black women could not be useful in winning the war, including Major George F. Martin. According to Putney, “Martin said that his visit to the field installations revealed that some commanders ‘are at a loss to determine how’ Black personnel can be used” (1992, 74). Martin’s leadership role as the control divisions director meant that his observations were not taken lightly; however, due to the suggestions of higher authorities, Black WAAC members were still given positions in the field.
Although she is often given little credit for her instrumental role behind the scenes of the WAAC, Bethune fought not only for their inclusion but for equal treatment; it is due to her persistence that the women were given active roles in the Corps. She visited WAAC sites, served as a listening ear to officers, and continued to push for a completely integrated military. After touring Fort Des Moines in Iowa and Camp Crowder in Missouri, she put forth nine suggestions, including full integration, opening occupations then closed to Black WAACs, and the abolishment of all-Black regiments (Moore, 1996, 54).
WAAC women served not only in the Corps in the United States, but also abroad. Under the leadership of Major Charity Adams Early, the 6888th Central Postal Directory Battalion was the only battalion of Black women to go overseas during World War II. Stationed in Birmingham, England, and Rouen, France, the battalion sorted and delivered mail to soldiers. This task was single-handedly one of the most important in the war because it was the only way that the soldiers were able to communicate with their families. Soldiers waited for letters of good cheer to give them hope while fighting on the battle lines, while families awaited responses to assure their loved ones were still alive. The 6888th Battalion played a major role in keeping the morale of soldiers up during the war.
Bethune was in full support of America’s position in World War II and encouraged African Americans to get involved in war efforts. In a speech “What Are We Fighting For?” she acknowledged the “hindrances” that kept African Americans from fully participating but urged them to continue to fight because “full democracy hinges upon the outcome of this war” (McCluskey & Smith, 1999, 247). She also reminded white America that they too had the duty of “removing obstacles” to ensure that African Americans could fully participate in the war. As the president of NCNW, Bethune fully involved the organization in war efforts. On June 3, 1945, the S.S. Harriet Tubman was launched and became the first Liberty Ship to be named after an African American woman. Previous Liberty Ships had been named after African American men, including Frederick Douglass and Booker T. Washington.
For Bethune and NCNW, the ship made a vital statement to the United States and to the world that African American women were willing to work to be included in the war, and also that they wanted to be recognized as equals. Funds to revamp the ship were raised solely by members of NCNW. By September 1944, the organization had passed a fundraising goal of selling $2,000,000 in war bonds and “[a] total of $3,452,361.75 bond purchases were credited to the drive” (“$3,452,000 Bonds for S.S. Tubman,” 1944). Over the course of the year, the organization called on its member organizations, including sororities and professional organizations, to assist in selling United States War Bonds. By August 1944, the Los Angeles chapter of NCNW had surpassed their goal of $10,000 by $7,500 by selling bonds; all across the United States, other organizations were doing the same (Chicago Defender, 1944). The organization also used Aframerican Journal to advertise the sale of bonds as a way to communicate the significance of the ship with members.
During the launch of the ship, Tubman’s family members, including her grandniece, attended the event. The women had accomplished an historic feat. The S.S. Harriet Tubman made history for African American women—not only as the first ship to be named after an African American woman, but as the only ship to be named after an African American woman during World War II. Out of 2,751 ships built during the war, only 17 were named after African Americans. Liberty Ships were used to take vital goods and cargo to soldiers fighting abroad. For NCNW, it was befitting to name the ship that would assist in liberation from fascism and racism after a woman who had brought hundreds of enslaved to freedom. The S.S. Harriet Tubman was one of the ways that the NCNW insured that the participation of Black women during World War II was recognized, and that the world understood their historic contributions.
On November 15, 1942, the Women’s Army for National Defense (WAND) was founded by Lovonia Brown to serve as a volunteer organization in support of the efforts of World War II. Its motto, “We Too Serve America,” was a declaration to serve against the odds. At the time, most predominantly white organizations, including the Red Cross and the Office of Civilian Defense, had not allowed Black women to serve in leadership or prominent roles. WAND was created by Black women to fulfill their patriotic duties on their own terms, and so that “Negro women would not always be relegated to the lowest positions where all of the hard work was done but with little glory” (Taylor, 1943). Lovonia Brown had previously been active in the clubwomen’s movement in Chicago, and shortly after the founding of the organization she invited Bethune to serve as the First Officer in Command and General. Brown served as the Lieutenant General.
Bethune took the helm as General and diligently worked with WAND to create strategies to assist not only during but also after the war. WAND was well organized under her leadership and took the job of supporting the war seriously. In September of 1944, the organization hosted its first annual conference in Chicago, where its national office was located (“Mary McLeod Bethune selected chair,” 1943). By this time there were 26 chapters of WAND in 14 states, including California, Mississippi, Virginia, Minnesota and New York. Each chapter was named after historic Black women, including Mary McLeod Bethune, Harriet Tubman, Sojourner Truth, and Hattie McDaniel. A “Miss Wand” was also selected after raising over $136 dollars for war bonds. Each member was given a uniform, which was quite similar to the WAAC’s military uniform.
At the conference, reports presented on WAND activities, demonstrating that the organization had taken vigorous efforts to support the war. The women sent toys to the children of soldiers overseas, sent care packages to soldiers in their local areas, organized food/clothing drives to send to European allies, and raised money to purchase war bonds. Colonel Willa Alston was awarded the Silver Award from the Department of Treasury for her individual fundraising efforts. To support women, WAND sponsored housing in Chicago (Irma Clayton Barracks) for women working in defense-related jobs and WAACs in need of housing (Litoff & Smith, 1997, 161). In 1945, when the war was coming to a close, the organization shifted its efforts toward postwar support and required every member to have a social service division with “an advisory council to aid soldiers, their families and dependents” (Taylor, 1945). WAND chapters also provided information about the GI Bill for returning veterans and gathered information on housing and employment to assist with the transition back into civilian life. By the end of 1946, many of WAND’s activities started slowly coming to an end, but their work during the war had provided critical resources for military men and their families.
Scholar Ruth Lupton states that “[s]ocial justice in education demands, at the very minimum, that all students should have access to schools of the same quality” (2005, 589). Although the article highlights Bethune’s work as an advocate for women during World War II, her demand for equality begun in her role as an educator. She consistently brought attention to the state of Florida for shortchanging its African American citizens in the area of funding for students. During a 1937 Bethune-Cookman College (B-CC) fundraising drive in New York, she alerted her audience of the unfair policies of the Sunshine State. According to Cleveland G. Allen’s article in the Chicago Defender,
[Bethune] stated that Florida spends $63.00 per capital on the education of a white child and less than $8.00 upon a race child. She told of the difficulty under which many of the children of Florida get an education, and said that one third of schools where Race children attend are without water and other modern conveniences. (Chicago Defender, 1937)
Bethune assured that the facts fell upon the ears of those who could help her, including Mrs. James Roosevelt (mother of President Franklin D. Roosevelt), former United States Senator Frederic C. Walcott, and New York State judge James Watson. It was in instances such as this that Bethune called wealthy whites to shift resources to her students so that they too could be educated. For her, it was access to resources that would be the vehicle to justice. She positioned herself among people who could do something about the issue and made a call to action. She was able to raise $207,482 during the fundraising drive, allowing her to provide invaluable opportunities for her students.
In 1936, President Franklin D. Roosevelt appointed Bethune to serve as the head of the Negro Affairs Division for the National Youth Administration (NYA). The NYA was part of Roosevelt’s larger New Deal Program, which sought to stabilize the economic situation of Americans during the Great Depression. NYA was geared toward job creation and job training for youth aged 16 to 24. Again, Bethune used this position to bring attention to the needs of African Americans, pressing for more funds than the federal government had intended to give. After her first year, “an increase of $56,000 in NYA grants for race graduate students was approved and the number of Race students receiving NYA aid was increased from 26,000 to more than 35,000” (Chicago Defender, 1937). She also led the National Conference on the Problems of the Negro and Negro Youth to gain insight on where funds could be best used and delivered the reports of the conference to President Roosevelt.
As she worked tirelessly advocating for women during the War Bethune retired from her role as president of B-CC in 1942 (although she returned for the 1946–47 school year) but she continued to work to eliminate economic equalities, particularly amongst Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). On April 25, 1944, Tuskegee Institute president Dr. Frederick D. Patterson and Bethune organized the United Negro College Fund (UNCF). Ultimately Bethune leveraged relationships with influential persons including President Franklin D. Roosevelt and John D. Rockefeller to garner support for UNCF. The organization sought to “appeal to the national conscience” and raise needed funds for its HBCU partners. Bethune relied on relationships formed during her work with the Roosevelt Administration and her position as president of the National Council of Negro Women to attract donors. The organization did well. In fact, “On its first drive, UNCF organization raised $760,000 (equating to over $8,000,000 in 2015). By November 1944, the fund raised $901,812, almost reaching its goal of $1,500,000.” (Robertson, 2015, 37) Again, Bethune was able to shift resources to schools that were in dire need, thereby providing more access in hopes that it would equate to justice. In 2017 the UNCF is still a thriving organization that provides education for underserved students who might not otherwise have received it.
In her chapter “Developing a Liberatory Consciousness,” Dr. Barbara J. Love examines the first step toward social justice as one that starts with individuals rising above internalized behaviors. She states:
To be effective as a liberation worker—that is, one who is committed to changing systems and institutions characterized by oppression to create greater equity and social justice—a crucial step is the development of a liberatory consciousness. A liberatory consciousness enables humans to live their lives in oppressive systems and institutions with awareness and intentionality, rather than one the basis of socialization to which they have been subjected. A liberatory consciousness enables humans to maintain an awareness of the dynamics of oppression characterizing society without giving in to despair and hopelessness about that condition. (quoted in Adams, 2000, 470)
Mary McLeod Bethune was born in 1875 in the rural town of Mayesville, South Carolina. As a child she picked cotton and witnessed Black farmers being treated unjustly as they sought payment for their services. At an early age, something happened to her that she would never forget; one could argue the incident was a turning point and perhaps the moment that her liberatory consciousness was developed. In 1940 at the age of 65, Mrs. Bethune recounted a story of going to her mother’s white employer’s home and being discouraged from reading.
I picked up one of the books … and one of the girls said to me “You can’t read that—put that down. I will show you some pictures over here,” and when she said to me “You can’t read that—put that down” it just did something to my pride and to my heart that made me feel that some day I would read just as she was reading. I did put it down, and followed her lead and looked at the picture book that she had. But I went away from there determined to learn how to read and that some day I would master for myself just what they were getting and it was that aim that I followed. (Bethune, 1940)
For Bethune, this was the moment when she became aware of her possible limitations, and decided she would not allow them to defeat her. She became committed to changing her position in life; not long after, she became the first in her family to attend school. In the interview she recounted how on her first day of class she thought back to the moment of being told she could not read, stating “I felt that I was on my way to read and it was one of the incentives that fired me in my determination to read” (Bethune, 1940). She not only gained education for herself, but she later used her arithmetic skills in the community to assist farmers in getting fair pay. Growing up in a segregated environment, walking 5 miles to school, Bethune developed a liberatory consciousness that would allow her to rise beyond the oppressive systems set before her. She was intentional not only about gaining education but also using her education to assist others—this became her motivation as an educator and activist. Bethune fought for social justice not because it came easily to her but because she had decided she wasn’t going to allow societal norms to dictate her future.
Recent books by historians have continued to keep Bethune’s activism as a clubwoman and educator alive. Mary McLeod Bethune in Washington: Activism and Education in Washington, DC (2013) and Mary McLeod Bethune in Florida: Bringing Social Justice to the Sunshine State (2015) both address how Bethune effectively strategized to shift resources to African Americans to eliminate social inequality. A Forgotten Sisterhood: Pioneering Black Women Educators and Activists in the Jim Crow South (2014) identifies how Bethune and her contemporaries used education as a means of fighting discrimination and inequality. In all three texts, Bethune’s role as a key factor in the social justice movement is highlighted.
One of the key goals of social justice education is to “enable people to develop the critical analytical tools necessary to understand oppression and their own socialization within oppressive systems and to develop a sense of agency and capacity to interrupt and change oppressive patterns and behaviors in themselves” (Mthethwa-Sommers, 2014, 10).
Essentially, social justice education will empower people to create change. An examination of social justice education would be remiss if it didn’t include purveyors of liberatory consciousness, including Bethune. While this article focuses on her involvement in the military, Bethune was a dedicated educator for nearly 40 years. From the inception of her school, she was clear that she would not allow the environment that surrounded her students to stifle their education. Even when KKK members marched around her school, she did not allow herself to be defeated; in fact, her school’s enrollment continued to grow thereafter. For one to act as an agent of social justice, historical connections must be made to those like Bethune to identify lessons and teachable strategies. Social justice relies on those who are willing to go beyond the socialization for which they’re accustomed to in order to seek equality, be it for themselves or for others. In studying the actions of Bethune and her willingness to ignore the naysayers and the doors shut due to segregation, she can be seen as a clear example of what a liberatory consciousness can lead to.
In May of 2016 President Barack Obama nominated Admiral Michelle Howard to serve as the head of U.S. Naval Forces in Europe and Africa. In 2014, Howard became the Navy’s highest-ranking female officer and the first woman to become a four-star admiral. Her trailblazing path also includes becoming the first Black woman to command a Navy ship in 1999. Currently, Black women are joining the military in record numbers: “Black women now constitute nearly one-third of all women in the U.S. military. At around 30 percent, this number is twice their representation in the civilian population and higher than that of men or women of any other racial or ethnic group” (Melin, 2016, 1). Considering the high rates, one would think it would not have taken the navy over 230 years to promote a Black woman to its top position. Although the navy was founded in 1775, they did not recruit Black men until 1942.
The struggle for equality in the military has been continuous for Black women, and it all started with Bethune’s demand for women’s inclusion in World War II. She inserted Black women into a conversation in which they had previously been ignored; she rallied women to create their own spaces to carry out patriotic duties as American citizens. The pressure that Bethune put on the WAAC to accept Black women was a demand for social justice through opportunities that would lead to a permanent place for Black women in the military. Although only 39 women were initially allowed in the WAAC, their participation was groundbreaking—today, women such as Admiral Howard stand on the shoulders of Mary McLeod Bethune.
The efforts of NCNW to give credence to Harriet Tubman as a symbol of liberation inserted her name into war efforts by promoting her on a global level. The work of WAND provided resources in a segregated society for Black military men who may not have otherwise received anything. Overall, the organizations that Bethune worked with leveled the distribution of historic opportunities, created equality where there once was none, and raised women into leadership positions that transcended gender. When a seat at the table was not presented to her, Mary McLeod Bethune pulled up her own chair, leading to the inclusion of Black women even today.
1.This is the same Dovey Roundtree featured in this volume’s Chapter 8.
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