On the surface, this book is about cartomancy, the art of divination through the use of cards. I focus on two particular decks: the tarot and the Lenormand, decks of divination cards based on playing cards. I wanted to approach the Lenormand this way because it is little-known in the United States, but the tarot is familiar to many people. I wanted to use the tarot as a gateway into the Lenormand, which I have found a rewarding system in its own right. At the same time, I wished to say some modestly new things about the tarot and to provide some ways to use the two systems together that have proven useful to me personally. The universal symbolism of the Lenormand, so accessible and simple, can shine a clear light on the tarot, and the complex cosmology and philosophy of the tarot can lend depth and meaning to the Lenormand. That is one level of what I am trying to accomplish with this book.
Read at another level, this is a book about types of knowledge and ways of listening. The idea that random pieces of cardboard can tell the future seems absurd. And yet, after years of experimenting, I conclude that they can at least forecast (if not predict) with as much accuracy as the meteorologist. So this book serves as a meditation on the strangeness of that worldview and the wonder of it.
The traditional approach to the Lenormand is to lay out a list of meanings for the cards, both singly and in combination with each other. Different countries—and, to be honest, different readers—all have slight differences in what particular cards mean, and some readers will even argue about the “right” meaning of a card. This traditional approach is not my own. I respect it as an approach, and I certainly respect the tradition. But tradition is not monolithic; it is not an unchanging monument that we must just salute. I approach the cards with a more postmodern spirit, seeing them as a collection of symbols that gain meaning in their relationships to each other but also in their relationships to those who use them. A simple list of meanings, while useful for some, is not this book’s goal. I respect and honor the traditions of Lenormand reading, but this is not an entirely traditional book.
Similarly, this book is only secondarily a how-to book. You can learn to read the Lenormand, and to some extent, the tarot from it, but I am assuming some knowledge of tarot and a willingness to work with the Lenormand. This is not just a book about how to lay out Lenormand cards and read them; it is a book about how to develop a relationship with these fascinating cards. And like most relationships, it requires work and care and listening. My method is not, therefore, to prescribe recipes for reading the cards, but to give suggestions for how to approach them and learn to read them organically.
The Skeptical Cartomancer
Believe it or not, I am a skeptic. Such a label might be odd for an author of occult books. But I am a skeptic in the older sense of the word; I find it hard to believe on hearsay alone. I need data—either scientific data or personal experience—to believe a claim is true. Moreover, I always keep in mind the alternate ways of interpreting data: my divinations may be self-delusions, my religious experiences hallucinations, my neighbors figments of my imagination. But in general, as I trust that my neighbors exist (and a good thing, too, since I need to feed their cat tomorrow morning), I also trust that the many startling predictions I have made with the tarot, the Lenormand, and other systems are actual predictions and not just a trick of my self-deluding mind.
At its root, divination is about knowledge. There are two ways to think about knowledge. First, we can imagine that knowledge is a thing that enters our head through observation of the external or physical world: this view of knowledge is called externalism. Or we can imagine that we build knowledge in our minds as a response not just to external sensory input but also our previous knowledge, our inner landscape, and perhaps even other unconscious forces. This model of knowledge is called constructivism, and it is the model of knowledge I prefer and will assume in this book. The constructivist approach is another way this book differs from the traditional approach to the Lenormand, which is largely externalist.
We build knowledge by linking symbols together in patterns. The more complex the pattern, the more complex the knowledge. Of course, some patterns give us no useful knowledge about the world, but these patterns may have value beyond their usefulness. An artist, for example, creates patterns that don’t actually accomplish anything, but are worthwhile as beautiful objects.
A pattern is “useful” when it tells us something about other patterns of symbols we observe: when it predicts how those patterns will fall out or explains their organization. So an equation describing the motions of the planets is useful because it allows us to calculate orbits of objects we experience as external to ourselves. We interpret this kind of knowledge or pattern-making to be “scientific.”
A pattern that relates symbols to other symbols is “aesthetic.” It pleases some sense of beauty in our own minds, and while it may tell us truths or make predictions, those truths are not observer-independent and those predictions are not unchangeable. Art, music, and poetry create these aesthetic patterns.
Magic—and I include cartomancy in that category—combines these two approaches. Magic erases the line between inner and outer experience, between consciousness and seemingly external matter. So magic offers another way of organizing knowledge, without sacrificing the obvious benefits of scientific thinking. Magic is about thinking flexibly.
Critics of divination sometimes argue that humans detect patterns in random material, and there is no guarantee that such a pattern is “really there.” For example, from one angle a rock formation on Mars looks startlingly like a face. The pictures of this formation led to debate about whether or not the formation is an artifact, but later pictures have shown that, from other angles, there is not anything startling about the formation at all. We like to perceive patterns and we notice even patterns that are not really there. We don’t even have to look at Mars for examples: we can see a unicorn in the clouds that isn’t really there.
But what does that mean, “not really there”? For one thing, the term “pattern” is only meaningful when applied to stuff that we experience. A bunch of stuff doesn’t form a pattern until we detect a pattern in it. To detect a pattern is to create one, and so any pattern we detect is really there by definition. There may not be a face on Mars or a unicorn in the clouds, but there is the image of a face and a unicorn once I see one. The existence of a pattern does not necessarily imply an intelligence placed it there, or that it is an artifact, or even that the pattern really means anything. But that we perceive a pattern tells us something about our minds. The face on Mars wasn’t made by anyone and doesn’t necessarily mean anything about Mars itself, but it does tell us a bit about what we hope to find when we look at other bodies in space: we hope to find ourselves. I think that’s a valuable thing to understand, even if it is just our natural tendency to see patterns everywhere.
People do have a tendency to see patterns and experience a sense of meaningfulness. Psychologists call this apophenia, which is the perception of meanings in random data. For example, we could say that the names of the constellations come from seeing patterns among them that are not there. An astronomer will tell you that the stars in any given constellation are not even anywhere near each other; they only appear to be related from the viewpoint of those living on Earth. An astronomer will tell you, that contrary to the beliefs of astrologers, in reality, the constellations are meaningless and random.
And yet, astronomers still learn the names and locations of the constellations, although they do not use them the way astrologers do (for one thing, they learn a lot more of them). Although Aries is not the willful and enthusiastic child to an astronomer, the constellation still has meaning for him or her. It’s a street sign in the sky to which the astronomer attaches meaning.
This analogy to street signs is quite apt. There’s a street in Chicago called Halsted. It’s one of my favorite streets: there are several interesting stores, a few quirky places to eat, and if you go north far enough, you end up in one of Chicago’s gay neighborhoods. To me, the word Halsted might as well as be random syllables, because I have no idea who or what Halsted might have been originally. But I, along with probably a million or so Chicagoans, have ascribed meaning to that name.
When people argue that this tendency to see patterns in random stuff explains away divination, they fail to recognize that meaning does not exist in patterns. Information does. We create meaning only by taking that information and connecting it to other patterns of information. The origin of the original information is mostly irrelevant, whether it be random or ordered. There can indeed be meaning in random information (ask any surrealist artist) and ordered information can lack meaning, because meaning is entirely and completely a matter of perception. To see meaning is to create meaning.
A more useful distinction might be whether or not that meaning is useful. Does it fit with our other experiences to help us understand something in a new way? Or, from an externalist perspective, is it true? Some meanings are not useful: it’s probably not useful to argue that the face on Mars represents an artifact. We cannot fit that meaning into a pattern of similar meaning: in other words, we see no other evidence for artifacts on Mars. If we did, perhaps it would be helpful to imagine the face as an artifact. Similarly, if we decide that we can’t leave the house because we saw a black cat, the meaning we give to that event isn’t particularly useful. It’s superstition, not divination.
I’m not arguing that anything goes when it comes to knowledge, and that everything is true. Some claims are false (by which I mean profoundly unusual and incongruent with most people’s experiences), and some people are delusional. The scientific method offers a way to weed through many claims about the physical world and evaluate them. But it cannot investigate a lot of questions that matter very much: love, beauty, and meaning. For that we need other systems of knowledge, built out of symbols and shared cultural experiences.
It’s easy to dismiss entire areas of human experience as what militant skeptics call “woo-woo.” It requires a bit more intellectual courage and rigor to consider every pattern on its own merits. Ultimately, we must rely on experience, because that is all we have. There is no pure reason, and never can be, because our material for reason always comes through our senses. We can create systems of knowledge such as science to help us organize and evaluate meanings, but we must always keep in mind that even our systems of knowledge are invented out of our experiences. If I experience a meaning in a random pattern, I have to evaluate it by comparing it to my other experiences. If I see the tarot card the Magician, I need to think about where there is skill in my experience, and if I see the Lenormand card 2–Clover, I need to find in my experience where luck and simplicity might fit.
I am becoming more and more convinced that divinatory patterns are not always random. While I do not think that science is well suited to investigate magic, there are statistical techniques that can help identify whether a signal is meaningful or not. Essentially, these techniques involve clustering of data. If a seemingly random collection of data—say, a string of letters—contains information, you can expect a sample of that data to repeat itself to a statistically significant degree. For example, in English, if I give you the letter Q and ask you what letter might follow it, you will know that it is very likely to be U. Or if I ask you to complete the sentence “the very happy ____ played with his new toy,” you’ll probably fill in the blank with “boy,” “child,” or “puppy,” but probably not with “sandwich” or “toaster.” You can predict, statistically, what is likely to come next, because language isn’t random.
The problem with this kind of analysis of divination is acquiring a good sample of divinations to analyze. Ideally, the sample should be all on the same topic by the same diviner. It’d be tricky to find a reader who reads about the same topics over and over again. Also, the sample—the number of readings—needs to be large enough to be significant. For this kind of analysis, I’d like at least thirty different readings, all on the same topic by the same diviner. The point here is not to dive into the endlessly fascinating world of statistical analysis, but to show how hard it would be to apply those tools to the practice of divination.
On the other hand, a lot of tarot card readers draw a single card for meditation and divination at the beginning of the day. Those readers who record the card they draw create a data set that is uniquely suited to this kind of analysis. Jane English, a scientist who became interested in the tarot, performed a kind of statistical analysis called a “chi-squared” test to investigate whether or not particular readers’ daily cards were truly statistically random. What she discovered is that to a very high level of significance, the cards chosen by readers tend to cluster into nonrandom patterns.1 She took her own readings and analyzed the number of times each card appeared. By chance, you would expect a daily draw to spread out over time, so that cards are more or less evenly represented. What she discovered is that certain cards, ones having to do with her concerns, showed up much more often. When she duplicated the experiment by drawing numbered and meaningless cards, they were distributed randomly.
English’s research has not, to my knowledge, been published in a peer-reviewed journal. Nor is it likely to be. As much as I approve of and respect the peer review process and the scientific method, I know very well that research like English’s, which calls into question the fundamental preconceptions of science, is unlikely to see peer reviewed publication. One common critique of paranormal research is that it requires much more evidence than other results simply because it does call into question the preconceptions of science. I doubt that even the best constructed experiment or analysis that shows divination works will get much respect from the scientific community for the foreseeable future.
Leaving aside statistical analysis and scientific validation, the real question we have to ask ourselves when we divine is, do I know something I did not know before? If so, the divination is a success. And in order to evaluate that new knowledge, we have to have a firm and unwavering commitment to honest introspection: we must have the courage to look at ourselves.
The epigraph of this book is a fragment of Heraclitus, number 93, in which he says, “The Lord whose oracle is at Delphi neither speaks clearly nor conceals, but signifies.” The lord of the oracle at Delphi is Apollo, the god of divination. The meaning of this fragment, like most of the fragments of Heraclitus, isn’t entirely obvious, but I’ve always been intrigued by the amazing degree of sophistication revealed in it. This statement sounds like something a modern scholar of symbols might say about a modern poem, but Heraclitus lived about 500 BCE.
This book isn’t just a list of card meanings and spreads, then, but an exploration of how these systems of divination manage to neither speak nor keep silent, but signify, and how the mind reacts to such symbols to build knowledge out of the seemingly random patterns of pieces of cardboard. There’s nothing wrong with books listing card meanings and spreads, and those books certainly exist and are helpful and useful. And a traditional approach to the Lenormand would be just that: a list of meanings and combinations and how to read a few spreads. This book is a nontraditional approach exploring not just how to read the cards but how reading those cards changes our perception of knowledge and ultimately our lives.
The eighteenth century was the golden age of cartomancy: from it come two systems, the tarot and the Lenormand, and as we’ll see in the early chapters of this book, each of these systems reflects one of the dominant philosophical schools of thought of the time. The tarot was reworked to reflect Neoclassical Neoplatonism, especially as it was understood in the Renaissance; the Lenormand was invented to reflect the new Romantic sensibility, honoring the power of nature and the individual. In later chapters, we will explore not only the theories of divination but the methods and procedures. We’ll end with a discussion of the use of divination systems to create change in the world, to perform magic.
1. Jane English, “A Scientist’s Experience with Tarot,” Wheel of the Tarot: A New Revolution, ed. James Wanless and Angeles Arrien (Carmel, CA: Merrill-West Publishing, 1992), 16-23.