Whenever possible, references to English translations of Arabic texts are provided for the convenience of Western readers.
The Reverend Franklin Graham made his comments regarding Islam on November 16, 2002, while appearing on the NBC Nightly News. “We’re not attacking Islam, but Islam has attacked us,” he said. “The God of Islam is not the same God. He’s not the son of God of the Christian or Judeo-Christian faith. It’s a different God, and I believe it [Islam] is a very evil and wicked religion.”
Ann Coulter’s article “This Is War: We Should Invade Their Countries” was posted on National Review Online on September 13, 2001. Jerry Vines’s speech was given at the annual Southern Baptist Convention, June 10, 2001. A text of James Inhofe’s disturbing Senate address delivered on March 4, 2002, is available at the Middle East Information Center; see http://middleeastinfo.org/article316.html.
Barry Yeoman has written a wonderful article about undercover missionaries in the Muslim world, titled “The Stealth Crusade,” in Mother Jones (May/June 2002).
My description of the pagan Ka‘ba relies on the writings of Ibn Hisham and al-Tabari, as well as The Travels of Ali Bey al-Abbasi as recounted in Michael Wolfe’s excellent collection of pilgrimage accounts, One Thousand Roads to Mecca (1997). I also suggest F. E. Peters, Mecca: A Literary History of the Muslim Holy Land (1994). For the English translation of Ibn Hisham, see Alfred Guillaume’s The Life of Muhammad (1955). For an English translation of al-Tabari, see the multivolume set edited by Ihsan Abbas et al., The History of Al-Tabari (1988).
The three hundred sixty gods in the sanctuary must be understood as a sacred, not a factual, number. Considering the small size of the Ka‘ba, it is likely that most, if not all, the idols in Mecca were originally placed outside the sanctuary, near a semicircular region called the Hijr. For more on the role and function of the Hijr see Uri Rubin’s article “The Ka’ba: Aspects of Its Ritual Function and Position in Pre-Islamic and Early Times,” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (1986). In my opinion, the best text on the subject of sacred places is still Mircea Eliade’s The Sacred and the Profane (1959); see also his The Myth of the Eternal Return (1954). The story of the “navel of the world” is treated in G. R. Hawting’s brief article “We Were Not Ordered with Entering It but Only with Circumambulating It: Hadith and Fiqh on Entering the Kaaba,” in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (1984). What little we know about the Amir tribe’s worship of dhu-Samawi is outlined in a brief article by Sheikh Ibrahim al-Qattan and Mahmud A. Ghul, “The Arabian Background of Monotheism in Islam,” in The Concept of Monotheism in Islam and Christianity, edited by Hans Kochler (1982).
An excellent discussion of paganism in the Near East before the rise of Islam can be found in Jonathan P. Berkey, The Formation of Islam (2003). See also Robert G. Hoyland, Arabia and the Arabs (2001). For a more in-depth analysis of the various religious traditions that existed in the Arabian Peninsula before the rise of Islam, I suggest Joseph Henninger’s brief article “Pre-Islamic Bedouin Religion” in Studies on Islam, edited by Martin Schwartz (1981). Despite his strict monotheism, Muhammad wholeheartedly accepted the Jinn and even gave them their own chapter in the Quran (Chapter 18). Muhammad may have equated the Jinn with some vague concept of angelology. Thus good Jinn are angels and bad Jinn, especially Iblis (Satan), who is often called a Jinn, are demons (see Quran 18:50).
An insightful discussion of the Ka‘ba’s Jewish influences can be found in G. R. Hawting’s “The Origins of the Muslim Sanctuary at Mecca,” in Studies on the First Century of Islamic Studies, edited by G.H.A. Juynboll (1982). That the traditions regarding the origins of the Ka‘ba predate Islam is, I believe, definitively demonstrated by Uri Rubin’s article “Hanafiyya and Ka’ba: An Enquiry into the Arabian Pre-Islamic Background of din Ibrahim,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (1990). A closer inspection of the traditions surrounding the Black Stone makes it clear that this was a meteor that had fallen to earth. The Arab historian Ibn Sa‘d states that when it was first discovered, “the black stone shone like the moon for the people of Mecca until the pollution of impure people caused it to go black.” Jacob’s dream can be found in Genesis 28:10–17. For more on the Jews in Arabia see Gordon Darnell Newby, A History of the Jews of Arabia (1988), especially pp. 49–55. For more on the relationship between the Kahin and Kohen, see applicable entries in The Encyclopedia of Islam.
Some examples of the Quran’s use of explicit Christian imagery include its mention of the “trumpets” that will herald the Last Judgment (6:73; 18:99; 23:101; etc.), the fiery damnation awaiting sinners in hell (104:6–9), and the vision of paradise as a garden (2:25), though the latter may have its origins in Iranian religious traditions. A deeper study of this connection can be found in John Wansbrough, Quranic Studies: Source and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation (1977) and H.A.R. Gibb’s regrettably titled but extremely informative book Mohammedanism (1970). For more general comments on the influence of Christianity in the Arabian Peninsula see Richard Bell, The Origins of Islam in Its Christian Environment (1968). The story of Baqura can be found in al-Tabari, p. 1135, and also in the chronicles of al-Azraqi as quoted in Peters, Mecca. Note that the Quranic claim that it was not Jesus, but another in his semblance, who was crucified echoes similar Monophysite, as well as Gnostic, beliefs regarding Jesus’ divine nature. Some other tribes known to have converted to Christianity are the Taghlib, the Bakr ibn Wa’il, and the Banu Hanifa.
It is unclear exactly when Zarathustra preached his faith. Dates of the Prophet range from the purely mythical (8000 B.C.) to the eve of the Iranian Kingdom (seventh century B.C.). I believe the most logical date for the birth of Zoroastrianism is c. 1100–1000 B.C. See my article “Thus Sprang Zarathustra: A Brief Historiography on the Date of the Prophet of Zoroastrianism,” in Jusur (1998–99). The influence of Zoroastrian eschatology can be seen quite clearly in Jewish apocalyptic movements such as that of the Essenes (or whoever is responsible for the Dead Sea Scrolls), who developed a complicated eschatology in which the sons of light battle the sons of darkness (both Zoroastrian terms) at the end times, ultimately ushering in the reign of the Teacher of Righteousness. For more on Zoroastrianism, I suggest Mary Boyce’s comprehensive three-volume set History of Zoroastrianism (1996). Those with less time on their hands can try her abridgment, Zoroastrians: Their Religious Beliefs and Practices (2001), or alternatively, Farhang Mehr, The Zoroastrian Tradition (1991). Briefly, Mazdakism was a socioreligious movement founded by a Zoroastrian heretic named Mazdak, who emphasized equality and solidarity, primarily through the communal sharing of all goods and properties (including women). Manichaeism, the doctrine founded by the Prophet Mani, was a Gnostic religious movement heavily influenced by Zoroastrianism, Christianity, and Judaism which preached a complex, radical dualism between the forces of darkness/evil and the forces of light/good.
The story of Zayd and the Hanif can be found in Ibn Hisham, pp. 143–49. See also Jonathan Fueck, “The Originality of the Arabian Prophet,” in Studies on Islam, ed. Schwartz (1981). The epitaphs of Khalid ibn Sinan and Qass ibn Sa’idah are quoted in Mohammed Bamyeh’s truly indispensable book, The Social Origins of Islam (1999). For more on Abu Amir ar-Rahib and Abu Qais ibn al-Aslat, both of whom vigorously opposed Muhammad’s Muslim community in Medina, see Rubin’s “Hanafiyya and Ka‘ba.” Once again, Rubin definitively demonstrates that Hanifism existed before the rise of Islam, though other scholars, including Montgomery Watt, Patricia Crone, and John Wansbrough, disagree. Although it is obvious that Zayd’s verses were put into his mouth by later Arab chroniclers, the content of his poetry nonetheless reveals what these Arabs thought Hanifism represented.
An analysis of the Zayd and Muhammad traditions can be found in M. J. Kister, “A Bag of Meat: A Study of an Early Hadith,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (1968). The story I narrate here is an amalgamation of two of these traditions: one from folios 37b–38a in the Qarawiyun manuscript 727 and translated by Alfred Guillaume in “New Light on the Life of Muhammad,” Journal of Semitic Studies (1960); the other recorded by al-Khargushi and translated by Kister. While the exact definition of tahannuth is still debated by scholars, Ibn Hisham and al-Tabari both indicate that this was a pagan religious practice connected in some way to the cult of the Ka‘ba, which took place in the “edens,” “valleys,” and “mountains” of Mecca. For more on the subject see M. J. Kister, “al-Tahannuth: An Inquiry into the Meaning of a Term,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (1968). F. E. Peters notes in The Hajj (1994) that the Arabic term for “erring” in verse 7 (dalla, meaning “misguided” or “astray”) “leaves little doubt that the ‘error’ was not simply that Muhammad was confused but that he was immersed in the same reprehensible practices in which the Quraysh persisted even after God had sent the ‘guidance’ to them as well.”
The rebuilding of the Ka‘ba can be found in al-Tabari, pp. 1130–39. The traditions imply that Muhammad was somehow dragged into the process, though that does not disprove Muhammad’s full cooperation in the reconstruction of the pagan sanctuary. A complete discussion of the date of the Abyssinian attack and the birth of Muhammad is offered by Lawrence I. Conrad, “Abraha and Muhammad,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies (1987). Muhammad’s infancy narratives can be found in Ibn Hisham, pp. 101–19, and in al-Tabari, pp. 1123–27.
Rubin discusses Qusayy’s religious innovations in “The Ka’ba.” Mecca’s geographical position on the north-south trade route is just one of the many issues analyzed by Richard Bulliet in The Camel and the Wheel (1975). Those scholars who tend to maintain the traditional view of Mecca’s role as the dominant trading center in the Hijaz include W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca (1953), and M. A. Shaban, Islamic History: A New Interpretation (1994). Patricia Crone’s rejection of this theory can be found in Meccan Trade and the Rise of Islam (1987). Peters’s compromise comes from Muhammad and the Origins of Islam (1994), pp. 27, 74–75, and 93. Those interested in Crone’s theories regarding Muhammad and the rise of Islam can see her books Hagarism: The Making of the Islamic World (1977) (coauthored with M. A. Cook) and God’s Caliph: Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam (1986) (coauthored with Martin Hinds).
For the role and function of the Shaykh in pre-Islamic Arabia, see W. Montgomery Watt, Islamic Political Thought (1968). The role of the Hakam in developing the normative legal tradition (Sunna) is most clearly described by Joseph Schacht, An Introduction to Islamic Law (1998). The quote regarding the loyalty of the Hanifs to the Quraysh is from Rubin, “The Hanafiyya and Ka‘ba,” p. 97. It is interesting to note, by the way, that the protection of orphans and widows has always been the primary criterion for just rule. The great Babylonian king, Hammurabi, whose famous stele represents the first written code of laws for governing society, states that he conquered his enemies in order to give “justice to the orphan and the widow.”
For more on the various meanings of an-nabi al-ummi, see Kenneth Cragg’s marvelous book on the history and meaning of the Quran, The Event of the Qur’an (1971). Conrad’s quote is from “Abraha and Muhammad,” 374–75. For the narratives concerning Muhammad’s first revelatory experience and his marriage to Khadija, see Ibn Hisham, pp. 150–55, and al-Tabari, pp. 139–56.
As noted in the sixth chapter, the Quran is not chronologically organized, so it is difficult to determine exactly which revelations came first. While there is a great deal of disagreement, it is generally accepted that the two best compilations of the earliest verses were completed individually by Theodor Noeldeke and Richard Bell. Montgomery Watt has combined those verses about which both men agree to create a list of what he considers to be the earliest verses in the Quran. I will not comment on Watt’s list, which most scholars accept, except to say that, whether it is a faultless list or not, it provides a very good template of what the first message entailed. The verses in Watt’s list are taken from major sections of the following chapters: 96, 74, 106, 90, 93, 86, 80, 87, 84, 51, 52, 55; I would add to this list Noeldeke’s inclusion of 104 and 107, which, because they indicate the presence of the first opposition to Muhammad’s message, may have been delivered right on the heels of the earliest verses. See Watt’s Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman (1974). Richard Bell provides a four-column analysis of the Uthmanic and Egyptian chronologies, alongside Noeldeke’s and William Muir’s, in his Introduction to the Qur’an (1953), pp. 110–14.
The names of Muhammad’s earliest followers are listed in Ibn Hisham, pp. 159–65. Al-Tabari explicitly states that this group was “few in number.” There is a disagreement between Sunnis and Shi‘ites as to whether Abu Bakr or Ali was the first male convert, but this is an ideological argument. There can be no serious question that Ali, as the closest person to Muhammad at the time, was the first male convert to Islam. For the Qurayshi defense of polytheism see al-Tabari, p. 1175, and Richard Bell (1968), p. 55. The quotation regarding religion and trade in Mecca is from Muhammad Shaban, “Conversion to Early Islam,” in Conversion to Islam, edited by Nehemia Levtzion (1979). For more on Luqman the Wise see The Fables of Luqman, edited by Reyes Carboneli (1965). Maxime Rodinson’s book Mohammad (1971) offers an interesting, if outdated, perspective on the life of the Prophet. His comments about Muhammad’s marriage to Khadija can be found on page 51. My physical description of Muhammad comes from the beautiful description of him written by Tirmidhi as quoted in Annemarie Schimmel, And Muhammad Is His Messenger (1985).
Ibn Batuta provides what is probably the earliest description of the Prophet’s mosque in his famous Travels (1958). There is evidence to suggest that Yathrib’s inhabitants already referred to the oasis as Medina (the City) before Muhammad’s arrival, though Muhammad’s presence obviously changed the connotation of that name.
Ali Abd ar-Raziq’s Islam and the Bases of Government is available in French as “L’Islam et les Bases du Pouvoir,” translated by L. Bercher in Revue des Etudes Islamiques, VIII (1934). An English translation of important sections of the work can be found in Islam in Transition, edited by John J. Donohue and John L. Esposito (1982). Ahmed Rashid’s The Taliban (2000) is the best introductory text on the history of the Taliban in Afghanistan.
The Banu Nadir and the Banu Qurayza, each of which consisted of several branches, may have had an alliance with each other. Together they were known as the Banu Darih. But like all tribal relationships, this was a political and economic affiliation and had nothing to do with their shared religious tradition. There is still debate over whether Yathrib’s Jews were converts or immigrants. The majority of scholars believe them to be Arab converts and, as we shall see, the evidence seems to agree. For an outline of this argument see Watt, Muhammad at Medina (1956) and S. D. Goiten, Jews and Arabs (1970). Barakat Ahmad calculates the Jewish population of Yathrib to have been between 24,000 and 36,000 inhabitants in Muhammad and the Jews: A Re-Examination (1979); that may be a bit high.
For more on the brief period of Persian control over the region, as well as the division of Yathrib between the Jews and Arabs, see Peters, Muhammad; al-Waqidi’s quote is from page 193 of Peters’s text. See Michael Lecker, Muslims, Jews, and Pagans: Studies on Early Islamic Medina (1995) for a discussion of the late conversion of the Aws.
A full discussion of the controversy over the date and meaning of the Constitution of Medina can be found in Moshe Gil, “The Constitution of Medina: A Reconsideration,” in Israel Oriental Studies (1974). For more on Muhammad’s role as Shaykh of the Emigrants, see Watt, Islamic Political Thought. Watt also provides an English translation of the Constitution of Medina in his appendix, pp. 130–34.
For a further discussion of the origins of the word Ummah, I suggest the entry in Encyclopedia of Islam. Bertram Thomas’s portrayal of the Ummah as a “super-tribe” is from The Arabs (1937); Marshall G. S. Hodgson’s term “neo-tribe” is from The Venture of Islam, vol. 1 (1974). Anthony Black provides a valuable insight into the similarities between the purpose and function of rituals of the Ummah and the pagan tribes in The History of Islamic Political Thought (2001).
I am convinced that the shahadah was originally addressed not to God, but to Muhammad, because a great many of those who had proclaimed the shahadah (and thereby joined the Ummah) while Muhammad was alive considered their oaths to be annulled with the Prophet’s death (according to tribal custom, the bay’ah never survived the death of the tribe’s Shaykh). As we shall see in Chapter 5, the annulment of the bay’ah eventually led to the Riddah Wars. Incidentally, the word “Islam” to designate Muhammad’s movement may not have been applied by the Prophet until his farewell pilgrimage: “Today I have perfected your religion, I have completed my blessings upon you, and I have approved Islam as your religion” (5:5).
There are many versions of the al-Ayham story. Mine is taken from Watt, Muhammad at Medina, p. 268. For more on Muhammad’s market, see M. J. Kister, “The Market of the Prophet,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient (1965).
There are, of course, two creation stories in Genesis. The first, which is derived from what is referred to as the Priestly tradition, can be found in the first chapter, in which God creates man and woman simultaneously. The second and better-known tradition of Adam and Eve is from the second chapter.
For Muhammad’s reforms aimed at women and the reactions to them, see Fatima Mernissi, The Veil and the Male Elite (1991); al-Tabari’s quote is taken from page 125 of Mernissi’s book. How exactly the inheritance was to be divided between the male and female heirs can be found in the Quran 4:9–14, and is explained adequately by Watt in Muhammad at Medina, pp. 289–93. Watt also provides a valuable discussion of the transition from matriliny to patriliny in Meccan society on pp. 272–89. For more on the rules regarding the wife’s dowry, see Hodgson (1974), p. 182. The traditions of pre-Islamic marriage and divorce, as well as the imposition of the veil, are dealt with in detail in Leila Ahmed’s excellent book Women and Gender in Islam (1992).
Those interested in the issue of stoning as punishment for adultery should see my article “The Problem of Stoning in Islamic Law: An Argument for Reform,” UCLA Journal of Islamic and Near Eastern Law (2005); also Ahmad Von Denffer, Ulum Al-Qur’an (1983), pp. 110–11. The punishment of stoning to death was actually derived from Hebrew law, where it was prescribed for a number of crimes including adultery (Deut. 22:13–21), blasphemy (Deut. 24:14), calling up spirits (Deut. 20:27), and disobeying one’s parents (Deut. 21:18–21). The Quran establishes the punishment of lashes for the adulterer in one verse (24:2) and lifelong imprisonment in another (4:15–16). However, both Sahih al-Bukhari and Sahih al-Hajjaj claim that Muhammad had himself ordered stoning for adultery. But there is a great deal of confusion within these traditions. For instance, Abdullah ibn Aufa reports that Muhammad did indeed carry out stoning, but when asked whether Muhammad prescribed stoning before or after the Surah an-Nur, which clearly endorses lashes for the adulterer, Ibn Aufa replies that he did not know (al-Bukhari 8.824). For more on Umar’s misogynist innovations, see Leila Ahmed (1992), pp. 60–61.
For the commentary on sufaha and Abu Bakra’s hadith, see Mernissi, 126; 49 (also 45–46). The hadith on the rights of women is from Kitab al-Nikah, no. 1850; the Prophet’s quote about women’s deficiencies is from al-Bukhari, vol. 1, no. 304; and ar-Razi’s commentary is from his massive work at-Tafsir al-Kabir. (For Muhammad’s consultation with Umm Salamah at Hudaybiyyah, see al-Tabari, p. 1550.) The origin of and problems with the hadith are dealt with well in Ignaz Goldziher, Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law (1981). Goldziher also outlines the remarkable contribution of female textual scholars in his brief article “Women in the Hadith Literature,” in Muslim Studies (1977).
Lord Cromer’s quote is from Leila Ahmed (1992), pp. 152–53. Ali Shariati’s quote is from Fatima Is Fatima (1971), p. 136. Shirin Ebadi’s quote is from the presentation speech by Professor Ole Danbolt Mjos, Chairman of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, and is available at http://www.payvand.com/news/03/dec/1065.html.
There are a number of excellent studies on the role of women in contemporary Muslim society. I recommend Faith and Freedom, edited by Mahnaz Afkhami (1995); Islam, Gender, and Social Change, edited by Yvonne Yazbeck Haddad and John L. Esposito (1998); In the Eye of the Storm: Women in Post-Revolutionary Iran, edited by Mahnaz Afkhami and Erika Friedl (1994); and Haideh Moghissi’s Feminism and Islamic Fundamentalism (1999). See also my critique of Moghissi’s text in Iranian Studies (2002).
The description of the Battle of Uhud that begins this chapter is drawn from the account in al-Tabari, pp. 1384–1427. Samuel Huntington’s quote is from his article “The Clash of Civilizations?” in Foreign Affairs (Summer 1993), pp. 35. Bernard Lewis’s quote can be found in Hilmi M. Zawati, Is Jihad a Just War? (2001), on p. 2; Zawati outlines the use of jihad as defensive war in pages 15–17, 41–45, and 107. Weber’s quote is from Bryan S. Turner, Weber and Islam: A Critical Study (1974), p. 34. The quote about the scimitar-brandishing Arab warrior is from Rudolph Peters, Islam and Colonialism: The Doctrine of Jihad in Modern History (1979), p. 4.
For more on the use, function, and development of the doctrine of jihad, see Rudolph Peters’s other work, Jihad in Classical and Modern Islam (1996); also Jihad and Shahadat, edited by Mehdi Abedi and Gary Legenhausen (1986), especially the definitions on pages 2 and 3; and Mustansir Mir’s insightful article “Jihad in Islam,” in The Jihad and Its Times, edited by Hadia Dajani-Shakeel and Ronald A. Messier (1991). Hadith forbidding the killing of women and children can be found in Sahih al-Hajjaj, nos. 4319 and 4320. For more on Vaisnava and Saiva traditions and the kingdoms they inspired, see Gavin Flood, An Introduction to Hinduism (1996).
The role of the Crusades in shaping Muslim ideas of jihad is discussed in Hadia Dajani-Shakeel’s article “Perceptions of the Counter Crusade,” in The Jihad and Its Times, pp. 41–70. Mustansir Mir’s quote is on page 114. Those interested in the comparative ethics of war, as well as the doctrine of jihad as a just war theory, should see Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars (1977) and John Kelsay, Islam and War (1993), especially pp. 57–76. Dr. Azzam’s quote is from Peter L. Bergen, Holy War, Inc.: Inside the Secret World of Osama bin Laden (2001), p. 53. For Moulavi Chiragh Ali’s views on jihad, see A Critical Exposition of the Popular Jihad (1976); Mahmud Shaltut’s views are discussed in Kate Zabiri, Mahmud Shaltut and Islamic Modernism (1993). For the full report on the Muslim victims of al-Qaeda see Scott Helfstein, et al., “Deadly Vanguards: A Study of al-Qa‘ida’s Violence Against Muslims,” Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, December 2009.
For more on Muhammad’s enemies among the Hanif of Medina, see Uri Rubin, “Hanafiyya and Ka‘ba,” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (1990). Incidentally, Moshe Gil is almost alone in his conviction that the Constitution of Medina did not originally include the Jews; see “The Constitution of Medina: A Reconsideration,” in Israel Oriental Studies (1974), pp. 64–65. Otherwise, there is almost unanimous agreement among scholars that the document is authentic and that it included the Jews. For the traditions regarding the Banu Qurayza, see M. J. Kister, “The Massacre of the Banu Qurayza: A Reexamination of a Tradition,” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (1986), and Hodgson (1974), p. 191. Kister puts the number at about four hundred. Ahmad estimates the number of Jews remaining in Medina to have been between 24,000 and 28,000. For the Jewish perspective see H. Graetz, History of the Jews, vol. 3 (1894); Salo Wittmayer Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, vol. 3 (1964); and Francesco Gabrieli, Muhammad and the Conquests of Islam (1968): Gabrieli’s quote regarding Badr is on page 68.
For Arab responses to the massacre of Banu Qurayza, see Ahmad (1976), pp. 76–94, and W. N. Arafat, “New Light on the Story of Banu Qurayza and the Jews of Medina,” in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1976). Tor Andrae’s quote is from Mohammad: The Man and His Faith (1935), pp. 155–56.
For more objective studies on the massacre, see Karen Armstrong, Muhammad (1993), and Norman A. Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands (1979). As the allies of the Qurayza, some members of the Aws asked Muhammad for leniency. It was for this reason that he chose one of their number as Hakam. However, after Sa‘d’s decision was made, there were no objections from the Aws, or from anyone else for that matter.
The story of the mosque demolished by Umar in Damascus is recounted in J. L. Porter, Five Years in Damascus: With Travels and Researches in Palmyra, Lebanon, the Giant Cities of Bashan, and the Hauran (1855). Muhammad’s instructions to his armies are discussed in Ignaz Goldziher, Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law, pp. 33–36. Maria Menocal’s excellent book The Ornament of the World (2002) describes the culture of religious tolerance founded by the Umayyads in medieval Spain. S. D. Goiten provides a more academic perspective on Jews under Muslim rule in Jews and Arabs (1970); his quotation is from page 63. Muhammad’s quotation regarding the protection of Jews and Christians is taken from The Shorter Encyclopedia of Islam, p. 17. Peters’s quote is from Muhammad, p. 203 (original italics); Watt’s from Muhammad at Medina (1956), 195.
H. G. Reissener’s views on the Jews of Medina are best described in “The Ummi Prophet and the Banu Israil,” in The Muslim World (1949), while D. S. Margoliouth’s views are discussed in his The Relations Between Arabs and Israelites Prior to the Rise of Islam (1924). For the Arabian Jews’ knowledge of the Bible, see footnote 87 in S. W. Baron (1964), p. 261. Gordon Newby outlines the economic dominance of the Jewish clans in Yathrib in A History of the Jews of Arabia (1988), pp. 75–79 and 84–85. For a treatment of the relationship between Muhammad and the Jewish clans of Medina, see Hannah Rahman’s excellent essay “The Conflicts Between the Prophet and the Opposition in Medina,” in Der Islam (1985); also Moshe Gil, “The Medinan Opposition to the Prophet,” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (1987), as well as his “Origin of the Jews of Yathrib,” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (1984). The issue of archeology and Jewish identity is examined by Jonathan L. Reed in his Archeology and the Galilean Jesus (2000).
For a history of Ibn Sayyad, see David J. Halperin, “The Ibn Sayyad Traditions and the Legend of al-Dajjal,” in Journal of the American Oriental Society (1976). Even though Ibn Sayyad may have accepted Muhammad’s prophetic mission, Muhammad seems to have denied Ibn Sayyad’s. In fact, Halperin shows how later Islamic tradition transformed Ibn Sayyad into an Antichrist figure. For the connection between Jesus and Muhammad, see Neal Robinson, Christ in Islam and Christianity (1991).
The break with the Jews and Christians is examined in M. J. Kister, “Do Not Assimilate Yourselves …,” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (1989). For more on Muhammad’s monotheistic pluralism, see Mohammed Bamyeh, The Social Origins of Islam (1999), pp. 214–15. With the conquest of Persia, the Zoroastrians, who are given special mention in the Quran (22:17) and who have a “book” (the Gathas) which is older than both the Jewish and Christian texts, eventually become included in the ahl al-Kitab. Who the Sabians were is difficult to say. Apparently, some religious groups, including a few Christian and Hindu sects, eagerly took on the Sabian identity during the Muslim conquests in order to be counted as People of the Book and thus be considered dhimmi. Nabia Abbot’s research on the early Muslim relations with the Jews can be found in Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri, vol. 2 (1967). The practice of reading the Torah was, according to Abbot, characteristic of “the early Muslims’ preoccupation with non-Islamic thought and literature,” especially the literature of the Peoples of the Book.
The story of Muhammad’s death is derived from Ibn Hisham, trans. Guillaume, pp. 1012–13. Goldziher’s quote is from Introduction to Islamic Theology and Law, pp. 31–32; see also his Muslim Studies (1971). John Wansbrough’s theories can be found in the previously cited Quranic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptural Interpretation (1977), as well as The Sectarian Milieu: Content and Composition of Islamic Salvation History (1978). Sarjeant’s review of Wansbrough’s Quranic Studies and Cook and Crone’s Hagarism is from the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1978). Dale F. Eickelman provides a social anthropologist’s perspective on the “false prophets” in “Musaylima,” Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient (1967). For more on the ahl al-bayt, see M. Sharon, “Ahl al-Bayt—People of the House,” in Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam (1986). It should be noted that Sharon considers the term ahl al-bayt to be a designation that was not formulated until the Umayyad period. While this may be true, the sentiment behind the term (that it gave the Banu Hashim a preeminent role in society) was thoroughly understood even before Muhammad’s death. For the opposite view on the religious influence of the early Caliphate, see Patricia Crone and Martin Hinds, God’s Caliph: Religious Authority in the First Centuries of Islam (1986).
By far the best analysis of the succession question is Wilferd Madelung’s The Succession to Muhammad (1997). To say that this chapter relies on Professor Madelung’s work would be an understatement. I also recommend Rafiq Zakaria’s The Struggle Within Islam (1988); Abu Bakr’s speech is from page 47. Zakaria also provides a valuable analysis of Umar’s Caliphate on pages 48–53. See also M. A. Shaban’s Islamic History (1994), pp. 16–19, and Moojan Momen’s fabulous primer on Shi‘ism, An Introduction to Shi’i Islam (1985), pp. 9–22; Momen notes that Ibn Hanbal records ten different traditions in which Ali is referred to as Muhammad’s “Aaron,” p. 325. Watt’s quote is from Muhammad: Prophet and Statesman, p. 36.
Umar’s physical description as well as his quote regarding kinghood is taken from the New Encyclopedia of Islam, edited by Cyril Glasse, p. 462. For the affair of the necklace see al-Tabari, pp. 1518–28. Though traditions claim that Umar was the first Caliph to use the title Amir al-Mu’manin, there is evidence to suggest that this title was used by Abu Bakr as well.
Noeldeke’s excellent essay on the Quran can be found in the Encyclopaedia
Britannica, 9th ed., vol. 16 (1891); Caetani’s article “Uthman and the Recension of the Koran” is from The Muslim World (1915). For examples of variant readings of the Quran that have survived, see Arthur Jeffery, “A Variant Text of the Fatiha,” in Muslim World (1939). Once again, I am indebted in these pages to Wilferd Madelung’s analysis of Uthman’s assassination in The Succession to Muhammad, especially pages 78–140.
There are many books on the life and Caliphate of Ali. Particularly helpful to this section was Momen’s An Introduction to Shi’i Islam, as well as S. Husain M. Jafri, The Origins and Early Development of Shi’a Islam (1979). See also Mohamad Jawad Chirri, The Brother of the Prophet Mohammad (1982). For more on the doctrine and history of the Kharijites, see Montgomery Watt, The Formative Period of Islamic Thought, pp. 9–37. Ali’s quote is from A Selection from “Nahjul Balagha,” translated by Ali A. Behzadnia and Salwa Denny, p. 7. Ali was not the first to be called Imam; all four Caliphs shared that title, though with Ali, the title of Imam emphasizes his special relationship to the Prophet.
Sir Thomas W. Arnold’s quote is from The Caliphate (1966), p. 10. For various views on the relationship between religion and politics in Islam, see Abu-l Ala (Mawlana) Mawdudi’s Nationalism and India (1947), Abd ar-Raziq’s previously cited Islam and the Bases of Government, Sayyid Qutb’s Social Justice in Islam (1953), and Ruhollah Khomeini’s Islamic Government (1979).
There are numerous accounts of the inquisition of Ahmad ibn Hanbal before al-Mu’tasim, most of which are compiled and brilliantly analyzed by Nimrod Hurvitz in The Formation of Hanbalism: Piety into Power (2002). For biographies of both Ibn Hanbal and al-Ma’mun, see Michael Cooperson, Classical Arabic Biography: The Heirs of the Prophets in the Age of al-Ma’mun (2000). I draw my physical description of Ibn Hanbal, as well as the deathbed quote of al-Ma’mun, from Cooperson’s text. For more on the impact of the Inquisition, see Jonathan Berkey (2003), pp. 124–29, and Richard Bulliet, Islam: The View from the Edge (1994), pp. 115–27. The issue is also treated quite well by Patricia Crone in her newest work, God’s Rule: Government and Islam (2004). Malik ibn Anas is quoted in Mernissi, p. 59.
Wilfred Cantwell Smith’s description of Islamic orthodoxy is from his Islam in Modern History (1957), p. 20. For general treatments of the Five Pillars, see Mohamed A. Abu Ridah, “Monotheism in Islam: Interpretations and Social Manifestations,” in The Concept of Monotheism in Islam and Christianity, edited by Hans Kochler (1982), and John Renard, Seven Doors to Islam (1996).
There is evidence (apart from the apocryphal story of Muhammad’s ascension to heaven, when he negotiates the number of salats down from fifty to five) that the early tradition prescribed only three salats a day. The Quran says, “Hold the salat at the two ends of the day as well as at the ends of the night” (11:114). Eventually, two more salats must have been added, though no one is certain why or when. Ibn Jubayr’s quote about Mecca and the Hajj is taken from his Voyages (1949–51). Malcolm X’s quote is from The Autobiography of Malcolm X (1965).
Al-Ghazali’s The Ninety-nine Beautiful Names of God has been translated into English by David B. Burrell and Nazih Daher (1970), while his Revival of the Religious Sciences has been translated into English by Nabih Amin Faris as The Foundations of the Articles of Faith (1963). Ali Shariati’s reflections on tawhid can be found in his On the Sociology of Islam (1979).
The debate between the Traditionalists and the Rationalists is wonderfully illuminated in Binyamin Abrahamov’s Islamic Theology: Traditionalism and Rationalism (1998). I also recommend the essays in Religious Schools and Sects in Medieval Islam, edited by Wilferd Madelung (1985), as well as Montgomery Watt’s previously cited The Formative Period of Islamic Thought. The beliefs of the Mu’tazilah are discussed in detail by Richard S. Martin, Mark R. Woodward, and Dwi S. Atmaja in Defenders of Reason in Islam (1997), while the Ash‘arite position is laid out in Richard McCarthy, The Theology of the Ash‘ari (1953). Al-Tahawi’s quote, as well as the creeds of Abu Hanifah, Ibn Hanbal, and al-Ash‘ari, are all taken from Montgomery Watt’s invaluable compilation, Islamic Creeds: A Selection (1994). See also George F. Hourani, Islamic Rationalism: The Ethics of Abd al-Jabbar (1971).
Excellent translations of Ibn Rushd include his commentary on Aristotle’s Metaphysics, translated by Charles Genequand (1984); The Epistle on the Possibility of Conjunction with the Active Intellect, translated by Kalman P. Bland (1982); and Averroes’ Three Short Commentaries on Aristotle’s “Topics,” “Rhetoric,” and “Poetics,” translated by Charles E. Butterworth (1977). It is important to note that the two-truth theory is a misnomer, because according to Ibn Rushd, philosophical truth is the only truth. For Ibn Sina, see his biography, The Life of Ibn Sina, translated by William E. Gohlman (1974), and his Treatise on Logic, translated by Farhang Zabeeh (1971).
For more on oral peoples, see Denise Lardner Carmody and John Tully Carmody, Original Visions: The Religions of Oral Peoples (1993). For the role of poets and poetry in the cult of the Ka‘ba, see Michael Sells, Desert Tracings: Six Classical Arabian Odes (1989). Mohammed Bamyeh presents a wonderful discussion of the field of miracle in his chapter titled “The Discourse and the Path” in The Social Origins of Islam, pp. 115–40. My argument is completely indebted to his. See also Cragg, The Event of the Qur’an, p. 67. Daya’s quote is from Annemarie Schimmel, And Muhammad Is His Messenger (1985), p. 67.
As will become apparent, there are some Muslims whose devotionalism has led to a number of apocryphal stories about the miraculous acts of Muhammad and his Companions. However, orthodox Islam flatly rejects these stories, considering Muhammad to be just an empty vessel through which the Quran was revealed—someone who should be emulated, but not worshipped like Christ. Incidentally, al-Tabari narrates a particularly strange account of Muhammad snapping his fingers to uproot a date tree and transport it to himself (p. 1146). But this story, like similar ones about Ali raising people from the dead or walking on water, were primarily apologetic in nature and meant to silence those critics who were accustomed to prophets doing tricks to prove their divine mission.
For a more comprehensive examination of the debate over the created Quran, I suggest Harry Austryn Wolfson, The Philosophy of Kalam, especially pages 235–78. My quotations of Ibn Hazm and Ibn Kullab are from Wolfson’s text. For more on the role and function of baraka in Islamic calligraphy, see Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Islamic Art and Spirituality (1987). For general comments on baraka in the Quran, see the first chapter of John Renard, Seven Doors to Islam (1996). William Graham’s insightful article “Qur’an as Spoken Word” can be found in Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies, edited by Richard C. Martin (2001). There are two kinds of Quranic recitation: tajwid (embellished) and tartil (measured). The latter is less musical and used primarily for worship. See Lois Ibsen al-Faruqi, “The Cantillation of the Qur’an,” in Asian Music (1987), and Kristina Nelson, “Reciter and Listener: Some Factors Shaping the Mujawwad Style of Qur’anic Reciting,” in Ethnomusicology (1987).
There are six collections of hadith that are considered canonical: al-Bukhari’s; al-Hajjaj’s; as-Sijistani’s (d. 875); al-Tirmidhi’s (d. 915); al-Nasa’i’s (d. 915); and Ibn Maja’s (d. 886). Added to this list is the Shi‘ite compilation of Malik ibn Anas (d. 795), which was the first such collection to be written down. See Joseph Schacht, Origins of Muhammadan Jurisprudence (1950) and An Introduction to Islamic Law (1964). Schacht’s quote is from “A Revaluation of Islamic Traditions,” in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1949). See also Jonathan Berkey, The Formation of Islam, pp. 141–51. The Pakistani scholar is Abdul Qadir Oudah Shaheed, and his quote is from Criminal Law of Islam (1987), p. 13.
Mahmoud Taha’s views on the Quran can be found in The Second Message of Islam (1996); see also Abdullahi an-Na’im, Toward an Islamic Reformation (1996). For Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, see his brief article, “Divine Attributes in the Qur’an: Some Poetic Aspects,” in Islam and Modernity, edited by John Cooper et al. (1998). Al-Ghazali’s quote is from Zakaria’s Appendix 1, page 303.
For more on naskh see Ahmad Von Denffer, Ulum al-Qur’an: An Introduction to the Sciences of the Qur’an (1983). There are scholars who reject the concept of naskh altogether; see Ahmad Hasan, The Early Development of Islamic Jurisprudence (1970), pp. 70–79. However, even Hasan recognizes the importance of historical context in interpreting the Quran.
My narrative of Karbala relies on Syed-Mohsen Naquvi, The Tragedy of Karbala (1992), and Lewis Pelly, The Miracle Play of Hasan and Husain, 2 vols. (1879). For the development and function of the Muharram ceremonies in Shi‘ism, see Heinz Halm, Shi’a Islam: From Religion to Revolution (1997); Halm’s quote is from page 41. See also the sociological works on the subject done by Vernon Schubel, Religious Performance in Contemporary Islam (1993), and David Pinault, The Shi‘ites (1992), from which the two testimonials are taken (pp. 103–6). I also recommend Pinault’s The Horse of Karbala (2001). Ehsan Yarshater traces the origins of lamentation rituals in “Ta’ziyeh and Pre-Islamic Mourning Rites” in Ta’ziyeh: Ritual and Drama in Iran, edited by Peter Chelowski (1979).
There are a few superb introductory texts on Shi‘ism, including the previously cited Moojan Momen, An Introduction to Shi’i Islam (1985), and S. Husain M. Jafri, The Origins and Early Development of Shi’a Islam (1979). An English translation of Tabataba‘i’s work, Shi‘ite Islam, by Seyyed Hossein Nasr (1977) is available. For Shi‘ite conceptions of Shariah, see Hossein Modarressi, An Introduction to Shi’i Law (1984). The concept of the “pre-existent Imam” is discussed in great detail in Mohammad Ali Amir-Moezzi, The Divine Guide in Early Shi‘ism (1994). For the Shi‘ite view of the Quran, see Tabataba‘i, The Qur’an in Islam (1987). Ja‘far as-Sadiq’s exegesis of the Verse of Light is taken from Helmut Gatje, The Qur’an and Its Exegesis (1976).
However, very few books deal adequately with the origins and evolution of the Mahdi in Islam. The books most useful to this study include Jassim M. Hussain, The Occultation of the Twelfth Imam (1982), and Abdulaziz Abdulhussein Sachedina, Islamic Messianism (1981). Sachedina also deals with the role of the Imam’s deputies in The Just Ruler in Shi‘ite Islam (1988).
Ibn Khaldun’s seminal history The Muqaddimah is available in complete and abridged English translations by the eminent Islamist Franz Rosenthal. Those interested in an in-depth look at the machinations of the clerical establishment in Iran should see Roy Mottahedeh’s marvelous book The Mantle of the Prophet (1985).
There are too many general histories of the Iranian Revolution to list, though I recommend Said Amir Arjomand’s The Turban for the Crown (1988) and Charles Kurzman’s The Unthinkable Revolution in Iran (2004). For a more contemporary perspective see Dariush Zaheri, The Iranian Revolution: Then and Now (2000). Sandra Mackey provides a delightful and readable account of Iranian history in The Iranians (1996).
For more on Khomeinism see Ervand Abrahamian, Khomeinism: Essays on the Islamic Republic (1993). For translations of Khomeini’s writings into English see Islamic Government (1979); Islam and Revolution (1981); and A Clarification of Questions (1984). Khomeini’s reinterpretation of Shi‘ism is severely criticized by Mohammad Manzoor Nomani in Khomeini, Iranian, Revolution, and the Shi‘ite Faith (1988). Khomeini’s poem is from Baqer Moin’s biography titled Khomeini: Life of the Ayatollah (1999).
There are a number of exquisite English translations of Nizami’s The Legend of Layla and Majnun, including Colin Turner’s (1970), R. Gelpke’s (1966), and James Atkinson’s lovely verse rendition (1968). Mine is a loose combination of the three along with my own translation of the Persian text. See also the critical analysis of the poem by Ali Asghar Seyed-Gohrab, Layli and Majnun: Love, Madness and Mystic Longing in Nizami’s Epic Romance (2003). For a discussion of the early development of Sufism I suggest Shaykh Fadhlalla Haeri, The Elements of Sufism (1990) and Julian Baldick, Mystical Islam (1989). Baldick provides a useful analysis of the various religious and cultural influences on Sufism and also explores the meanings of the term. R. A. Nicholson’s texts include The Mystics of Islam (1914) and Studies in Islamic Mysticism (1921). Two of Idris Shah’s many invaluable texts on Sufism are The Sufis (1964) and The Way of the Sufi (1969). See also Martin Lings, What Is Sufism? (1993); Inayat Khan, The Unity of Religious Ideals (1929); Ian Richard Netton, Sufi Ritual (2000); Nasrollah Pourjavady and Peter Wilson, Kings of Love (1978); J. Spencer Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam (1971); Carl Ernst, Teachings of Sufism (1999); and Titus Burckhardt, An Introduction to Sufi Doctrine (1976).
For the teachings of Shaykh Muhammad al-Jamal ar-Rafa’i ash-Shadhili, see his Music of the Soul (1994). The historical and theological relationship between Shi‘ism and Sufism is outlined in Kamil M. al-Shaibi, Sufism and Shi‘ism (1991). Finally, there exists a helpful though not easily digested series of Sufi Essays by Seyyed Hossein Nasr (1972).
Al-Ghazali’s The Alchemy of Happiness is translated by Claud Field (1980), while The Niche of Lights is translated by David Buchman (1998). For more on al-Ghazali’s philosophy see Montgomery Watt, The Faith and Practice of al-Ghazali (1953). Al-Hujwiri’s The Revelation of the Mystery is translated by Reynold Nicholson (1911). Without question the best translation of Farid ad-Din Attar’s The Conference of the Birds is by Afkham Darbandi and Dick Davis (1984). The Persian scholar and Sufi Javad Nurbakhsh delves into the relationship between teacher and taught in his short tract Master and Disciple in Sufism (1977). On the stations along the Way, see Shaykh Abd al-Khaliq al-Shabrawi, The Degrees of the Soul (1997), and Abu’l Qasim al-Qushayri, Sufi Book of Spiritual Ascent, translated by Rabia Harris (1997). Al-Hallaj’s Kitab al-Tawasin is available only in a French translation by the great scholar of Sufism, Louis Massignon (1913). Massignon’s Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism (1997) is a helpful tool for those students already familiar with the rudiments of Sufism.
The concept of monism in Sufism is discussed at length by Molana Salaheddin Ali Nader Shah Angha in The Fragrance of Sufism (1996). Ibn al-Arabi’s Fusus al-Hikam is available in English as The Wisdom of the Prophets (1975). For more on Rabia and other Sufi women, see Camille Adams Helminski, Women of Sufism (2003), and Margaret Smith, Rabi’a the Mystic and Her Fellow-Saints in Islam (1928). Rabia’s poems are nicely collected and translated by Charles Upton in Doorkeeper of the Heart: Versions of Rabi’a (1988).
The best translations of Rumi include Colman Barks, The Essential Rumi (1995), and the two-volume Mystical Poems of Rumi translated by A. J. Arberry (1968); see also Reynold Nicholson’s Rumi: Poet and Mystic (1950). For more on Rumi’s life see Annemarie Schimmel, I Am Wind, You Are Fire: The Life and Works of Rumi (1992). For Hafiz see Nahid Angha, Selections (1991) and Ecstasy (1998). General treatises on Sufi poetry include Ali Asani and Kamal Abdel-Malek, Celebrating Muhammad (1995), and J.T.P. de Bruijn, Persian Sufi Poetry (1997).
With regard to Sufism in India I suggest Muhammad Mujeeb, Indian Muslims (1967) and Carl W. Ernst, Eternal Garden: Mysticism, History, and Politics at a South Asian Sufi Center (1992). See also Bruce Lawrence, “The Early Chisti Approach to Sama’,” in Islamic Societies and Culture: Essays in Honor of Professor Aziz Ahmad, edited by Milton Israel and N. K. Wagle (1983).
Iqbal’s quote is from Ali Shariati’s commentary, Iqbal: Manifestations of the Islamic Spirit (1991). See also Muhammad Iqbal, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (1960).
Frederick Cooper’s description of the execution of the 26th Native Infantry is excerpted in Edward J. Thompson, The Other Side of the Medal (1925), though for historical context and literary enhancement I have had to add a little bit to Cooper’s account and rearrange the order of his narrative. Trevelyan’s comment to the House of Commons is quoted in Thomas R. Metcalf, The Aftermath of Revolt (1964); see also C. E. Trevelyan, On the Education of the People of India (1838). Benjamin Disraeli and Alexander Duff are both quoted in Ainslee T. Embree’s collection 1857 in India (1963). Bahadur Shah’s appeal to the Indian people is from the Azimgarh Proclamation, printed in Charles Ball, The History of the Indian Mutiny (1860). For firsthand accounts of the British response to the Indian Revolt see C. G. Griffiths, Siege of Delhi (1912), and W. H. Russell, My Indian Diary (1957). Cecil Rhodes’s description and quote are from The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed., 2001.
For Sir Sayyid Ahmed Khan’s writings and views see his The Causes of the Indian Revolt (1873), and his “Lecture on Islam,” excerpted in Christian W. Troll, Sayyid Ahmed Khan: A Reinterpretation of Muslim Theology (1978). For more on the Aligarh, see The Aligarh Movement: Basic Documents, 1864–1898, collected by Shan Muhammad (1978). Moulavi Chiragh Ali’s quote is from The Proposed Political, Legal, and Social Reforms in the Ottoman Empire and Other Mohammadan States (1883). For more on Abu-l Ala (Mawlana) Mawdudi see Nationalism and Islam (1947) and The Islamic Movement (1984).
For texts on colonialism in Egypt, see Joel Gordon, Nasser’s Blessed Movement (1992); Juan R. I. Cole, Colonialism and Revolution in the Middle East (1993); and William Welch, No Country for a Gentleman (1988). Al-Afghani’s life and works are analyzed in Nikki R. Keddie, Sayyid Jamal al-Din “al-Afghani”: A Political Biography (1972); M. A. Zaki Badawi, The Reformers of Egypt (1979); and Charles C. Adams, Islam and Modernism in Egypt (1933). For Muhammad Abdu, see Osman Amin, Muhammad ‘Abduh (1953), and Malcolm H. Kerr, Islamic Reform: The Political and Legal Theories of Muhammad ‘Abduh and Rashid Rida (1966). For Hasan al-Banna I suggest his Memoirs of Hasan al-Banna Shaheed (1981) as well as Richard P. Mitchell, Society of the Muslim Brothers (1969) and Pioneers of Islamic Revival, edited by Ali Rahnema (1995).
Good texts on Pan-Arabism include Sylvia G. Haim’s collection Arab Nationalism (1962); Nissim Rejwan, Arabs Face the Modern World (1998); Abd al-Rahman al-Bazzaz, Islam and Nationalism (1952); Michael Doran, Pan-Arabism Before Nasser (1999); and Taha Husayn, The Future of Culture in Egypt (1954).
For Sayyid Qutb see his masterpiece, Milestones (1993), and his Social Justice in Islam, translated by William Shepard as Sayyid Qutb and Islamic Activism (1996). See also Jalal-e Ahmad, Gharbzadeghi (1997).
Saudi Arabia’s history is recounted in Madawi al-Rasheed, A History of Saudi Arabia (2003). For Wahhabism I suggest Hamid Algar’s short introduction Wahhabism: A Critical Essay (2002). It should be noted that Wahhabis prefer to call themselves ahl al-tawhid, or al-Muwahhidun.
A few words are needed about the meaning and function of fundamentalism in Islam. The term “fundamentalism” was first coined in the early twentieth century to describe a burgeoning movement among Protestants in the United States who were reacting to the rapid modernization and secularization of American society by reasserting the fundamentals of Christianity. Chief among these was a belief in the literal interpretation of the Bible—an idea that had passed out of favor with the ascendance of scientific theories such as evolution, which tended to treat biblical claims of historicity with mocking contempt. Considering the fact that all Muslims believe in the “literal” quality of the Quran—which is, after all, the direct speech of God—it makes little sense to refer to Muslim extremists or militants as “fundamentalists.” Nor is this a proper term for those Islamists like Sayyid Qutb whose goal is the establishment of an Islamic polity. Nevertheless, because the term “Islamic fundamentalism” has become so common that it has even slipped into Persian and Arabic (where its literal translations are, somewhat appropriately, “bigot” in Arabic and “backward” in Persian), I will continue to use it in this book—but not to describe politicized Islam. That movement will be called “Islamism,” its proper name. “Islamic fundamentalism,” in contrast, refers to the radically ultra-conservative and puritanical ideology most clearly represented in the Muslim world by Wahhabism.
There are few better general introductions to the history of political Islam than Gilles Kepel’s Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam (2002) and The War for Muslim Minds (2004). See also Anthony Shadid, The Legacy of the Prophet (2002). Osama bin Laden’s quote is from an interview he gave to ABC reporter John Miller in May 1998.
For more on the creation and evolution of Jihadism see Reza Aslan, Beyond Fundamentalism (2010).
According to a 2005 Gallup International poll, 78 percent of people in the Middle East considered democracy “the best form of government.” See http://www.voice-of-the-people.net/. The 2006 Pew poll can be found here: http://pewglobal.org/2006/06/22/the-great-divide-how-westerners-and-muslims-view-each-other/.
There were two draft constitutions after the revolution in 1979. The first draft, which did not give the clerics an important role in the government, was, ironically, rejected by Iran’s leftist parties. The second draft, completed in November by a seventy-three-member Assembly of Experts, revamped the original documents to establish clerical domination of the state.
The activities of the CDC and the American Type Culture Collection before and during the Iran-Iraq war have been documented by declassified government papers. See “Report: U.S. Supplied the Kinds of Germs Iraq Later Used for Biological Weapons,” in USA Today, September 30, 2002.
For more on the Taliban see Ahmed Rashid, The Taliban (2000). Harvey Cox’s The Secular City (1966) is essential reading for all students of religion and politics; see also Will Herberg, Protestant, Catholic, Jew (1955).
Abdulaziz Sachedina’s The Islamic Roots of Democratic Pluralism (2001) is an excellent discussion of Islamic pluralism. While there are few books by Abdolkarim Soroush in English, a collection of his essential writings has been compiled and translated by Mahmoud and Ahmad Sadri under the title Reason, Freedom, and Democracy in Islam: Essential Writings of Abdolkarim Soroush (2002). The quotation is from his acceptance speech for the “Muslim Democrat of the Year” award given by the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy in Washington, D.C., in 2004.
“Ruptures” is a term I’ve taken from Muhammad Qasem Zaman’s book The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002).
For a close look at the inner workings of IslamOnline.net see Bettina Gräf, “IslamOnline.net: Independent, Interactive, Popular,” Arab Media and Society 4 (2008), http://www.arabmediasociety.com/index.php?article=576&printarticle. See also Jens Kutscher’s presentation to the 30th Deutscher Orientalistentag, “Online Fatwas and their Relevance to the European Union,” Freiburg, September 24–28, 2007, http://orient.ruf.uni-freiburg.de/dotpub/kutscher.pdf.
The Sheikh Abduallah bin Beh quote is from Rasha Elass, “Scholar Condemns ‘Fatwa Piracy,’ ” The National (September 17, 2008), http://www.thenational.ae/news/uae-news/scholar-condemns-fatwa-piracy.
For more on Luther and the Christian Reformation see Diarmade MacCulloch’s magisterial work, The Reformation: A History (New York: Viking, 2004).
A 2010 survey by the Pew Research Center showed that more than nine in ten Muslims in Lebanon (94 percent) express negative opinions of al-Qaeda, as do majorities of Muslims in Turkey (74 percent), Egypt (72 percent), Jordan (62 percent), and Indonesia (56 percent). See http://pewglobal.org/2010/12/02/muslims-around-the-world-divided-on-hamas-and-hezbollah/.