Chapter 1

MARKET-DRIVEN EDU­CA­TIONAL REFORM

OUT­SIDE THE HEATED interior of our rental car, the tem­per­ature was bit­terly cold. The low, gray midday sky reminded us that we were well into a mid­western winter. Looking out from our vehicle, we wit­nessed block after block of empty streets. This was a ghost town built on the bones of a once-vibrant com­munity: vacant homes where par­ents had pre­vi­ously raised their sons and daugh­ters now plastered with Do Not Occupy signs, rusted swings and slides with No Tres­passing signs where chil­dren had pre­vi­ously played until sunset, aban­doned places of wor­ship now for sale, and empty store­fronts that signaled a once-bust­ling local eco­nomy.

We could see in the rem­nants of this com­munity the former promise of a Norman Rock­well vision of Amer­ican life. Now, how­ever, all that remained was haunting empti­ness. And for those proud Amer­icans trying to get by that had no option but to sur­vive in this dystopia, the absence of stores and com­munity ser­vices made us wonder how they accessed basic resources such as food, edu­ca­tion, and med­ical care.

As we slowly drove down the des­olate streets, we under­stood why no one from the Chicago Public Schools (CPS) office offered to provide us a tour of the public schools in this area. In fact, CPS rep­res­ent­at­ives advised us against vis­iting this part of South Chicago because of its repu­ta­tion for viol­ence. But we knew that in order to under­stand the impact school clos­ures had on a com­munity, we needed to see firsthand the neigh­bor­hoods where schools were being shut down and not to rely on hearsay and spotty media cov­erage. When we spoke with Dr. Howard Rosing, exec­utive dir­ector of the Steans Center at DePaul Uni­ver­sity, he described how closing schools killed neigh­bor­hoods, broke the spirit of com­munities already in des­pair, and was done over the objec­tions of local leaders. He told us how South Chicago had been pushed to near revolu­tion.

Sadly, the dismal con­di­tions were not isol­ated to the Windy City. In Atlanta, St. Louis, Wash­ington, DC, and other met­ro­pol­itan areas throughout the country, we observed sim­ilar instances of local school clos­ures wreaking havoc on com­munities. As a result of the neigh­bor­hood decay we wit­nessed, we called into ques­tion the decisions and actions taken by politi­cians and those on the front lines of public edu­ca­tion.

Through our invest­ig­a­tion, a broader ques­tion sur­faced: Is public edu­ca­tion in decline? According to the media, the answer is undoubtedly yes. Among those who are not sure, they often point to changes within society at large, such as the wide­spread deteri­or­a­tion of cour­tesy, social mores, and aca­demic expect­a­tions from teachers and stu­dents. Even those who staunchly reject that public edu­ca­tion is in decline acknow­ledge that, at least, the insti­tu­tion is in trans­ition.

The ques­tion of public edu­ca­tion’s decline is most rel­evant to con­sumers and pro­viders.

Con­sumers are not only the par­ents and guard­ians of K–12 stu­dents but also the com­munity at large, which includes grand­par­ents, neigh­bors, civic organ­iz­a­tions that have an interest in schools, busi­ness interests such as com­panies that develop a work­force for the future, indi­viduals inter­ested in national security, faith-based organ­iz­a­tions, and phil­an­throp­ists.

Con­sumers also include those indi­viduals who seek to improve the quality of life in the United States—whether they recog­nize it or whether they have chil­dren, they have a stake in public edu­ca­tion.

Pro­viders are pro­fes­sionals on the front line of public edu­ca­tion and the edu­ca­tional estab­lish­ment. The front line of public edu­ca­tion com­prises admin­is­trators, teachers, and sup­port staff. The edu­ca­tional estab­lish­ment includes the US Depart­ment of Edu­ca­tion, state depart­ments of edu­ca­tion, county depart­ments of edu­ca­tion, dis­trict boards of edu­ca­tion (including their own admin­is­tra­tions), and asso­ci­ations and unions.

Troub­ling School Stat­istics

While con­sumers and pro­viders may debate the causes of the prob­lems plaguing public edu­ca­tion as a whole, the struggles schools face today are both ser­ious and undeni­able. According to a report issued by the Dis­trict of Columbia Public Schools in 2017, only 32 per­cent of third graders in Wash­ington, DC, public schools can read pro­fi­ciently. In 2017, Nor­mandy School Dis­trict in St. Louis County, Mis­souri, with a pre­dom­in­ately African Amer­ican stu­dent pop­u­la­tion, had a 73.4 per­cent high school gradu­ation rate (73.2 for its black stu­dents). Clayton School Dis­trict, loc­ated five miles away, has a pre­dom­in­ately white stu­dent pop­u­la­tion and had a 98.15 per­cent gradu­ation rate in 2017 (100 per­cent for its black stu­dents). In the 2016 fiscal year, Detroit Public Schools had a $215.9 mil­lion deficit. Overall, only 25 per­cent of high school gradu­ates are pro­fi­cient in math. And only 37 per­cent of high school gradu­ates are pro­fi­cient in reading.

Par­ental Expect­a­tions Dashed by a Dys­func­tional System

All par­ents strive for the best for their chil­dren. At the top of this aspir­a­tion is securing a first-rate edu­ca­tion. No matter urban or rural, rich or poor, according to the promise of public edu­ca­tion, every com­munity should offer free and equit­able schools that main­tain high quality and expect­a­tions.

Indeed, along­side the hope of mil­lions of par­ents, the pur­pose of public edu­ca­tion is to pre­pare young people to be respons­ible cit­izens, who intel­li­gently exer­cise their right to vote, become pro­ductive indi­viduals, and pos­it­ively con­tribute to society—this is what we define as the edu­ca­tional social con­tract. Unfor­tu­nately, public schools as a whole have never lived up to this ideal. In fact, the gap between what public edu­ca­tion should be and what it actu­ally rep­res­ents in com­munities throughout this nation con­tinues to grow wider.

Through our invest­ig­a­tion, we con­ducted inter­views with may­oral offices, offi­cials with state depart­ments of edu­ca­tion, state sen­ators, assembly rep­res­ent­at­ives, other civic leaders respons­ible for devel­oping or influ­en­cing public edu­ca­tion policy, rep­res­ent­at­ives of the com­munity, chartered school leaders, edu­ca­tional reform leaders, aca­demics, par­ents, teachers, and admin­is­trators. The par­ents we inter­viewed across the country repeatedly named safety and a wel­coming atmo­sphere as high pri­or­ities when it came to an edu­ca­tional set­ting for their chil­dren. But after vis­iting schools throughout the United States and inter­viewing con­sumers and pro­viders, our research showed that most schools have con­sist­ently failed on both accounts. In Charter Storm, we will share our exper­i­ences in search of the answer to the fol­lowing ques­tions:

Shortly after we embarked on our journey, the answers to these ques­tions became abund­antly clear. Based on our cross-country invest­ig­a­tion and inter­views, edu­ca­tional reform is sweeping the country in varying degrees. The desire for change is rap­idly and increas­ingly dis­rupting public edu­ca­tion as a whole.

While we found many excel­lent tra­di­tional public schools, in the aggregate, out­standing schools were the excep­tion rather than the rule. This was par­tic­u­larly true in urban areas, where the highest con­cen­tra­tion of our nation’s chil­dren is edu­cated and where schools con­sist­ently fall short.

What we found was a high number of schools with hos­tile and threat­ening con­di­tions, in which rampant verbal abuse and bul­lying among stu­dents went largely ignored by school staff, in which teachers and admin­is­trators demon­strated power­less­ness or indif­fer­ence to tack­ling the school’s biggest prob­lems, and in which stu­dents were dis­en­gaged with the learning pro­cess.

But even in state-of-the-art, beau­tiful cam­puses loc­ated in affluent com­munities—far away from poverty and viol­ence—stu­dents fre­quently reported feeling unsafe.

The bottom line is the sys­temic prob­lems within public edu­ca­tion are varied and extensive. Col­lect­ively, they have res­ulted in wide­spread depres­sion and emo­tional with­drawal among stu­dents and a gen­eral dis­con­tent with the insti­tu­tion itself from stu­dents and staff alike. In the end, par­ents and guard­ians around the country are strug­gling to address the needs of chil­dren who are enrolled in dys­func­tional schools.

Enter the Chartered School

Ima­gine a learning envir­on­ment that main­tains a stu­dent-first approach. Think about what a school would look like if teachers were equally as engaged as their stu­dents in the learning pro­cess. At its core, such a driven approach to edu­ca­tion would engender the fol­lowing four qual­ities:

  1. Pur­pose—Stu­dents and teachers are engaged in goal-ori­ented work and are pas­sionate about reaching achiev­able object­ives.
  2. Mas­tery—Stu­dents and teachers strive for excel­lence.
  3. Autonomy—Stu­dents and teachers have the freedom to approach cur­riculum in innov­ative ways.
  4. Safety and Security—Stu­dents and teachers are phys­ic­ally safe and secure. School sites main­tain dis­cip­line and order that give teachers the ability to per­form at their highest poten­tial. Teachers are con­fident they are being sup­ported by the admin­is­tra­tion.

Prior to the intro­duc­tion of chartered schools, imple­menting such an effective and innov­ative frame­work was chal­len­ging and dis­cour­aging for those working within the existing tra­di­tional public school system, which was entrenched in bur­eau­cracy and gov­ern­ment reg­u­la­tion and con­strained by the self-serving agendas of powerful spe­cial interests. Offering par­ents schools that upheld the pre­ceding four qual­ities required a dra­matic edu­ca­tional paradigm shift that had to work out­side the public edu­ca­tion estab­lish­ment but still exist within a tax-funded struc­ture.

This new approach would be based on a market-driven prin­ciple of par­ental choice that main­tained the fol­lowing premise: Each child learns dif­fer­ently. So rather than be bound to a one-size-fits-all model of edu­ca­tion, where par­ents are lim­ited to having their kids attend one local campus, par­ents could choose a school that met the par­tic­ular needs of their sons and daugh­ters. In other words, as the primary edu­cators of their chil­dren, par­ents would be free to select the best instruc­tional match for their chil­dren among a variety of schools.

WHAT IS MARKET-DRIVEN?

This hall­mark of cap­it­alism in the United States is an organ­iz­a­tional char­ac­ter­istic and per­form­ance metric that is informed by eco­nomic forces such as supply and demand, market share, profit and loss, and com­pet­i­tion.

Com­panies such as Amazon, Star­bucks, and Apple have cap­tured retail market share through their superior products and ser­vices. In a market-­driven system, cus­tomers will pat­ronize a ser­vice that wel­comes them, meets or exceeds their expect­a­tions, and provides high-quality out­comes. A market-driven organ­iz­a­tion sus­tains itself by identi­fying the impact of future events and devel­oping a plan that focuses on solvency and safe­guards against future losses. Market-driven entities tend to focus on internal com­pet­en­cies that foster a greater respons­ive­ness to their cus­tomers and target market.

In 1991, Min­nesota was the first state to grant itself the power to become an author­izer. In public edu­ca­tion, an author­izer is the entity given the authority to grant charters. Charters are written con­tracts that allow the cre­ation of insti­tu­tions (in this case, a new type of public school). An author­izer may be a uni­ver­sity or a state or local organ­iz­a­tion (such as a board of edu­ca­tion, county depart­ment of edu­ca­tion, or an inde­pendent com­mis­sion). Cur­rently, forty-three states have charters allowing for the estab­lish­ment of entities other than local school dis­tricts to offer public edu­ca­tion.

As Ted Kolderie explained in his book The Split Screen Strategy: Improve­ment + Innov­a­tion, today, the term “charter school” refers to a type of public school. But ori­gin­ally, this new type of insti­tu­tion had no such des­ig­na­tion. Rather, it was simply a public school cre­ated by a charter—in other words, a chartered public school. Chartered schools were designed to be inde­pendent insti­tu­tions con­tracted by dis­tricts, the state, or state-des­ig­nated entities. They emerged as an edu­ca­tional model that would usher in a break­through, market-driven approach to public schools.

In order to uphold the ori­ginal intent of this type of public school, throughout this book, we will use the term “chartered school,” rather than the more com­monly used “charter school.” We will also refer to non-­chartered public schools as tra­di­tional public schools or tra­di­tional schools to dis­tin­guish them from chartered schools. While both chartered and tra­di­tional schools are public schools, as you will read, sig­ni­ficant dif­fer­ences exist between the two.

A Brief Over­view of Chartered Schools

Within edu­ca­tional reform, two major move­ments arose in the 1990s: the adop­tion of inform­a­tion tech­no­logy and the legis­la­tion that cre­ated chartered schools.

Think of these two move­ments as “Reforms” with an upper­case R. Con­trast these with reforms that rehashed, renamed, reshaped, and reiden­ti­fied pro­grams, pro­jects, and con­cepts that already existed, were slightly mod­i­fied, and then were rein­tro­duced into the classroom or the school system. Con­sider these as “reforms” with a lower­case r. In other words, these move­ments have been more evol­u­tionary than revolu­tionary.

The dis­tinc­tion between Reforms and reforms is sig­ni­ficant because the public edu­ca­tion estab­lish­ment has pointed to little-r reforms—such as stand­ards-based edu­ca­tion, indi­vidu­al­ized edu­ca­tion, and more recently, sci­ence, tech­no­logy, engin­eering, and math (STEM) edu­ca­tion and Common Core—to demon­strate how public edu­ca­tion is at the fore­front of con­tinuous improve­ment and innov­a­tion. But little-r reforms such as these pale in com­par­ison to the fol­lowing Reforms.

First, the digital age dra­mat­ic­ally changed ped­agogy and school-site and dis­trict-level admin­is­tra­tion. Smart classrooms and count­less online resources have trans­formed how edu­cators teach and stu­dents learn. Attend­ance, grading, and human resources data are web-based, and tech­no­logy will con­tinue to create new pos­sib­il­ities for instruc­tion and admin­is­tra­tion.

Second, from the ori­ginal legis­la­tion that cre­ated chartered schools, a new market-driven option emerged that single-handedly reshaped public edu­ca­tion.

The polit­ical and public sup­port of chartered schools was largely in response to con­cerns regarding the state of public edu­ca­tion in the early 1990s. At the time, mul­tiple dis­turbing con­di­tions called into ques­tion the health of our public edu­ca­tion system: campus drug traf­ficking and gang viol­ence; achieve­ment gaps among the eco­nom­ic­ally dis­ad­vant­aged, immig­rant pop­u­la­tions, and ethnic minor­ities; school dis­trict budget and man­age­ment scan­dals; teacher union mal­feas­ance; a gen­eral lack of school account­ab­ility; and con­cerns over global com­pet­it­ive­ness of our nation’s youth. As a result, the future of the insti­tu­tion rose to the top of public dis­course.

Politi­cians, aca­demics, busi­ness leaders, and par­ents sought solu­tions to a system in crisis, and those pas­sionate about edu­ca­tional reform went to work to determine how to solve public edu­ca­tion’s greatest prob­lems. From these intense dis­cus­sions, a market-driven approach emerged as an innov­ative way to combat the low stand­ards and expect­a­tions that plagued public edu­ca­tion.

In 1992, Cali­fornia enacted ground­breaking legis­la­tion that opened the doors for chartered schools. Cali­fornia’s high pro­file placed a national spot­light on char­tering. For the next twenty years, the chartered school move­ment expanded in the Golden State, as well as across the nation.

The intro­duc­tion of a market-driven approach has become the most sig­ni­ficant move­ment in public edu­ca­tion over the past two dec­ades.

Those of us who were at the fore­front of the chartered school move­ment so many dec­ades ago look back in awe at the breath­taking pro­gress chartered schools have made during such a short period. For example, The Charter School of San Diego (CSSD), chartered in 1993, was the twenty-eighth chartered school author­ized by the Cali­fornia State Board of Edu­ca­tion. It was also the first author­ized in the San Diego Uni­fied School Dis­trict and San Diego County.

While CSSD was iden­ti­fied as a start-up chartered school, it was actu­ally part of a state pro­gram called Edu­ca­tion Clinic Altern­at­ives, which was cre­ated to stem the tide of public school dro­pouts within San Diego and other parts of the state.

THE TWO TYPES OF CHARTERED SCHOOLS IN CALI­FORNIA

Cali­fornia has two chartered school models: (1) con­ver­sion chartered schools and (2) start-up chartered schools. Con­ver­sion chartered schools were ori­gin­ally tra­di­tional public schools. A start-up chartered school has no his­tory of being a tra­di­tional school. From the start, it is estab­lished as a chartered school.

CSSD’s trans­ition from a dis­trict-dependent pro­gram to a full-fledged chartered school is the story of a pas­sionate and com­mitted cadre of edu­cators, busi­nesspeople, and com­munity sup­porters. And now, two dec­ades later, the chartered school move­ment in Cali­fornia has increased from an ini­tial cap of one hun­dred chartered schools to over twelve hun­dred that serve well over half a mil­lion stu­dents.

From their incep­tion, chartered schools were designed to be a hybrid insti­tu­tion: On the one hand, they would uphold the edu­ca­tional social con­tract. They would also be sub­ject to over­sight and held account­able to ensure stu­dents were learning and teachers were main­taining pro­fes­sional stand­ards. On the other hand, chartered schools were encour­aged to exper­i­ment and innovate to develop new ways of inspiring stu­dents to learn and reach their greatest poten­tial. They were also designed as a way for teachers to estab­lish small schools that would bring edu­cators together who shared a common mis­sion. Teachers could act­ively col­lab­orate with par­ents to create a stu­dent-focused learning envir­on­ment.

Chartered schools meet their ambi­tious object­ives by a system of gov­ernance that is dif­ferent from that of tra­di­tional public schools. Of the forty-­three states that authorize chartered schools, each one has its own set of rules guiding how they are cre­ated and gov­erned. Since their incep­tion, chartered schools have gained sig­ni­ficant ground in com­munities where they have been estab­lished. This sep­arate set of rules gives chartered schools the ability to imple­ment new meth­od­o­logy, make decisions quickly, and adapt to change—all of which were dif­fi­cult to accom­plish within the heavily bur­eau­cratic, reg­u­lated, and politi­cized tra­di­tional public edu­ca­tion system.

In chapter 4, “Push­back Part 1,” we will explore the gov­ernance and com­pli­ance dif­fer­ences between chartered schools and their tra­di­tional public school coun­ter­parts, why they played an essen­tial role in the ori­ginal design of chartered schools and are still rel­evant today, and why these fun­da­mental dif­fer­ences are the topic of the most heated debates regarding the role of chartered schools within public edu­ca­tion.

Rise of the Con­sumer’s Voice: Par­ents Vote with Their Feet

Before chartered schools, “market-driven” was a term reserved for the world out­side tra­di­tional public edu­ca­tion. This term described how super­mar­kets, tele­phone com­panies, air­lines, gas sta­tions, and other busi­nesses oper­ated. No doubt, par­ents are con­sumers in a market-driven eco­nomy. But for most of public edu­ca­tion’s his­tory, the insti­tu­tion has main­tained a rel­ative market-share mono­poly. Thus, the vast majority of par­ents throughout the country had one option for public edu­ca­tion: the nearby neigh­bor­hood school.

While private schools have played a role in K–12 edu­ca­tion, the small num­bers of stu­dents they serve mean they have never posed a large-scale threat to tra­di­tional public schools. But with the emer­gence of chartered schools, an increasing number of public school par­ents have shifted their alle­gi­ance. The most high-pro­file examples of stu­dents enrolled in chartered schools in the 2015–16 school year are as fol­lows:

Since 1992, 6,900 chartered schools have been estab­lished that enroll nearly three mil­lion K–12 stu­dents. In the ten years leading to the 2016–17 school year, enroll­ment in chartered schools nearly tripled, making them the fastest growing form of school in the United States. And in many US cities, chartered school enroll­ments are approaching 20–25 per­cent or more of dis­trict stu­dents.

According to the Cali­fornia Depart­ment of Edu­ca­tion, for the 2016–17 school year, Cali­fornia had 1,248 oper­ating chartered schools that edu­cated more than 602,000 stu­dents. The out­comes for ethnic minor­ities enrolled in chartered schools are better than those in tra­di­tional schools. For instance, in 2013, 19 per­cent of African Amer­ican and Latino chartered school stu­dents were accepted into the state’s flag­ship public uni­ver­sity system, the Uni­ver­sity of Cali­fornia, com­pared to 11 per­cent of black and Latino tra­di­tional public school stu­dents. These pos­itive res­ults point to the power of choice. When given the option, mil­lions of par­ents across the country have opted for chartered schools. Today, con­sumers are making edu­ca­tional decisions for their chil­dren based on schools that are wel­coming, aca­dem­ic­ally enga­ging, and safe.

On a national basis, how­ever, only one in six­teen chil­dren attends chartered schools. When it comes to overall market share, the total number of stu­dents enrolled in chartered schools pales in com­par­ison to those attending tra­di­tional public schools. This low per­centage also reflects the lim­ited number of com­munities that have chartered schools. And where they are present, they fre­quently are filled to capa­city and main­tain waiting lists.

Chartered schools have provided par­ents edu­ca­tional choices that align with the market-driven decisions they make in other aspects of their lives. With chartered schools, par­ents are able to choose the edu­ca­tional envir­on­ment that best aligns with their chil­dren’s needs. While this market-­driven frame­work has fueled the growth of chartered schools and empowered par­ents in a way never before seen in the United States, it has also threatened tra­di­tional public schools’ hege­mony.

Main­taining the Status Quo: Push­back against Chartered Schools

Throughout our country, public schools receive the majority of their funding through stu­dent attend­ance. For instance, in Cali­fornia, school dis­tricts are required to comply with the Local Con­trol and Account­ab­ility Plan (LCAP). This is a school dis­trict’s three-year strategy for how it will use state funding to serve all stu­dents. Under cur­rent LCAP funding, a school dis­trict receives about ten thou­sand dol­lars per year for each stu­dent. Tra­di­tional public schools have main­tained a mono­poly on this essen­tial rev­enue source.

In school dis­tricts where chartered schools have been estab­lished, their long-standing income-gen­er­ating source has been put at risk. Given that a geo­graphic area a school dis­trict serves has a spe­cific number of stu­dents, tra­di­tional schools have found them­selves com­peting with chartered schools over the same pop­u­la­tion of stu­dents.

The pop­ularity of chartered schools has res­ulted in decreased stu­dent enroll­ment in tra­di­tional public schools. This is com­pounded by chan­ging demo­graphics in the United States. As the gen­eral pop­u­la­tion con­tracts, K–12 enroll­ments have decreased in states and cities across the nation. Increased immig­ra­tion in some parts of the United States has helped mit­igate the overall impact of pop­u­la­tion decline. Oth­er­wise, the effect of the reduced enroll­ment in those areas would be dev­ast­ating.

Empty classroom seats mean less rev­enue. And less rev­enue means schools must reduce their teaching staff and increase class sizes. School dis­tricts may also be forced to cut spending that may result in decreased facil­ities main­ten­ance and school ser­vices, employee lay­offs, and even the sale of school prop­er­ties.

For the first time in their his­tory, tra­di­tional public schools are having to con­sider market-driven prin­ciples such as supply and demand, market share, com­pet­i­tion, public rela­tions, and mar­keting in order to address lower enroll­ment. But rather than adjust to how chartered schools have changed the public edu­ca­tion land­scape, school dis­tricts across the country are enga­ging in the prac­tice of push­back in order to main­tain their strong­hold on per-stu­dent funding. Broadly speaking, push­back is primarily a response by super­in­tend­ents, school boards, central offices, unions, state organ­iz­a­tions, and other groups to either slow or stop the growth of chartered schools. Their objective is to hold on to the stu­dents within a tra­di­tional school’s bound­aries, stop the flow of stu­dents from a tra­di­tional school’s campus, and main­tain the status quo.

The status quo is how those within the edu­ca­tional estab­lish­ment con­duct the busi­ness of edu­ca­tion on a daily basis. It com­prises written and unwritten belief state­ments that are the result of learned beha­vior—tra­di­tional and past prac­tices that are a school dis­trict’s efforts to main­tain cer­tain long-standing and pre­vious prac­tices; the way those within the edu­ca­tional estab­lish­ment see how schools fit within the broader US land­scape; policies, pro­ced­ures, and edu­ca­tional code; and the pro­cess by which school dis­tricts must main­tain con­tinual growth in order to remain solvent.

Wherever chartered schools are growing, push­back is occur­ring. On the mod­erate end of the push­back spec­trum, push­back is a cal­cu­lated effort to slow chartered schools’ growth and expan­sion. On the extreme end, it is an effort to des­troy whatever threatens the edu­ca­tional status quo. In chapter 4, “Push­back Part 1,” we will fur­ther explore push­back and the status quo, why push­back is becoming increas­ingly aggressive, and how it is inter­fering with the object­ives of those who have tire­lessly labored to improve public edu­ca­tion in the United States.

Push­back may be demon­strated by a variety of beha­viors. Author­izers may attempt to micro­manage the oper­a­tion of the chartered school. Many school dis­tricts may require that chartered school gov­ernance mimic the rules and prin­ciples dis­tricts follow. (Most chartered schools operate under cor­porate law. Many school dis­tricts operate under edu­ca­tion code.) Author­izers may be reluctant to approve new chartered schools. Author­izers may place unreas­on­able expect­a­tions for the renewal of chartered schools. Chartered schools often exper­i­ence inequit­able funding, reluctant sup­port in their effort to seek facil­ities, or a threat of revoc­a­tion.

A Point of No Return

A strong national defense and healthy inter­na­tional trade will do little for the socioeco­nomic and polit­ical future of the United States without a well-edu­cated cit­izenry pre­pared to strengthen our com­munities on both a micro and macro level. No doubt, the future suc­cess of our nation relies on ful­filling the edu­ca­tional social con­tract. If we equip young people to be self-suf­fi­cient adults, informed voters, and pro­ductive cit­izens, we will revive the essen­tial com­munity resources and land­marks that were once left to decay under apathy and neg­lect.

Whether your per­spective is that public edu­ca­tion is in sharp decline or merely in trans­ition, you will agree that, because our nation’s future depends on a well-edu­cated cit­izenry, the respons­ib­ility of public edu­ca­tion is both sig­ni­ficant and over­whelming. While par­ents across the country have sought to enroll their sons and daugh­ters in tra­di­tional public schools that meet their chil­dren’s needs, as our invest­ig­a­tion has revealed, many tra­di­tional schools have either benignly or blatantly neg­lected the com­munities they are funded to serve. This is espe­cially true in our nation’s urban cen­ters, areas with a high con­cen­tra­tion of ethnic minor­ities, and socioeco­nom­ic­ally dis­ad­vant­aged regions.

With the intro­duc­tion and rise of chartered schools, par­ents have a new market-driven public edu­ca­tion model that is aca­dem­ic­ally and fisc­ally account­able, innov­ative, flex­ible, and ready to meet the needs of com­munities that have been under­served by tra­di­tional public edu­ca­tion. While mis­in­form­a­tion and mis­con­cep­tions about chartered schools have res­ulted in their being labeled as har­bingers of doom that rep­resent the weak­ening or even demise of public edu­ca­tion, as you have learned, from their ori­ginal design and onset, chartered schools have always been part of the public edu­ca­tion system.

Chartered schools rep­resent the best of what a dra­mat­ic­ally chan­ging public edu­ca­tion land­scape has to offer. At the same time, the chartered school model is still in its early stages and is con­tinu­ally evolving and improving. Unfor­tu­nately, push­back threatens the very strength of the ori­ginal design of chartered schools: to exper­i­ment and develop new ways to operate and to inspire stu­dents to reach their greatest poten­tial.

Des­pite often aggressive res­ist­ance by those grasping the status quo, chartered schools are a per­manent part of public edu­ca­tion. In the chapters that follow, you will learn how chartered schools benefit stu­dents across the country and have provided par­ents the peace of mind they seek. You will also gain an under­standing of why chartered schools are neces­sary to ful­fill the edu­ca­tional social con­tract, are worthy of respect and pro­tec­tion, and should be provided the resources and sup­port to improve and grow.