AS I wandered through the lobby of the drab little hotel on the main street of Cernauti—a Roumanian town two miles from the Polish frontier—I thought how many terrible stories could be written about the people in that one room alone.
For three days Polish refugees had come streaming across the frontier before the massacre of the German tanks and planes. Some had come on foot with knapsacks over their backs; some in carts and wagons; some in battered motor-cars with the few possessions they had been able to save piled on top. The narrow Roumanian streets ran with mud and the police, detailed to avoid congestion, spent most of their time cursing at the donkey-carts of the local inhabitants, invariably stuck in the middle of the road. The Roumanian peasants seemed bewildered by the war thunderbolt that had suddenly transformed their quiet town; groups of them collected around the battered Polish cars, peering at the registration plates with morbid curiosity.
The small hotel on the main street had become a tragic “Grand Hotel”. It was so crowded people were sleeping on the floor of the lobby—not only were there refugees, but foreign journalists, diplomats and military attachés, who had crossed the frontiers a few hours before. But it wasn’t hard to pick out the Poles. You could tell them by their mud-stained clothes and the dazed looks in their faces. In one corner of the lobby a Polish woman, with a fine head and long slender hands, sat alone, crying. She didn’t make any sound but sat quite motionless, hour after hour, the tears streaming down her face.
All around you, you felt the tragedy of smashed lives. Every now and then an incident caught your eye, like a fragment of a broken picture, and your imagination flared up as you wondered what story lay behind the scene. I remember the two neatly-dressed little Polish boys who came into the lobby clutching tin aeroplanes and explaining to the desk clerk, proudly: “Mon père est un pilote”—and the look on their mother’s face as though she had been struck when they spoke the words; the man who had been wandering listlessly round the lobby, staring at a girl who came through the door as though he had seen a ghost, then running up and flinging his arms about her and both of them laughing hysterically; the three children sitting on suitcases propped up in the corner of the hall waiting for the parents they had become separated from, and the desk clerk telling us he didn’t know how to explain to them the frontier had been closed for several hours and now there was little chance of their coming.
That was Tuesday, September 19th, exactly two weeks and four days after the German attack had begun. The Russian Army had crossed the frontier forty-eight hours before and Poland’s two powerful neighbours were squeezing in on her like a giant nutcracker. The last border—the Roumanian—had slammed shut, and now the country was sealed up, isolated, and awaiting its doom.
I had never imagined that Poland could be destroyed so quickly there wouldn’t even be time to get to it. The day after Great Britain and France declared war I had decided to go to Warsaw. The only route open was London to Bergen (Norway) by boat; Bergen to Oslo (Norway) by train; Oslo to Stockholm (Sweden) by train; Stockholm to Helsinki (Finland) by aeroplane; Helsinki to Riga (Latvia) by aeroplane; Riga to Kovno (Lithuania) by train; Kovno to Warsaw by train.
It took me five days to get the proper visas. When at last I had them, Mr. Rogers of Cook’s Travel Bureau rang up to say the frontier between Lithuania and Poland had been closed and now my only chance was via Roumania, which meant travelling through France, Switzerland, Italy and Yugoslavia. The new visas took another five days, and by the time I was ready to leave the German onslaught had moved so fast it was already doubtful whether even the Roumanian frontier would stay open.
That trip across a darkened Europe, at war for the second time in twenty-one years, was a strange experience. It stands out in my mind now as a series of impressions: crossing the channel at night on a boat that took a fourteen-hour zig-zag course to escape a German U-boat; the nine-hour train trip to Paris with its interminable stops and the stage porter who kept shrugging his shoulders and repeating the old cliché, “C’est la guerre”; the deserted, unfamiliar look of Paris with its shop-fronts boarded up and its men at the front; the Simplon express from Paris to Rome with its shaded lights, obsequious waiters and luxurious dining-car—the only train in France with sleepers and a restaurant as all the others had been requisitioned as hospital trains; the rigid inspection of the Swiss frontier officials by order of a government determined not to have the country turned into the same spy centre it was in the last war: and the hysterical scene created by three Italians, unfamiliar with the new visa regulations, who were put off, bag and baggage, in the middle of the night; and, finally, Rome with the street lights blazing and the peaceful clatter of carriages along the cobble-stones.
I discovered that lights were one of the few luxuries the capital could boast, for Italy, neutral though she was, was already undergoing more hardships than the belligerent countries. There was no petrol and no coffee. This last, to a nation that spends half its days in the cafés, wasn’t a deprivation to be taken lightly. I arrived in Rome late at night and left by plane for Bucharest early the next morning, so I didn’t have a chance to see any friends; but at the Hotel Excelsior the porters and waiters pressed me with questions about France and England, expressing eloquent sympathy for the Poles and a firm resolve to keep their end of the Axis out of the war.
The moment I arrived in Bucharest I felt myself jerked back into an atmosphere of crisis. With Soviet troops massing on the Roumanian frontier and rumours that Germany was concentrating her forces in Hungary, tension was at a fever pitch. In the crowded restaurants, when loud-speakers began broadcasting the news bulletins, people put down their knives and forks and conversation stopped; everyone listened with painful intensity.
I didn’t know that the Polish frontier had been closed, and as soon as I reached the hotel looked up the trains for Cernauti There was one leaving that night, but the porter told me there was so much delay no one could guarantee how long the trip would take. But I went to see a friend at the British Legation and had the good luck to run into Lord Forbes, a young man I had met in London, who had just been appointed Air Attaché. He was flying to Cernauti in the morning in his own plane and offered to take me with him.
When we arrived at the Bucharest aerodrome in the morning we were greeted by a strange scene. Twenty-four hours earlier the Polish High Command had ordered its aviators to fly into Roumania to prevent their planes from falling into German hands. Nearly three hundred planes—forty twin-engined bombers and over two hundred fighters—had arrived at the aerodrome. Over a hundred pilots, exhausted and unshaven, were sleeping on the floor of the waiting-room; their uniforms were torn and dirty and many of them had bandaged hands and faces.
One of the officers had brought a plane in with sixteen bullet-holes in it after a fight with the Russians. He was a tall, slender man, with a medal on his ragged brown jacket on which were the words: “Virtuti Militari.” He told us he had won it in 1921, when the Poles had succeeded in driving the Bolsheviks from Warsaw. “This time,” he said bitterly, “they have succeeded.”
Although he had not eaten for more than twenty-four hours and seemed close to exhaustion, he refused to accept any money from us. He drew himself up proudly, shaking his head, and saying over and over again, “Non, merci, I am an officer, a colonel in the Polish Army.”
This same indomitable pride existed among all the officers with whom we talked. There was no plea for pity, no request for help of any kind; only a passionate determination to escape from Roumania, to join up in the French Air Force. One of the pilots came from a town in the Polish corridor. His family had been killed in the bombardment, and his two brothers, both aviators, shot down in air battles a few days before. “What are they going to do with us?” he kept asking Lord Forbes over and over again. “They can’t shut us up. We must go on.”
We took him into the restaurant and gave him some tea (the only drink there was), and although he had only a few coins in his pockets, he tried determinedly to pay the bill. Fortunately, the manager came up and saved the situation by insisting that we were all guests of the airport.
The aeroplane trip to Cernauti took about two hours and we arrived just as it was getting dark. Some of the Polish planes had landed here as well as Bucharest; one of them had nose-dived into the ground and the tail stood up, silhouetted against the fading light of the sky, like a huge black cross.
The first person I ran into at the hotel was Ed Beattie, the United Press correspondent, whom I hadn’t seen since that grim, rainy day in Carlsbad just a year ago. Ed had come from Warsaw and he told me that within the first forty-eight hours the German Air Force had succeeded in smashing the telephone and telegraph centres, the bridgeheads, railway junctions—in fact, all the important lines of communication throughout the country. From then on the front didn’t exist—only scattered, isolated groups unable to reach each other, or even relay orders.
This total warfare, which depends on disrupting the civil life of the community, and claims as military objectives towns and villages as far as 150 miles behind the front line—on the grounds that they are either food bases or communication centres—had been experimented with in Spain. In Poland it was brought to its full flower of perfection. Ed told me he had seen a German map on which all the important junctions, factories and bridgeheads were marked with exactly the weight of bombs required to destroy them.
And here in Poland, the large-scale Fifth Column activities, which have since become recognized as an integral part of German strategy, were used for the first time. Agents with short-wave wireless transmitters were dispersed throughout the country to relay whatever information they could get. Anthony Biddle, the American Ambassador, told me the spy ring was so effective that the moves of the Polish Government were broadcast from German stations an hour or so after the most secret decisions had been made. On several occasions he had heard the news of his own proposed movements (even when he was going from one remote village to another) broadcast before he had started on the journey.
The strategy of the Soviet Army was more subtle than that of the Germans. Major Colbern, the American Military Attaché in Warsaw, who crossed into Roumania just before the frontier closed, told me that he was driving along a Polish country road near the Russian frontier on Sunday morning when he suddenly saw a tank regiment and a column of troops coming over the brow of a hill. He had never seen tanks of this type in Poland before and drove towards the column greatly puzzled. It was only when he was a few yards away that he suddenly saw the Soviet red star on the commander’s cap. Near the rear of the column Polish troops had joined in with the Russians and were fraternizing happily. The Soviet officer approached the Military Attaché smiling, inspected his papers, then saluted him and said that he might pass. When he asked the Russian officer where he was going, the latter replied cheerfully that they were on their way to fight the Germans. With this he ordered the column to move to one side of the road so that the Attaché’s car might pass, and courteously saluted good-bye.
At first it was thought that many of the Soviet officers actually believed they were entering Poland to fight the Germans, but it later became apparent they had merely been given orders to tell the Poles this. Thus, instead of offering resistance, the Poles greeted them as brothers, allowing the Soviet columns to sweep through village after village without firing a shot.
The first Soviet wave made no attempt to disarm the Poles, and it was not until the vanguard had made a sufficiently long advance that the rearguard was given orders to deprive the Poles of their guns and ammunition. This gave the Soviet Government the opportunity to announce that the Poles greeted their Russian comrades with open arms.
* * *
I went back to England badly shaken by even the second-hand glimpse I’d had of the Polish massacre. I flew from Bucharest to Milan and caught the express to Paris. We reached the French frontier about five in the morning and I was awakened by the sound of excited French voices. An American woman had overlooked the necessity of getting a visa to enter France. The authorities told her indignantly she must leave the train at once and I heard her voice rise shrill and insistent above the hubbub. “But I only want to buy a dress at Schiaparelli’s.”
She was deposited on the platform, expostulating angrily, but I have a nasty feeling she got there in the end. If the dress is still in fashion, she’s probably wearing it now at cocktail parties in New York.