5. Many analyses produced by human rights organizations have drawn attention to the human rights violations of supermax security prisons. See, for example, Human Rights Watch, Cold Storage; Red Onion State Prison; and Out of Sight.
6. See, for example, Sykes, The Society of Captives; Jacobs, Stateville; Rhodes, Total Confinement; Drake, Prisons, Punishment and the Pursuit of Security.
7. Human Rights Watch, “Small Group Isolation in Turkish Prisons.”
8. See, for example, Ankara Barosu, Sincan F Tipi Cezaevi Gözlem Raporu ve “Cezaevleri Sorunu” Üzerine Görüşler; İstanbul Barosu İnsan Hakları Merkezi Cezaevi Çalışma Grubu, “Kocaeli F Tipi Cezaevi” Gözlem Raporu; İnsan Hakları Derneği, F Tipi Cezaevi Modeli; Türk Tabipleri Birliği, F Tipi Cezaevlerine İlişkin Türk Tabipleri Birliği Raporu.
9. Ankara Barosu İnsan Hakları Komisyonu, Türk İnfaz Sisteminin Sorunları; Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği, “F Tipinden Yeni İnfaz-İzolasyon Yasasına”; Özgür Hukuk Bürosu, “F Tipine İlişkin Bazı Tespitler” and “F Tipleri”; Koşan, “Emperyalizmin Ölüm Anıtları”; Çalışlar, “Eza-Tipi ya da F-Tipi”; Günçıkan, “Hücre”; Kanar, “‘İktidar Aklı’ Cezaevleri”; Kaptanoğlu, “Panopticon’dan F Tipine Tecrit,” 34–36; İşlegen, “F Tipi Cezaevleri, İnsan Hakları, Sağlık”; Cinmen, “Tecrit Politikası.”
10. Ankara Tabip Odası, Açlık Grevleri/Ölüm Oruçları ve Cezaevlerindeki Son Süreçle İlgili İzlem Raporu; TMMOB Mimarlar Odasıİzmir Şubesi, “F Tipi Cezaevi Raporu.”
11. İnsan Hakları Derneği İstanbul Şubesi, Tecrit ya da F Tipi İnfaz Sistemi; Le Pennec and Eberhardt, The F-Type Prison Crisis.
12. Amnesty International, Turkey: “F Type” Prisons; Human Rights Watch, Turkey: Small Group Isolation in F-type Prisons; Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly, F Type Prisons’ Report.
13. İnsan Hakları Derneği İstanbul Şubesi, Sessiz Çığlık.
14. Aydoğmuş “Letter to Oral Çalışlar from Ümraniye Prison.” Courtesy of Oral Çalışlar.
15. Anderson, “‘To Lie Down to Death for Days,’” 820.
16. Siméant also finds that the hunger strike, or more generally the body, is a common resort as a medium of protest for those who have limited access to other forms of protest, particularly illegal migrants and others who demand status or contest the status assigned to them by the state. See Siméant, La Cause des Sans-Papiers, 302–10.
31. At the same time as Koçan and Öncü interpret the hunger strike as a struggle for Kantian autonomy, they also assert that the hunger strike was a struggle for recognition in the Hegelian sense. The F-type prisons, in their argument, were “aiming to subordinate them [the prisoners] to a particular self-consciousness without granting them any recognition. The prisoners’ self-consciousness is denied by taking away their freedom and rights” (ibid., 362). Accordingly, the prisoners’ denial of servitude led to a life-and-death struggle with the state as the “master.” Their ability to face death was their attainment of a new morality along with a new subjectivity. The authors claim that this new morality was an expression of ressentiment in the Nietzschean sense, a reactive experience of frustration and the “desire to put an end to domination and oppression and a will to power denied to them” (ibid., 361). While interesting and provocative, the interpretation of Koçan and Öncü superimposes multiple philosophical frameworks on the death fast (for example, Kantian, Hegelian, and finally Nietzschean) that tackle different aspects of the struggle without adjudicating the relative merits of each perspective, the tensions among them when taken together, and how they refract the actual voices and views of the participants in the struggle.
89. Interview with a participant of the death fast, May 30, 2005.
Conclusion
1. Joint statement issued by political prisoners of different affiliations condemning the preparations for a military intervention in prisons and calling for public support, dated October 10, 2000, printed in Yaşadığımız Vatan, October 16, 2000, 21.
2. Marx and Engels, “The Manifesto of the Communist Party,” 500.
3. Anderson, “‘To Lie Down to Death for Days,’” 840.
4. ABCTGM, “Statistics.” Since 2011, the Ministry of Justice has stopped publishing statistics that list “terror” crimes separately from “ordinary” crimes on its Web site.
7. Some of these problems have also been reported by the parliament’s own Human Rights Investigation Commission. See TBMM İnsan Haklarınıİnceleme Komisyonu Başkanlığı, Bolu F-Tipi Cezaevi Raporu.
8. Başaran, “Cezaevleri İsyanlara Gebe”; Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği, “F Tipi Cezaevinde Tecrit Ölüm Getirdi.”
9. Amnesty International, “Turkey: Briefing on Present State of Human Rights.”
10. Human rights organizations point to the continuation of serious human rights violations despite ongoing reforms. See, for example, Amnesty International, Turkey: Memorandum on AI’s Recommendations.
11. See, for example, Balbay, Silivri Toplama Kampı.
12. For a passionate indictment of the new ruling elite, see Şık, Pusu.
13. Muftuler-Bac and Keyman, “The Era of Dominant Party Politics.”