Chapter 5
In This Chapter
Understanding how humans see in 3-D
Painting a picture of how people see colours
If your vision is normal, imagining a world without the ability to perceive depth and colour is difficult. But for people who can’t see these things, the problem can be highly debilitating.
How the human brain processes these aspects of the visual experience is quite remarkable. (To read about the basic biology of human perception and some theories about how people see the world around them, turn to Chapter 4.) As well as describing here how you see depth and perceive colours, we also include real-world examples and some fascinating illusions that fool your visual system. The world isn’t what it appears to be!
Depth perception is vital – without it you wouldn’t be able to cross the road, pick up things or even identify what things are. For cognitive psychologists, establishing how this awesome skill works is really important. For one reason, it highlights how the human mind influences how people see. For another, people need depth cues to know about things (and knowing is very cognitive). In this section, we introduce depth perception and review the various cues to depth.
Being able to see in three dimensions (3-D) is critical. Without depth perception, you’d walk into lampposts, knock things over and not realise how far away a speeding car is. Just think of this example: you’re sitting at a bar and you need to pick up your pint. Without depth perception, doing so would be hit or miss and you may end up spilling it – a tragedy!
You can also use depth perception to help identify objects. For example, look at Figure 5-1. You can see a gorgeous chinchilla behind the wires of her cage, because depth perception allows you to tell the difference between the animal’s grey fur and the metal of her cage.
The simplest cue to depth is size. Generally, the bigger something is, the closer it is to you. Simple … or maybe not. Consider looking at a cube in isolation. You can’t tell how big it is without some other reference point. The cube can be any size, so you need something to compare it to.
Linear perspective is related to size cues. Think about walking down a straight road at night. As you look down the road, it appears to narrow, and the lampposts get closer together. Although you see this, you perceive that the road ahead is farther away from you. (Chapter 4 covers why seeing and perceiving aren’t always the same thing in more detail.)
Figure 5-3 shows a variant of the Ponzo illusion (named after its creator, the Italian psychologist Mario Ponzo). In the figure, you perceive the top horizontal bar as larger than the bottom one, even though they’re exactly the same size; linear perspective tells you that the two converging lines are in fact parallel. Therefore, the upper line must be bigger because it almost touches the perceived-to-be parallel lines whereas the bottom line doesn’t.
Figure 5-4 shows the Müller-Lyer illusion (the German sociologist Franz Carl Müller-Lyer came up with it) – this illusion is similar to the Ponzo illusion and is potentially a result of implied depth perception. The line with the outward pointing arrows seems shorter than the arrow with the inward pointing arrows despite the fact that the lines are the same length. One hypothesis for this effect is that people are so used to seeing inward pointing arrows in the corners of rooms and outward pointing arrows on the exterior corners of buildings. Evidence shows that Western peoples are more susceptible to this illusion than pre-Stone age forest-dwelling peoples.
Very similar to linear perspective are texture gradients. If you’re on a pebbly beach and you look along it, the pebbles appear larger near your feet but smaller farther away from your feet. Again, that’s the sensation – it’s what you see – but the perception is that all the pebbles are the same size: the ones that look smaller are simply farther away.
Another important cue is aerial perspective: objects appear blurrier and more faded in the distance. If you look out across the countryside, distant hills are slightly blurry. So, you know that the blurrier an object, the farther away it probably is.
Figure 5-5a appears to show an illusory bar positioned over three circles. You don’t perceive three incomplete circles though; you perceive a bar over the top. In fact, your brain responds in the same way to the illusory bar as to the real bar. These shapes are similar to the figures in Figure 5-5b, where a square appears to be placed over the top of the four circles.
The Necker cube (see Figure 5-6a) highlights occlusion nicely. When presented with a hexagonal shape with extra lines, people tend to perceive a cube: that is, 3-D is so important that it pops out from a 2-D image. However, the basic Necker cube is ambiguous: is the far-left vertical the back or front of the cube? Only when some of the sides are occluded (see Figures 5-6b and 5-6c) can you clearly work out the depth.
People know that light comes from above, so when they see a shadow they assume that it’s underneath something. Look at the pattern of dots and dimples in Figure 5-7. Those with light patches on top appear to be dots, whereas those with light sides on the bottom appear to be dimples.
Six muscles control how each of your eyes move, and two muscles control the shape of the lens in the eye. These muscles change in tension depending on how far away an object is. Muscular movement of the eyes produces tiny electrical impulses that the brain can record and use to establish depth.
The brain can use this tension as a measure of depth perception. Vergence movement can provide accurate depth perception up to about 6 metres:
Here we consider the depth cues involving two eyes. Your two eyes are in slightly different positions and so what they see is slightly different.
Normally your brain manages to form the two disparity images into a single image (called fusion). But if you suffer diplopia or are very drunk (we wouldn’t know personally, of course), you have double vision.
Humans have cells in the visual cortex that respond when some form of retinal disparity exists. About 5–10 per cent of the population (including one of your authors) lack this ability. These people are stereoblind (unable to detect depth based on retinal disparity) and have to make use of all the other depth cues for accurate depth perception. This condition is often the result of a strabismus, a squint or lazy-eye, at an early age that prevents the development of these disparity cells.
Motion parallax is another form of depth perception based on a sort of retinal disparity (refer to the preceding section). Motion parallax is based on the fact that you have disparity due to movement.
The human brain can calculate the relative speeds of the movement and use this information to work out how far away something is. This form of depth perception is incredibly powerful and widely used by animals for hunting.
Given all the different cues to depth, you may be wondering how people use them to form an accurate representation of how far away something is from them. Psychologists haven’t established precisely how this happens, but experts do know that the more cues to depth perception that exist, the more accurate the judgement of depth is going to be.
Another way to view how the depth cues interact is to see what happens when the depth cues give conflicting information: for example, a huge mouse, partially occluded by a tiny elephant. Generally speaking, in this situation estimates of depth perception are very poor. The brain decides which cue is likely to be more reliable (how it does this is up to the individual brain) and uses that one cue at the expense of the others.
Accurate colour perception can be the difference between life and death. Consider trying to find fruit nestled in trees if you can’t see colour. Animals (including humans) also use colour to convey psychological states: certain frogs turn bright yellow or red to signal danger, humans give away more than they mean to by going red with anger (or embarrassment) and some monkeys change colour to indicate a readiness to mate. Without colour, poor Curious George would miss out terribly.
In this section, we describe colour and show that although your eyes are designed to process only three colours, you can see a whole myriad of them. We discuss two theories that explain how people see the range of colours in the colour spectrum: trichromacy theory and opponent processing. We also show how the perception of colour isn’t as simple as identifying what the brain detects: colour perception is affected by knowledge as well.
Of course, colour makes the world look prettier, but what is it? Well, colour is simply the brain’s response to light of different wavelengths. Light is a form of electromagnetic radiation, which includes gamma rays, X-rays, ultraviolet light, infrared light, microwaves and radio waves. Although some animals can perceive other wavelengths, the bit that humans see lies between ultraviolet and infrared – often called the visible part of the spectrum.
The three types of cones (S for short, M for medium and L for long) respond to different wavelengths of light. Microspectrophotometry (in which a small pinprick of light is shone on each photoreceptor and its electrical response is measured) shows to what wavelengths of light each cone type maximally responds. The peak sensitivity (the wavelength that causes the most amount of response) is as follows:
In other words, when a light of wavelength 500 nanometres is shone on the eye, all three types of cones respond. The response is greater, however, for the M-cones than the S-cones and L-cones. So, you interpret the colour to be green. From three cones, you can see all colours.
Added to the direct physiological evidence for this trichromacy theory of colour vision is a lot of behavioural evidence. People can make every colour from mixing these three colours. This theory is often referred to as the Young–Helmholtz theory, after Thomas Young and Hermann von Helmholtz, the key researchers who developed it.
Recent evidence pinpoints the exact DNA responsible for these cones. The genes that control the cones are located on the X chromosome and other research has determined the cause for certain types of colour-blindness. People with colour-blindness (or, to be more accurate, colour deficiencies) usually have either a missing type of cone or an abnormal type of cone. Usually, they miss only one type of cone. Table 5-1 describes the types of colour deficiencies that experts have discovered.
Table 5-1 Types of Colour Deficiencies
Name |
Cause |
Consequence |
Dichromacies (only two types of functioning colour receptors) |
||
Protanopia |
Missing L pigment |
Confuses 520–700 nanometres (green to red) |
Deuteranopia |
Missing M pigment |
Confuses 530–700 nanometres (yellow to red) |
Tritanopia |
Missing S pigment |
Confuses 445–480 nanometres (blue) |
Anomalous trichromacies (colour matches differ from normal) |
||
Protanomaly |
Abnormal L pigment |
Abnormal matches; poor discrimination |
Deuteranomaly |
Missing M pigment |
Confuses 530–700 nanometres (yellow to red) |
Although three cone types exist that respond to light of a particular wavelength (see the preceding section), people are clearly able to see many more colours. How is this possible? Well, experts aren’t sure. One suggestion is that certain colours are processed in some form of opposition. We look at some evidence for this idea here. If you remain unconvinced after reading this section, check out the later one ‘Categorical perception: Keeping colours straight’ for more on the theory.
Hering observed specifically that when describing colours, people never used the term ‘bluey-yellow’ but they did sometimes say ‘yellowy-green’ (the colour of a tennis ball). Likewise, they never said ‘reddy-green’.
You can prove that this effect isn’t a computer trick, by adapting to the stimulus and then looking at a white wall: again you see the after-image. In fact, wherever you look, you see it. The after-image lasts for only a few seconds (though it returns when you blink), and it’s usually weaker than the original image seen.
With this knowledge in mind, how do these opposite colours combine to form the plethora of colours that people can see? Figure 5-8 offers the coding system based on the opponent-processing theory. Basically, the system works out the ratio of activation coming from the S-cones relative to the other cones. Solid lines represent that maximum response signals the colour; dotted lines represent that minimum response signals the colour.
Here’s how the coding system works in practice. Three channels exist: one for red-green, one for blue-yellow and one for black-white:
Table 5-2 describes how the primary colours are signalled with this system.
Table 5-2 Outputs from the Cones
Colour to Achieve |
S-Cone Activity |
M-Cone Activity |
L-Cone Activity |
Black |
Zero |
Zero |
|
White |
Maximum |
Maximum |
|
Red |
Maximum |
Minimum |
|
Green |
Minimum |
Maximum |
|
Blue |
Maximum |
Minimum |
Minimum |
Yellow |
Minimum |
Maximum |
Maximum |
When you know how the cones combine to form the colour signals that get transferred to the brain, assessing how the brain then copes with this colour information becomes important. Until fairly recently, researchers assumed that the cortical area known as V4 processed colour information – because some patients with achromatopsia (an inability to perceive any colour) had damage typically only to area V4.
Researchers discovered new patients, however, with damage only to this particular brain region and yet who could still perceive colour. This discovery led to an investigation into what other brain regions may be involved in the perception of colour.
Research focused on an area called V8 (which happens to be right next to V4). V8 seems to process colour, but no patients with damage exclusively to V8 have been reported yet. One study showed that when people are looking at colour during an adaptation experiment, both areas V4 and V8 are activated. However, during the after-image (in which only illusory colour is perceived), only area V8 is activated.
The light coming into your eye isn’t always the same as the colour you perceive, and yet it often seems so. Colours appear the same under all light conditions, even though the sensory input is different. This effect, called colour constancy, was described by Edwin Land in 1977.
When you’re outside, the orange glow means that everything entering your eye is some shade of orange. But you seem to be wearing colour filters over your eyes that change every colour by the same amount. So, your brain somehow filters out the glow and determines that the colour of your clothes hasn’t changed.
In the earlier section ‘Colours in opposition: Adding more colours to the colour wheel’, we describe the opponent-process theory of colour perception, which suggests only three categorical boundaries: between red and green, between blue and yellow, and between black and white. Blue and yellow, say, are therefore mutually exclusive – a yellow can never be confused with a blue. But this isn’t what happens in the real world.
If you ask participants to name a series of colour stimuli, you tend to find more categories that aren’t readily confused. Participants see a series of yellows that gradually become more and more green. They normally describe the colours as yellow, and then suddenly at a particular amount of green (a particular wavelength), they say the colours are green.
Using these stimuli, researchers presented new English-speaking participants with two colours (one after the other). The colours need to be very similar, and differ only by a few nanometres in wavelength. If they cross a category boundary (where the name changes), participants can tell them apart: known as cross-category discrimination. If the colours are from the same category (so that people would always describe them as one colour), participants have difficulty telling them apart: known as within-category discrimination.