8 [Johnson], “Recollections,” Part 2: 24; “Description of Hell-Gate,”
Pennsylvania Packet, Dec. 21, 1789. Fears of contagion reportedly discouraged vandals and souvenir hunters from disturbing the
Jersey while she disintegrated. What became of the other hospital ships and prison ships still anchored in Wallabout Bay at the end of the war is not clear. Seaworthy vessels probably left with the fleet on or before Evacuation Day; the hulls of the
Perseverance and
Bristol Pacquet were later sold and presumably removed.
New-York Packet, Dec. 29, 1783. On events in 1792, see Stiles,
Account of the Interment, 2: 14-15.
9 “A Lover of His Country,”
Columbian Gazetteer, Mar. 31, 1794. Mushkat (
Tammany , 35) identifies Davis, an editor of the
Columbian Gazetteer, as the author. See also Mushkat, “Matthew Livingston Davis”; Cray, “Commemorating the Prison Ship Dead”; and Link,
Democratic-Republican Societies, 18n. For similar ideas, see “Junius Americanus,”
Argus, June 9, 1795; “Old Soldier,”
National Gazette, May 8, 1793;
The Time Piece, Aug. 8, 1798; and
Claypool’s American Daily Advertiser, Sept. 21, 1799. Russell’s
Oration was frequently reprinted as a pamphlet, the last time in 1830. The prison ship passages were often excerpted, as in the
American Mercury, Mar. 10, 1803. For a warm local reaction, see
Providence Journal, July 9, 1800.
10 “A Soldier of ‘76,”
New-York Evening Post, May 1, 1802;
Daily Advertiser, July 17, 20, 1802;
American Citizen, Jan. 8, 1803. The historian Nathaniel Prime, one of those who went to watch the excavations, later recalled “skulls and feet, arms and legs, sticking out of the crumbling bank in the wildest disorder” (
History of Long Island, 367). On the origins of the Navy Yard, see Burrows and Wallace,
Gotham, 340-341. The partisan appropriation of public festivals and other forms of commemoration was of course an old story by 1800—and one explored creatively in a number of recent studies. See Newman,
Parades and the Politics of the Street; Waldstreicher,
In the Midst of Perpetual Fetes; Hoffer,
Revolution and Regeneration.
11 Public Advertiser, Mar. 5, 1808. See also
Washington Federalist, Feb. 16, 1803;
Annals of Congress, 12: 507-508 (Feb. 10, 1803). The version reprinted in Stiles,
Account of the Interment, 8-12, differs slightly from the original. Also Ostrander,
History of Brooklyn, 2: 15-16; Cray, “Commemorating,” esp. 578-579; Purcell,
Sealed with Blood, esp. 144-149; Mitchill,
Picture of New-York, 162-163, 188. Mitchill, at the time a member of Congress from New York, identified two reasons why his colleagues did not approve the proposal: “Some are of opinion that Congress out not to appropriate public money for such purposes. Others think that the art of Printing has superceded the use and intention of monuments” (Stiles,
Account of the Interment, 15).
12 Although Talbot was not identified as its author, the book was substantially constructed from Talbot’s own words. See Fowler,
Talbot, 190; Tuckerman,
Life of
Silas Talbot, 91-101;
Evening Post, Mar. 7, 1803; Burrows and Wallace,
Gotham, 378, 395. Altogether, only a dozen Revolutionary War memoirs were published in the United States up to 1800, but the market for personal narratives would expand steadily thereafter (Purcell,
Sealed with Blood, 150). Philip Freneau, now one of the country’s best-known Republican editors, weighed in at this time with a new poem, “Reflections on Walking over the ground on Long-Island, New York, where many Americans were interred in Prison Ships, during the war with Great-Britain.”
New-York Weekly Museum, Apr. 13, 1803; Marsh,
Works of Philip Freneau, 152-153.
13 Barnes,
Fanning’s Narrative, 17-18, 166, and passim. Although early publication notices identified Fanning as the author (e.g.,
New-York Spectator, Mar. 18, 1807), his name was not on the title page until a second edition appeared the following year.
14 Mitchill published the letter in the
Medical Repository, 11 (New York, 1807), 260-267. It was later reprinted as an addendum to Bushnell’s edition of
The Narrative of John Blatchford (117-127). Six months after writing Mitchill, Coffin repeated his story to the Tammany Society. In this second communication he contended that many prisoners had been killed by poison (Stiles,
Account of the Interment, 44-59). The society also heard from one William Burke of Delaware, who claimed that many Americans on the
Jersey were “put to death by the bayonet” while trying to get on deck at night—“sometimes five, sometimes six, and sometimes eight or ten” at a time (Stiles,
Account of the Interment, 146n).
15 Public Advertiser, Jan. 23, May 15, July 11, and (quoting the Petersburg paper) Aug. 18, 1807. For other examples, see the
Republican Watch-Tower (New York), Aug. 8, 1807;
American Citizen, Aug. 7, 1807;
The Repertory, Aug. 11, 1807;
United States Gazette, Aug. 17, 1807.
16 [Barlow],
The Columbiad, 180-181, 388. Publication of the American edition was announced in the
Republican Watch-Tower, Nov. 3, 1807. Barlow also noted that his information came, at least in part, from Elias Boudinot, who told him “that in one prison ship alone, called the Jersey, which was anchored near Newyork,
eleven thousand American prisoners died in eighteen months.”
17 Rock,
Artisans of the New Republic, 77-82; Burrows and Wallace,
Gotham, 411.
18 Public Advertiser, Feb. 12, 1808. It was around this time, too, that being a former prisoner of war seems to have become a qualification for political office. See
Republican Watch-Tower, Feb. 19, 1808; “The Alms-House,”
Public Advertiser, Feb. 19, 1808; and “Jersey Prison Ship,” ibid., Feb. 18, 1808. For opinion elsewhere, see “How Sleep the brave who sink to rest,”
New-Hampshire Gazette, Mar. 1, 1808.
19 In the
Public Advertiser, Feb. 2, 1808;
Independent Chronicle, Mar. 10, 1808; Cray, “Commemorating,” 582-583. For samples of the enthusiastic mail generated by Tammany’s announcement, see Stiles,
Account of the Interment, 33-44. For Federalist reactions, see
New-York Evening Post, Feb. 19, 1808;
American Citizen, Apr. 22, 1808;
New-York Commercial Advertiser, Apr. 6, 20, 1808 (“Will not the bones of these heroes at Wallabout, rise up and upbraid the hypocrites who are now shedding Crocodile tears over them . . . ?”);
New-York Herald, Apr. 9, 23, 1808. “Danbury Farmer,” in the
Public Advertiser, Feb. 26, 1808; “Adherents of Britain versus The Bones at the Wallabout,” ibid., Mar. 3, 1808; and “Amicus IV: To the Republican Representatives in Congress,” ibid., Mar. 8, 1808.
20 Stiles,
Account of the Interment, 64-65. The council also endorsed the plan but contributed no money: see ibid., 59-62, and
Public Advertiser, Apr. 21, 1808. For the event on Apr. 6, see ibid., Apr. 5, 1808. Both Stiles (
Account of the Interment, 79) and Cray (“Commemorating,” 58) mistakenly date the event on April 13. Benjamin Romaine
is one of those characters in post-Revolutionary New York about whom one would like to know more. Born in Poughkeepsie in 1762, he was preparing to enter King’s College when the British takeover forced his family to flee to Hackensack, New Jersey. He enlisted with his brother’s militia company in 1777 and took part, by his own account, in no fewer than twenty-seven “affairs of arms” during the war. In 1781 he was captured and spent seven weeks as a prisoner in New York—where, exactly, he didn’t say, but it was not on a prison ship, as often reported. After the war, he returned to the city and opened what became a well-known school for boys and girls whose alumni included, among others, Washington Irving. Apparently, he did well enough in the booming Manhattan real estate market to quit teaching in 1797, after which his close association with the Tammany Society won him various political appointments. His wartime experiences left him with an abiding hatred of the English, and according to Henry Stiles, “amusing stories are yet related of the rough manner in which he would absolutely refuse to treat with any Englishman who applied to become a tenant of any of his houses” (RWPA: W18839; Stiles,
History of Brooklyn, 1: 373n).
21 American Citizen, Apr. 12, 1808;
Public Advertiser, Apr. 7, 1808. The Wallabout Committee quickly issued a pamphlet describing the ceremony and Fay’s speech:
An Account of the procession, together with copious extracts of the oration, delivered at the Wallabout (L.I.), April 6th, 1808. Fay helped introduce the British reformer John Howard to American readers. See his
Essays of Howard.
22 American Citizen, Apr. 27, 1808. For press coverage of the event elsewhere, see
Guardian (Albany), Apr. 16, 1808;
New-Hampshire Gazette (Portsmouth), Apr. 19, 1808;
The Democrat (Boston), Apr. 30, 1808;
The Olive-Branch (Norwich, NY), Apr. 30, 1808;
Essex Register (Salem, Massachusetts), May 11, 1808;
American Mercury (Hartford), May 12, 1808. On preparations for the second ceremony, see
Public Advertiser , May 6, 24, 25, 26, 1808;
American Citizen, May 14, 16, 1808. Cray, “Commemorating,” 584. Sixty years later, the vault was described as “about fifteen feet long, twelve feet wide, and eighteen feet deep; constructed of granite, arched with brick.”
Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 3, 1869.
23 Republican Watch-Tower, May 31, 1808. McNamara,
Day of Jubilee, 17-22 and passim; Burrows and Wallace,
Gotham, 292-296.
24 This account of the procession draws on the detailed reports in
Public Advertiser, May 25, 27, and 28, 1808;
Republican Watch-Tower, May 31, 1808;
Essex Register, June 4, 1808; and the Wallabout Committee’s
Account of the Interment of the Remains of 11,500 American Seamen, Soldiers and Citizens, Who Fell Victims to the Cruelties of the British, on Board their Prison Ships at the Wallabout . . . (New York, 1808), extensively annotated and republished by Stiles as
Account of the Interment. See also Charles E. West, “Prison Ships in the American Revolution”; and Cray, “Commemorating,” 584-585.
25 For reactions elsewhere, see
The Monitor, June 21, 1808;
City Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Charleston, SC), June 8, 10, 11, 1808;
Olive-Branch (Norwich, NY), June 11, 1808;
Otsego Herald (Cooperstown, NY), June 11, 1808;
Political Observatory (Walpole, NH), June 13, 1808;
The World (Bennington, VT), June 13, 1808. The Sag Harbor event was reported in the
Public Advertiser, June 2, 1808.
26 For Federalist reactions, see
New-York Evening Post, May 26, 1808; see the
Federal Republican, July 22, 1808, ridiculing the Republicans in Philadelphia who toasted victims of the “
New-Jersey prison ship” [emphasis added]. The mockery went on for years. See “Chemical discovery,”
Portland Gazette, June 20, 1808;
Commercial Advertiser , July 8, 1808; “11,500
Dry Bones,” in the
Washington Republican or, True American (New York), Aug. 12, 1809; “Democracy Run Mad,” the
Portsmouth Oracle, Sept. 15,
1810 (from the
Connecticut Courant); the
Political Bulletin and Miscellaneous Repository (New York), Dec. 22, 1810;
The Balance, June 28, 1808 (“Burlesque”). For the English agent, see David W. Parker, “Secret Reports of John Howe,” 83; Cray, “Commemorating,” 586.
27 Public Advertiser, May 28, July 7, Sept. 16, 1808; May 15, 1811;
American Citizen , Jan. 5, 1809;
The Democrat, June 1, 8, 1808.
28 Mushkat,
Tammany, 32-45.
29 New-York Columbian, July 2, 3, 8, 9, 1818;
National Advocate, July 3, 1818;
Commercial Advertiser, July 7, 1818;
New-York Spectator, July 10, 1818. Gabriel,
Major General Montgomery, 193-197; and Francis,
New York During the Last Half Century, 39. The Tammany Society’s decision to participate in the ceremony was noted in the
Daily Advertiser, July 8, 10, 1818. Papers all over the country covered Montgomery’s re-interment.
30 New-York Spectator, Feb. 16, 20, 23, 1821; and the
New-York Evening Post, Feb. 17, 1821. In 1826, no monument having appeared, the legislature told the Tammany Society to give the money back or face legal action. If it did, there is no record of the fact. Myers,
History of Tammany, 22-23.
31 A summary that barely conveys the rich literature on these matters. I have learned much from Kammen,
Season of Youth; Burstein,
America’s Jubilee; Harris,
Public Lives, Private Virtues; Caspar,
Constructing American Lives, esp. chap. 1; Young,
The Shoemaker and the Tea Party, esp. chap. 5; Resch,
Suffering Soldiers; Callcott,
History in the United States; van Tassel,
Recording America’s Past; and Knouff,
The Soldiers’ Revolution , esp. chap. 7.
32 Sherburne,
Memoirs, preface (pages not numbered), 113, 114, 123, 132-139, 147, 151, and passim;
Rhode-Island American, May 15, 1829; Jan. 4, 1831;
New-Hampshire Patriot, Dec. 7, 18, 29; Aug. 29, 1831. Sherburne’s hardscrabble existence after the war is apparent from his 1818 pension application, initially filed in Ohio, where he was living in a cabin in the woods (RWPA: S42275). Thomas Painter, also aboard the
Jersey in the spring of 1783, had almost certainly read Sherburne by the time he composed his own autobiography in 1836 (not published until 1910). He too said nothing of British cruelty and ascribed his “miraculous preservation” to “the kind care, and protection of my Heavenly Father.”
Autobiography of Painter, 72, 90-91, 98-101, 127.
33 Andros,
Old Jersey Captive, 11-13, 16, 24, 33, 34, 35, 49, 61, 63, 65, 79. Andros had served as pastor of the church in Berkeley, Massachusetts, since 1788 (White, “Thomas Andros: Captive”). Cf.
Autobiography of Painter, 47.
34 Old Jersey Captive, 16, 19-20, 56. The scriptural quotation is from Titus 3:3.
35 Greene,
Recollections of the Jersey, 4-5, 19-20, 23n. It has been reprinted, by my count, at least a half dozen times, most recently in 1992, and served as the basis for the 1904 novel by Mary C. Francis,
Dalrymple. Greene mistakenly placed Dring’s death in August 1825, five months after the fact. He may also be responsible for having Dring say he spent “nearly five months” on the
Jersey, whereas the text indicates that he spent less than two, from May to early July 1782. Though minor, these errors suggest that Greene did not know Dring well, if at all—notwithstanding his assurances that Dring’s “faculties were then perfect and unimpaired, and his memory remained clear and unclouded.” For Dring’s death on Mar. 8, 1825, see
Rhode-Island American, Mar. 11, 1825. Greene also said that Dring’s manuscript had been authenticated by a number of gentlemen who were themselves survivors of the
Jersey—a claim repeated by Greene’s publisher, Hugh H. Brown, in advertisements for the book (
Rhode Island American, Feb. 6, 1829).
36 Greene,
Recollections of the Jersey, 26, 38, 82. The unidentified snippets of verse on p. 51 are probably Greene’s.
38 Ibid., 88, 91-94; Sherburne,
Memoirs, 83-85; see Lemisch, “Listening to the ‘Inarticulate,’” 21. In fact, virtually everyone who described conditions on the
Jersey alluded to the enervating despair that gripped men with less than one chance in three of surviving—not an environment likely to promote the creation of “governments” among her prisoners. Anyone healthy enough or optimistic enough to think about making rules would be more likely to escape, or die trying. Recall, too, Andros’s description above of the
Jersey prisoners as “hateful and hating one another.”
39 Greene,
Recollections of the Jersey, 13-14, 48-50, 56-57; see Sherburne
, Memoirs, 110-111. It appears that Greene actually knew little about the ship or its history and got most of the details wrong, as he did in this notably inaccurate sentence: “At the commencement of the American Revolution, being an old vessel, and proving to be much decayed, she was entirely dismantled; and, soon after, was moored in the East River at New-York, and converted into a Store-ship.”
40 Adventures of Fox, iii-vi, 87-88, 96, 111, 112, 131-134, 229. Fox also said he was serving aboard the American privateer
Protector when she was overtaken off Sandy Hook in May 1781 by two enemy frigates,
Roebuck and
May-Day. Actually, the
Protector was captured by the
Roebuck and
Medea (
Pennsylvania Packet, Oct. 16, 1781). This and other lapses suggest that Fox absorbed Greene’s version of the story so easily because his own grip on the details was fading, not that he was deliberately lying.
41 Adventures of Fox, 102, 103, 115-130, 146-149. Cf. Coffin: “I never knew, while I was on board, but one instance of defection, and that person was hooted at and abused by the prisoners till the boat was out of hearing.”
Destructive Operation of Foul Air, 127.
42 Thorburn,
Fifty Years’ Reminiscences, 9-10, 166-170; Dunshee,
As You Pass By, 98-99, and passim; Lucey, “History of City Hall Park,” esp. 35ff.
New-York Mirror, Apr. 8, 1826; Sept. 17, 1831. On these and other changes in the city’s built environment during the first half of the 19th century, see Burrows and Wallace,
Gotham, passim. Today,
every tangible link with Revolutionary New York has vanished, except for St. Paul’s Chapel on Broadway (completed in 1766), Bowling Green (enclosed by the same cast iron fence it had in 1776), and the Morris-Jumel mansion in upper Manhattan (built in 1765 when the city still lay far to the south). The so-called “Governor’s House” on Governors Island, once thought to date from the early eighteenth century, is now believed to be a full century younger. Fraunces Tavern, though often represented as having held its ground on Pearl Street since 1719, is in fact the product of early-twentieth-century guesswork as to what the original building might have looked like. Demolition of the Rhinelander Sugar House in 1892 gave rise to stories—completely unsubstantiated—that it had served as a prison during the Revolution. Windows from the building are nonetheless preserved at One Police Plaza and at the Van Cortlandt House in the Bronx as relics of the “sugar house-prison.” On the relentless transformation of the city’s built environment, see Page,
Creative Destruction of Manhattan, esp. chap. 1; and Domosh,
Invented Cities.
43 Hood, “Journeying to ‘Old New York’”; Tuckerman,
Life of Talbot, 94. In 1851, a local merchant named Jonathan Gillet, Jr., advertised his wish to give a cane to a survivor, if one could be found. Several replied, lots were drawn, and the cane went to Levi Hanford, who had spent seventeen months in the Liberty Street sugar house. Hanford’s family kept the cane for years “as a precious relic” (Stiles,
Letters from the
Prisons and Prison-Ships, 38;
Walton Reporter, Apr. 4, 1883). It was no coincidence that by 1840, gentlemen like Philip Hone were bemoaning the loss of interest in Evacuation Day, once an occasion for public hoopla rivaling Independence Day (McNamara,
Day of Jubilee, 38-39).
44 Moss,
American Metropolis, 2: 160-161;
New York Daily Times, Feb. 17, 1854.
45 Moss,
American Metropolis, 3: 161;
New York Daily Times, Feb. 18, 1854.
46 New York Daily Times, Feb. 4, 15, 17, Mar. 1, 11, 28, 1854. Cutler’s highly regarded peroration was later issued as a pamphlet. See also
Remarks of Judge Wendell.
47 New York Daily Times, Mar. 31, 1854.
48 New York Daily Times, May 6, 1854.
49 See esp. Romaine’s
Review. The tomb of the martyrs—a peculiar, rambling manifesto that combined Romaine’s wish for a permanent memorial with his horror of states’ rights. His 1834 pension application is in RWPA: W18839. Also, Stiles,
History of Brooklyn 1: 375; Ostrander,
History of Brooklyn 2: 8, 21-23; Thompson,
History of Long Island 1: 247;
Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Feb. 11, 1842; July 5, 1843; Jan. 30, Feb. 15, 1845; Jan. 20, 1895;
Hudson River Chronicle, Mar. 2, 1841.
Journal of the House of Representatives, 28th Cong., 2nd. sess., 288-289, 468. The story of the skeleton with iron manacles was widely reprinted (e.g., the
Barre Gazette, Feb. 26, 1841). In 1841, Congressman Henry C. Murphy, a Brooklyn Democratic boss, former mayor of the City of Brooklyn, and the founder of the
Brooklyn Daily Eagle, got the House Committee on Military Affairs interested in a Wallabout monument, but Congress adjourned without taking action.
50 Reynolds,
Walt Whitman’s America, esp. 11-15;
Brooklyn Daily Eagle, July 2, 1846.
51 See
Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Feb. 9, Nov. 15, 27, Dec. 1, 3, 1847. Washington Park, Brooklyn’s first, had been laid out in 1847. Even before then, however, it had been the site of the city’s annual Independence Day festivities (
Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 15, 1900).
52 Brooklyn Daily Eagle, May 28, Oct. 1, 2, 1850; Mar. 7, July 5, 12, 26, 1851; May 31, 1852; July 9, 1853; May 28, June 1, 15, 18, 19, 1855; Jan. 20, 1895. [Taylor],
Martyrs to the Revolution, 13ff. Taylor, who was president of the Martyr Monument Association, constructed this pamphlet almost entirely out of excerpts from Dring, Andros, and Sherburne. The appendix conveniently reprinted the association’s charter and bylaws as well as its standard fund-raising letter. There are hints in the
Eagle’s coverage of the Association that it had become—or was thought to have become—a front for the nativist Know-Nothing (American) party, which backed ex-President Millard Fillmore’s bid for reelection in 1856. Indeed, when Fillmore campaigned in Brooklyn that year, he referred pointedly to the Wallabout martyrs and the association’s effort to preserve their memory. “Can it be possible—can reasonable men for a moment suspect that the descendants of these martyrs can basely sacrifice the patrimony which they have inherited, which their descendants left them?” In response to which the large and enthusiastic crowd chanted, “No, never!”
Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 26, 1856. On the association’s inability to raise money by private contributions, see ibid., Dec. 14, 1859; May 21, 1860.
53 Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 18, 1873. Twenty years later the man in charge of the move published an account of the event, complete with a diagram of how the coffins were stacked up in the mausoleum. Ibid., May 29, 1895.
54 See
Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Mar. 8, Apr. 11, May 30, June 17, 28, July 5, 1876; May 29, 1882; May 26, 1884; May 25, 1885; May 31, 1886; May 30, July 2, 1887; May 26, 1888; May 22, 26, 1890; May 27, 1895; May 25, 1896.
56 Ibid.
, May 31, 1886; May 6, 1887; Jan. 13, Feb. 9, Oct. 5, Nov. 2, 1888; Jan. 2, Apr. 9, 1893. See also the Society’s 1890
Appeal to the Congress of the United States.
57 Ibid.
, Jan. 7, Feb. 6, 1891; Mar. 24, 1898. The DR was formed by disgruntled members of the DAR who advocated more restrictive qualifications for membership (direct lineal descent from a Revolutionary patriot rather than collateral descent). In Brooklyn, competition between the two was the source of considerable confusion and acrimony. See
Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Dec. 10, 1893; May 1, 6, 1895; June 25, July 1, 2, 1896. For a brief history of the Association, see
Dedication of the monument, 58-62. In an effort to raise additional monies, Mrs. Stephen V. White, a founder of the Brooklyn DAR, arranged for the publication of
Prison ship martyr: Captain Jabez Fitch: his diary in facsimile, 1776 ([New York], 1897). Alas, Fitch never set foot on any of the Wallabout prison ships. Neither was he a martyr, reaching the ripe old age of seventy-five before his death of natural causes in 1812. It would appear, in other words, that Mrs. Smith neglected to read the document before sending it to the printer. Odder still, the book was reissued in 1907 as
The diary (in facsimilie) of Jabez Fitch, a prison-ship martyr of 1776: discovered by Mrs. S.V. White of Brooklyn, N.Y., and sold for the benefit of the Martyrs’ Monument Fund (New York, 1897). No “discovery” was necessary, however, since portions of the diary had already appeared in print and its existence was hardly a secret. See
Fitch Diary, 132-134;
New York Times, Mar. 21, 1903. For a happier example of fund-raising publications by another founding member of the Brooklyn DAR, see Alice Morse Earle’s very capable
Martyrs of the prison-ships of the Revolution.
58 Brooklyn Daily Eagle, Jan. 24, 29, Feb. 1, Mar. 23, May 22, June 5, 1900. Discoveries of this sort were not uncommon, even at the end of the nineteenth century. See ibid., July 24, 1886. More bones were in fact turned up a few months later and yet again in 1902. Ibid., Mar. 24, 1900; June 19, 1902;
New York Times, May 15, 1903.
59 Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 17, 1900.
60 Brooklyn Daily Eagle, June 27, Oct. 13, 14, 16, 25, 1902. The City of New York contributed $50,000 and the state an additional $25,000. The Tammany Society chipped in $1,000.
New York Times, May 10, 27, June 9, 1903; Apr. 22, 1904; Feb. 15, 1905; Mar. 11, 1907.
Dedication of the monument, 29-30, 33, 62;
New York Times, Oct. 27, 1907. Whether the timbers found in 1902 did in fact belong to the
Jersey is open to question.
61 Dedication of the monument, 3-4;
New York Times, Nov. 15, 1908; and
Program of Dedicatory Ceremonies.
62 Dedication of the monument, 9-18.
63 Dedication of the monument, 18-19.