(Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, 2015).Introduction
1.Sheena Anne Arakal, “The ‘Deal of the Century’ is Apartheid,” Mondoweiss, January 28, 2020.
2.See various opinion polls cited in chapter 7.
3.The former phrase is from Marx’s 1875 Critique of the Gotha Program and the latter from the 1867 Draft Rules for the International Workingmen’s Association (commonly known as the First International).
4.Though he does not use the concept of stagism, Karim Mroueh—founder of the Lebanese Communist Party—notes in his acknowledgment of the defeat of the Arab Left that this defeat was due to allegiance to a national state that was seen as a unified national interest “with no inner conflicts or differences.” Quoted in Jamil Hilal, “Introduction: On the Self-Definition of the Left in the Arab East,” in Mapping of the Arab Left, edited by Jamil Hilal and Katja Hermann (Palestine: Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, 2014), 21.
5.Khaled Bakdash, speech at Party Congress, January 1944. Quoted in Maxime Rodinson, Marxism and the Muslim World (London: Zed Books, 1979), 66.
6.Rodinson, Marxism and the Muslim World, 66; Tony Cliff, “Permanent Revolution,” Marxist Theory after Trotsky: Selected Writings, vol. 3 (London: Bookmarks, 2003), 198.
7.brian bean & Rory Fanning, “Opposing War Means Opposing Dictatorship,” Socialist Worker, October 24, 2016.
8.Hal Draper, The Two Souls of Socialism (London: Bookmarks, 1966), 8.
9.Also see Ashley Smith, “Global Empire or Imperialism?” International Socialist Review 92 (Spring 2014).
10.Nikolai Bukharin, Imperialism and the Accumulation of Capital (New York: Monthly Review, 1972), 257.
11.V. I. Lenin, “Imperialism, the Highest State of Capitalism,” Collected Works, vol. 22 (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1964), 253.
12.China, communist in name only, is home to more billionaires than any country in the world other than the United States. Premier Xi Jingping, in the adoption of his “Xi Jingping Thought” at the nineteenth congress of the Chinese Communist Party, described “socialist modernization” as creating “globally competitive firms” (emphasis ours).
13.Raama Vasuvedan, “The Global Class War,” Catalyst 3, no. 1 (Spring 2019); Tony Cliff, “Economic Roots of Reformism,” Marxist Theory after Trotsky: Selected Writings, vol. 3 (London; Bookmarks; 2003), 177–180.
1.Ilan Pappé, The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2006), chapter 10.
2.Jewish population in Palestine, pre-1948.
3.Teddy Katz, “Tantura Massacre,” public presentation, Olean, New York, April 14, 2005.
4.Hagar Shezaf, “Burying the Nakba: How Israel Systematically Hides Evidence of 1948 Expulsion of Arabs,” Haaretz, July 5, 2019.
5.Pappé, Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, 95.
6.Diary of David Ben-Gurion, quoted in Pappe, 69.
7.Pappé, Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, 161.
8.Quoted in Ralph Schoenman, The Hidden History of Zionism (Santa Barbara, CA: Veritas, 1988), 41.
9.Moshe Machover, “Zionism: Quest for Legitimacy,” Weekly Worker, September 18, 2014.
10.Lenni Brenner, The Iron Wall: Zionist Revisionism from Jabotinsky to Shamir (London: Zed Books, 1984), 78.
11.Leon Trotsky, 1905 (New York: Vintage Books, 1971), 131.
12.Arthur Hertzberg, The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 1997), 213, 222.
13.Hertzberg, Zionist Idea, 231.
14.Hertzberg, Zionist Idea, 240.
15.Quoted in Hertzberg, Zionist Idea, 209, 214, 225.
16.Brenner, Iron Wall, 42.
17.Quoted in Brenner, Iron Wall, 14.
18.Quoted in Brenner, Iron Wall, 15.
19.Quoted in Arie Bober, ed., The Other Israel: The Radical Case Against Zionism (New York: Doubleday, 1972) 152–53.
20.Bober, ed., The Other Israel, 11.
21.Schoenman, Hidden History of Zionism, 27–28.
22.Winston Churchill, “Zionism versus Bolshevism,” Illustrated Sunday Herald, February 8, 1920, online at www.corax.org/revisionism/documents/200208churchill.html.
23.Bober, ed., The Other Israel, 12, 58; Brenner, Iron Wall, 21; Schoenman, Hidden History of Zionism, 24–25.
24.Quoted in Schoenman, Hidden History of Zionism, 41.
25.Vladimir Jabotinsky, “The Iron Wall,” 1923, online at www.marxists.de/middleast/ironwall/ironwall.htm.
26.Tom Segev, The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1991), 23.
27.Segev, Seventh Million, 23.
28.Segev, Seventh Million, 23.
29.Schoenman, Hidden History of Zionism, 24.
30.Brenner, Iron Wall, 142.
31.Segev, Seventh Million, 50.
32.Segev, Seventh Million, 18.
33.Segev, Seventh Million, 42.
34.Segev, Seventh Million, 43.
35.Segev, Seventh Million, 99–100.
36.Segev, Seventh Million, 57.
37.Segev, Seventh Million, 129.
38.Quoted in Schoenman, Hidden History of Zionism, 51.
39.See Segev, Part V, “The Kastner Affair,” for a description of the trial. Ironically, the trial was a libel suit initiated by the Israeli government against Malkiel Greenwald, another Hungarian Jew, for accusing Kastner of collaboration with the Nazis. But in substance it ended up being a trial of Kastner. The trial ended with Greenwald’s acquittal, a decision later overturned by the Israeli Supreme Court. Kastner, meanwhile, was assassinated in 1957. Some believe he was killed by the Israeli government, which considered the Kastner affair an embarrassment.
40.Schoenman, Hidden History of Zionism, 52–53.
41.Enzo Traverso, The Marxists and Jewish Question: The History of a Debate (Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Humanities Press, 1990), 86.
42.Asa Winstanley, “Israel Is Arming Neo-Nazis in Ukraine,” Electronic Intifada, July 4, 2018.
43.Jewish Voice for Peace, “Revealed: Deputy Director of ICE Sent by the ADL for Training with the Israeli Military,” press release, August 8, 2018.
44.Asher Schechter, “Richard Spencer Is Simply the Latest Far-Right Extremist to Laud Israel,” Haaretz, October 21, 2017, https://www.haaretz.com/us-news/richard-spencer-just-the-latest-far-right-extremist-to-laud-israel-1.5459294.
Chapter Two
1.The Sykes-Picot Agreement only came to light after the Bolsheviks published the secret documents of imperial powers, including that of the previous Russian regime, in 1917.
2.France had already established its colonization of Algeria in 1830 and occupied Tunisia in 1881. Britain occupied the Sudan beginning in 1890.
3.Adam Hanieh, Lineages of Revolt: Issues of Contemporary Capitalism in the Middle East (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2013), 21.
4.Quoted in Hanieh, Lineages of Revolt, 21.
5.In 1947, Stalin and Zhadanov’s “Two Camps” perspective was adopted in the USSR in response to the Truman Doctrine. It claimed that the world was split into two camps, one the imperialist, antidemocratic Western pole, and the other the anti-imperialist, democratic Soviet pole. In reality, both were imperialist powers aiming to control and dominate territories rather than encourage workers’ power, indigenous autonomy, or genuine democracy. This began a period of “bipolar world order,” with the US and the USSR dividing the world into their areas of influence, lasting until the fall of the USSR in the 1990s.
6.Noam Chomsky, Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel and the Palestinians, updated edition (Cambridge: South End Press, 1999), 19.
7.Haaretz, September 30, 1951, quoted in Lance Selfa, The Struggle for Palestine (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2002) 30.
8.Naseer Aruri, Dishonest Broker: The US Role in Israel and Palestine. (Cambridge: South End Press, 2003), 16.
9.Andrew Cockburn and Leslie Cockburn, Dangerous Liaison: The Inside Story of the US-Israeli Covert Relationship (New York: Harper Collins, 1991), 61.
10.Joel Beinin, Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948-1965 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 12.
11.Gilbert Achcar, Eastern Cauldron: Islam, Afghanistan, Palestine, and Iraq in a Marxist Mirror (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2004), 14.
12.Israel had decided that Nasser needed to be toppled after the arms deal with the USSR in 1955. See Benny Morris, Israel’s Border Wars: 1949–1956 (Oxford University Press, 1993), 287–96.
13.Chomsky, Fateful Triangle, 20.
14.Achcar, Eastern Cauldron, 15.
15.Achcar, Eastern Cauldron, 16.
16.Hanieh, Lineages of Revolt, 24.
17.Beinin, Was the Red Flag Flying There? 206–7.
18.Achcar, Eastern Cauldron, 15.
19.Achcar, Eastern Cauldron, 14.
20.In 1956, Israel asked the US for arms, and it refused. See Morris, Israel’s Border Wars, 297.
21.John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy (New York: Farrar, Straus Giroux, 2007), 25.
22.Mearsheimer and Walt, Israel Lobby.
23.Achcar, Eastern Cauldron, 19–20.
24.Aruri, Dishonest Broker, 19.
25.The process of forced expulsion of Palestinians, in particular from East Jerusalem, would only continue from there. Israel has entrenched its network of settlements and Jewish-only roads in the West Bank, and built an Apartheid Wall to further curtail Palestinian movement and steal Palestinian land. Over fourteen thousand Palestinians from East Jerusalem alone have been stripped of their residency and expelled since 1967. See https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/08/08/israel-jjerusalem-palestinians-stripped-status.
26.Israel Shahak, Israel’s Global Role: Weapons for Repression (Belmont: Association of Arab-American University Graduates, 1982), 5.
27.Palestinians comprise a majority of Jordan’s population.
28.For more on the events in Jordan and debates in the national liberation movement, see chapter 3 in this book.
29.David Schoenbaum, The United States and the State of Israel (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 180.
30.Cockburn and Cockburn, Dangerous Liaison, 167.
31.Cockburn and Cockburn, Dangerous Liaison, 168.
32.Salah Jadid, on the left of the Ba‘ath Party, sent troops to support the Palestinian guerrillas, but Hafez al-Assad—at the time sharing power with Jadid in Syria—maneuvered to block any further mobilization. Hafez al-Assad soon expelled Salah Jadid in a power struggle between the left and right wings of the Ba‘ath Party. Needless to say, the right wing of the party took power, Hafez al-Assad became president, and Jadid died in a Syrian regime prison.
33.Cockburn and Cockburn, Dangerous Liaison, 168.
34.Schoenbaum, United States and the State of Israel, 187.
35.Shahak, Israel’s Global Role, 48.
36.Shahak, Israel’s Global Role, 58.
37.Shahak, Israel’s Global Role, 16.
38.It bears mentioning that Argentina received arms from Israel while it sheltered Nazis and tortured and disappeared thousands of Jewish dissidents.
39.Shahak, Israel’s Global Role, 25.
40.Chomsky, Fateful Triangle, 13.
41.Aruri, Dishonest Broker, 39.
42.Aruri, Dishonest Broker, 41.
43.Aruri, Dishonest Broker, 7.
44.Though there is no agreed upon definition of terrorism, the term is typically reserved only for acts of violence committed by non-Western powers; Aruri, Dishonest Broker, 46.
45.Even Israel’s massacres like those of March and April 2002—the slaughter in Jenin refugee camp—became models that excited US military planners; see Aruri, Dishonest Broker, 47.
46.The wall was deemed illegal in 2004 by the International Court of Justice, but Israel has continued to build and expand upon it.
47.Researching the American–Israeli Alliance & Jewish Voice for Peace, Deadly Exchange: The Dangerous Consequences of American Law Enforcement Trainings in Israel, report, September 2018.
48.Ashley Smith, “China’s Rise as a World Power,” interview by Loong Yu Au, International Socialist Review 112 (Spring 2018).
Chapter Three
1.A previous version of this essay appeared in The Struggle for Palestine, edited by Lance Selfa (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2002).
2.Editors’ Note: Arafat was the leader of the Palestinian Authority and the PLO at the time this essay was written.
3.Edward Said, The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After (New York: Pantheon Books, 2000), 188.
4.The First Intifada lasted from 1987 to 1993. See Phil Marshall [Phil Marfleet], Intifada: Zionism, Imperialism, and Palestinian Resistance (London: Bookmarks, 1989), 149–76.
5.Marshall, Intifada, 191–208.
6.Center for Socialist Studies (hereafter CSS), The Palestinian Question: A Revolutionary Perspective (Cairo, Egypt: The Center for Socialist Studies, 2001), 28–29.
7.Editors’ Note: Sheikh al-Qassam’s membership in the Brotherhood is unsubstantiated and seems historically unlikely. His membership in the Brotherhood is claimed in Hamas’s first covenant.
8.Marshall, Intifada, 40–41.
9.Marshall, Intifada, 40–43.
10.CSS, 32–36; Zachary Lockman, Comrades and Enemies: Arab and Jewish Workers in Palestine, 1906–1948 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996), 241.
11.Marshall, Intifada, 59–61.
12.The Russian Bolshevik Party formed the Comintern in 1919 to organize mass communist parties around the world. A number of Arab socialists, especially from Egypt and Palestine, were fascinated by the example of the Russian Revolution and its recognition of the right of self-determination for oppressed nationalities in the tsarist Russian empire. This led to the formation of small communist parties in a number of Arab countries, including Palestine.
13.Joel Beinin, Was the Red Flag Flying There? Marxist Politics and the Arab-Israeli Conflict in Egypt and Israel, 1948-1965 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990). [Editors’ Note: NLL members did go on to be the backbone of the Communist Party of Jordan that then, through a series of splits and mergers, would emerge again in the early 1980s as the Palestinian Communist Party and play an important role in the organizing that led to the First Intifada.]
14.Marshall, Intifada, 115–20; CSS, 43–47.
15.See “The Palestine National Charter as Revised by the Fourth PNC Meeting, July 1968” (extracts), in Helena Cobban, The Palestinian Liberation Organization: People, Power, and Politics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 267–68.
16.Marshall, Intifada, 99–101. In the mid-1950s, Palestinian oil workers led a series of militant strikes against oil companies in Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf states. In 1956, Palestinian workers organized protests against the invasion of Suez. This prompted the Gulf countries to ban strikes in the oil fields.
17.Marshall, Intifada, 123–27; CSS, 47–51.
18.Quoted in Cobban, Palestinian Liberation Organization, 60–61. Israel assassinated Khalaf in 1990.
19.Marshall, Intifada, 132.
20.For a summary of the PLO’s shift to the “mini-state” strategy and an analysis of the 1988 decisions, see Muhammad Muslih, “Towards Coexistence: An Analysis of the Resolutions of the Palestine National Council,” Journal of Palestine Studies 19, no. 4 (Summer/Spring 1990): 3–29.
21.CSS, 95–96.
22.Editors’ Note: The petit bourgeoisie are small capitalists like shopkeepers and owners of small businesses. The term can also refer to what’s often called the new middle class.
23.CSS, 95–104; Marshall, Intifada, 115–27.
24.The PFLP abandoned—and then repudiated—hijackings in the early 1970s.
25.Marshall, Intifada, 177–96.
26.Samih K. Farsoun with Christina E. Zacharia, Palestine and the Palestinians (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997), 193.
27.CSS, 95–104; Marshall, Intifada, 97–100.
28.Editors’ Note: The Egyptian Islamic Jihad started in the late 1970s as a splinter group from the Muslim Brotherhood, influenced by Sayyid Qutb.
29.CSS, 104–5.
30.The full text of the Hamas Charter is available at http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/hamas.asp.
31.CSS, 105–09.
32.CSS, 112–13.
33.Hamas Charter.
34.Editors’ Note: Some of this would change based upon Hamas’s decision in 2005 to contend for elections within the PLC. See chapter 6 in this book for more.
35.Said, End of the Peace Process, 35–36, 84–85, 106.
36.Marshall, Intifada, 188–89.
37.On the Palestinian elections, see Ali Jarbawi, “Palestinian Politics at a Crossroads,” Journal of Palestine Studies (Summer 1996), 37–38, and Khalil Shikaki, “The Palestinian Elections: An Assessment,” Journal of Palestine Studies 25, no. 4 (Spring 1996), 18.
38.Abu Ali Mustafa, “The Palestinian Secular Opposition at a Crossroads,” interview, Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 2 (Winter 2000), 84. In August 2001, Israel assassinated Mustafa.
39.“Debate with the Palestinian Left,” challenge-mag.com, undated.
40.An October 1, 2000, PFLP statement, issued days after the al-Aqsa Intifada began, called for a “return to the decisions of the international legitimacy as postulated in the related United Nations and security council resolutions, as the terms of reference for further peace talks and as an alternative to the Israeli force and the American-biased position” (“Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine,” press release, available on the Netherlands-based Anti-Imperialist League Web site at www.lai-aib.org).
41.Graham Usher, unpublished interview with Anthony Arnove, Ahmed Shawki, and Nigel Harris, Jerusalem, July 2001. A theoretical slide has accompanied the DFLP and PFLP loss of political initiative. Once considering themselves a vanguard in the region against US imperialism, the DFLP’s former general secretary, Nayef Hawatmeh, recently wrote, “The Palestinian national liberation movement must set itself the goal of communication and reaching a common understanding with the US. This could help convince the US to pressure Israel to respect all previous UN resolutions and international law.” And PFLP founder George Habash recently declared, “It is no longer necessary to fight against US imperialism or defeat it in order to defeat Israel” (CSS, 101–4).
42.Emad Mekay, “Egyptian Labor Reforms Fuel Militancy,” Asia Times, February 13, 2002.
Chapter Four
1.A previous version of this essay, entitled “What’s the Matter with the Israeli Working Class?” appeared in International Socialist Review 110 (Fall 2018).
2.Hal Draper, Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution: Vol. 2. The Politics of Social Classes (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1978), 40–48.
3.Draper.
4.Socialist Alternative writes that “at this stage, advancing a programme which proposes a solution in the form of one joint state for both nationalities, even a socialist state, is not capable of supplying a basic answer to the fears, suspicions and the intense yearning for national independence on the part of both national groups. Nevertheless, the role of the Marxist left is also to explain that working class layers and the masses of all national groups have an interest, at root, in a united struggle around a programme for socialist change.” https://www.socialistalternative.org/2016/04/30/israelpalestine-marxist-left-national-conflict-palestinian-struggle/.
5.On the “In Defense of Marxism” website, which is of the International Marxist Tendency, the authors of an article titled “Against the Blanket Boycott of Israel” write of the BDS campaign: “What is notable about this campaign is that it ignores the question of class in both Israel and Palestine. We believe that only a working class approach can put an end to Israeli imperialism … the difference between the ruling class and the workers is that the Israeli working class—objectively speaking—has absolutely no interest in oppressing the Palestinian masses. While the bourgeoisie makes billions of dollars off of the production of weapons and the slaughter of innocents, the working class has to watch its sons and daughters sent off to die in wars for profit.” After surmising that had Israeli workers conducted a general strike during the First Intifada the “revolution” would have been successful, and ignoring the tedious fact that no workers were calling for a general strike, they conclude, “the solution will not come without working class Israeli Jews; they will play the central role! This is why we reject the BDS campaign as counter-productive [sic], and a campaign that strengthens bourgeois Zionism.” http://www.marxist.com/against-blanket-boycott-israel-working-class-solution.htm.
6.Moshe Machover and Akiva Orr, “The Class Character of Israel,” The Other Israel: The Radical Case Against Zionism, edited by Arie Bober (Garden City, NY: Anchor Books, 1972).
7.This was a break from the popular left-wing conception of Zionism, which accepted it as a left-wing national movement. Decades of collaboration between European and British social democratic parties and trade unions with the Israeli Histadrut and Labor Zionist parties had influenced this position. The socialist tradition owes a great debt for the clarity with which Matzpen put forward their radical perspective. Socialists today who argue against the BDS movement on the pretext that it hurts and thus alienates the Israeli working class would do well to read the original writings of Matzpen.
8.There were other faulty suppositions in the article, not least of which was its conclusion that Palestinian Arabs and Israeli youth before their military service—“who are called on to wage ‘an eternal war imposed by destiny’”—are potential allies, since this sacrifice may instill anti-Zionist sentiment among them. Even while the rates of enlistment to the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) have diminished to some degree, they remain incredibly high. According to 2015 IDF records, the average rate of enlistment in the sixty-five largest cities was 77 percent, with fifty-one of those cities exceeding 70 percent. The youth have clearly not been convinced by anti-Zionist arguments, or by the abundant evidence of the IDF’s war crimes, that they should refuse military service. And as risks diminish with technological advancements in military capability, the material rewards gained from enlistment are all the more appealing. They also argued that the immigrant character of Israeli society, as 75 percent of the population was foreign born, had a backward effect on worker consciousness. However, even if this argument were valid in its own right, today the inverse is true—only 27 percent of Israelis are foreign born.
9.Machover and Orr, “The Class Character of Israel.”
10.Gershon Shafir, Land, Labor and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996). Shafir based his analysis on the work of D. K. Fieldhouse and George Fredrickson.
11.Shafir, Land, Labor and the Origins, quoting Frederickson, 1988.
12.Patrick Wolfe, “Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native,” Journal of Genocide Research 8, no. 4, (2006): 387–409. Wolfe quotes Theodor Herzl from his pamphlet The Jewish State, “If I wish to substitute a new building for an old one, I must demolish before I construct.”
13.The word “aliyah” means ascendance, as in the ascendance to Zion.
14.In fact, unlike in America, there were few serious natural resources driving corporate plunder.
15.Even today Palestinian labor is not used to break strikes or undermine Jewish workers. In fact, a racialized class stratification ensures that they rarely work the same jobs, even within the same industries. To do otherwise would undermine the character of the pure settlement.
16.Descendant from the Borochovist Poalei Tzion Party and precursor to Meretz, MAPAM formed in 1948 under the auspices of the Marxist-Zionist left-wing challenge to the MAPAI Party (Workers’ Party of the Land of Israel). See notes 19 and 25.
17.Joel Benin, Was the Red Flag Flying There? (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990).
18.“Present-absentee” is a designation Israel gave Palestinians who remained within the 1948 borders but who were not allowed to return to their original homes.
19.Benin, Was The Red Flag Flying There?
20.Established in 1920, the Histadrut tasked itself with the employment of Jewish workers in Palestine, either by securing them positions within existing institutions and companies, or by employing them directly through its own contracting company and other subsidiaries. It also founded its own health care system and its own bank. It became the primary agent for the boycotting of Arab labor and produce, and was from its inception until the late 1960s an exclusively Jewish labor organization. Because it was also an employer, it functioned unlike other workers’ unions, and often worked in collaboration with the state and the bourgeoisie to curb worker militancy.
21.Once the Histadrut was no longer building the state it ceased to play the central role in the Zionist project, and MAPAI took its place. However, Histadrut-affiliated corporations and collectives proliferated after 1948, and by the 1950s Solel Boneh generated 8 percent of Israel’s national income. Histadrut enterprises employed 25 percent of the workforce; half its members were in some way earning a living through the Histadrut.
22.In 1952–66 alone West Germany paid Israel 3 billion marks in reparations. Today that would be equivalent to over $111 billion in modern currency. In the early years this was almost 90 percent of Israel’s income.
23.A “corporatist system” was a common post-World War II arrangement between government, the ruling labor party, and a national trade-union with the nation’s capitalists, in an effort to save capitalism. Lev Luis Grinberg in his study of Israeli corporatism, Split Corporatism in Israel (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991) describes this as an agreement based on full employment coupled with wage restraint. The government must subsidize workers’ livelihoods with benefits not deriving from wages.
However, such an agreement was never actually reached in Israel. Those scholars, like Grinberg, who theorize on the success or limits of Israeli corporatism have suggested that Israel fell into a pluralist category, a state in which the existing class interests were represented by powerful organizations contending for influence. Ostensibly they exert such influence to similar degrees.
In reality, it is actually the particular nature of a settler working class that puts it in the unique position of “partner” to the state. This guarantees it some protections, while at the same time subordinating its particular interests to that of the state and the capitalist class the state is tied to. In the Israeli case, corporatism was objectively dispensable, Shalev argues, because even in its absence revolutionary class conflict could be avoided.
24.For example, Mizrachi workers were often barred from entering the labor market or offered only unskilled seasonal or temporary jobs. They were also housed in “temporary” tents or housing units made of tin for many years until they were moved to small apartments and often lived in cramped living quarters. Meanwhile their white counterparts were quickly integrated into the workforce and offered permanent housing within months of their arrival.
25.Eban quoted in David Hall-Cathala, The Peace Movement in Israel, 1967–87 (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 1990), 86. Ben Gurion quoted in Shay Azkani, “The Silenced History of the IDF’s ‘Mizrahi Problem,’” Haaretz, August 28, 2015.
26.Michael Shalev, Labour and the Political Economy in Israel (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1992).
27.Ehud Ein-Gil and Moshe Machover, “Zionism and Oriental Jews: Dialectic of Exploitation and Co-optation,” Race & Class 50, no. 3 (2009): 62–76.
28.Ein-Gil and Machover, “Zionism and Oriental.”
29.While the legacy of racism and white supremacy has always deformed the US labor movement, the high points of labor struggle have always forced labor to confront the color line. There were also notable instances of cross-racial solidarity in the South, for example—the Brotherhood of Timber Workers, the Populist Movement, and during the New Orleans General Strike of 1892. The United Mining Workers of America was famously multiracial when the AFL was still segregated, and that was because of how dangerous the labor was and how much trust was necessary between skilled and unskilled workers. The CIO, under the moderate leadership of John Lewis, opened its doors to Black workers because Lewis realized that organizing the unskilled was the only way to defend the whole labor movement. The CIO wound up taking a stance against lynching, segregation, and racial discrimination. The best traditions of labor solidarity in US history have led to the types of interracial organizing and struggle that have hardly ever happened in Israel.
30.Ofer Aderer, “How Levi Eshkol’s Government ‘Engineered’ Israel’s 1966–67 Recession,” Haaretz, February 16, 2016.
31.David Hall-Cathala, The Peace Movement in Israel, 1967–87 (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 1990), 97.
32.Shalev, Labour and the Political Economy in Israel.
33.Adam Hanieh, “From State-Led Growth to Globalization: The Evolution of Israeli Capitalism,” Journal of Palestine Studies 32, no. 4. (2003): 5–21.
34.Jonathan Nitzan and Shimshon Bichler, The Global Political Economy of Israel (London: Pluto Press, 2002).
35.For more information on the incestuous nature of the Israeli ruling class and how it came to be, see Nitzan and Bichler’s The Global Political Economy of Israel, 84–136.
36.Ben Sales, “The Corruption Scandals Plaguing Netanyahu and His Family, Explained,” Times of Israel, August 9, 2017.
37.Adam Hanieh, Lineages of Revolt: Issues of Contemporary Capitalism in the Middle East (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2013).
38.Calculations derived from “Jewish Employed Persons, by Occupation (2011 Classification), Sex, Continent of Birth and Period of Immigration, 2016), Table 12-9, Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics. US statistics are from US Bureau of Labor Statistics, Table A-13, “Table A-13. Employed and unemployed persons by occupation, not seasonally adjusted,” April 2018.
39.These estimations of the non-Jewish workforce are calculated after subtracting the “total” workforce statistics for the comparable 2016 data from the statistics for the Jewish employed. See Table 2-10, “Employed Persons, by Occupation” (2011 Classification), figures for 2016, at http://cbs.gov.il/publications18/saka0118q/pdf/tab02_10_q.pdf.
40.Andy Clarno, Neoliberal Apartheid: Palestine/Israel and South Africa after 1994 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017). Economies that rely on greater wages and benefits for workers to promote consumption. Fordism also refers to the use of deskilled assembly-line production.
41.However, Clarno writes that today, “Inequality in South Africa is more severe … than it was under formal apartheid … the South African state was democratized, but the neoliberalization of racial capitalism has placed important limits on decolonization.” He contends that a socioeconomic apartheid still exists for most black people, as only 7.5 percent of South African land has been redistributed since the end of apartheid. Meanwhile, in Israel the neo-liberal colonial strategy similarly involves the extension of limited autonomy to the Palestinian Authority, but with a degradation of Palestinian peasant and workers’ lives. See Clarno, Neoliberal Apartheid.
42.Lidar Gravé-Lazi, “More Than 1 in 5 Israelis Live in Poverty, Highest in Developed World,” Jerusalem Post, December 15, 2016.
43.According to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute and the World Bank.
44.For example, 89 percent of water resources in the West Bank are extracted by the Israeli water company Mekorot. Similarly, 0.3 percent of GDP is natural gas, supplied primarily from off the Gaza shore.
45.Shalev writes, “The most salient feature of the US aid package has been its close relationship to the cost of Israeli purchases of American arms … instead of having a major portion of foreign assistance at [the government’s] disposal with which to direct economic development, the state routinely turns over almost the entire inflow of aid for military purposes. This inability to freely channel US aid in the most economically and politically rewarding directions eliminated one of the most important sources of the dominant party’s power.” Shalev, Labour and the Political Economy.
46.Israeli census figures: 297,000 are employed in high-tech: 111,000 are employed in manufacturing hi-tech.
47.For example, it takes 148 monthly salaries to buy a home in Israel, compared to 66 in the US, making new homes “unattainable for the average worker.” However, lower home prices and government subsidies to settlers make homes in the West Bank more affordable. These economic factors reinforce the drive to colonize the West Bank. See Miriam Berger, “Sticker Shock Greets Israeli Homebuyers,” US News and World Report, February 14, 2017.
48.Tikva Honig-Parnass, “The 2011 Uprising in Israel,” January 12, 2012, http://www.israeli-occupation.org/2012-01-09/tikva-honig-parnass-the-2011-uprising-in-israel/.
49.For more on this position, see Moshe Machover, “Belling the Cat,” December 13, 2013, www.israeli-occupation.org/2013-12-13/moshe-machover-belling-the-cat/-sthash.L0PEg9TP.dpuf, and Tikva Honig-Parnass’s critique of this position, “One Democratic State in Historic Palestine,” http://isreview.org/issue/90/one-democratic-state-historic-palestine.
50.Machover and Orr, “The Class Character of Israel,” 87–101.
Chapter Five
1.Edward Said, “The Morning After,” London Review of Books, October 21, 1993.
2.Toufic Haddad, “Palestinian Forced Displacement from Kuwait: The Overdue Accounting,” Al Majdal 44, (Summer-August 2010).
3.Benoit Faucon, West Bankers (London: Mashrek Editions, 2010), 90.
4.Ha’aretz, February 14, 1994, cited in “Stacking the Deck: The Economics of the Israeli-PLO Accords, E. Murphy, Middle East Report, 194/195 (1995), 36.
5.Gilbert Achcar, “Zionism and Peace: From the Allon Plan to the Washington Accords,” New Politics 5, no. 3 (Summer 1995), 95–115.
6.Editors’ Note: His crimes are many but include the 1953 massacre of civilians in Qibya, Jordan, the 1982 invasion of Lebanon, and complicity in the massacre of thousands at the Sabra and Shatilla refugee camps, to name but a few.
7.Hamas, “Electoral Platform of Change and Reform,” quoted in Khaled Hroub, “A ‘New Hamas’ Through its New Documents,” Journal of Palestinian Studies 35 (Summer 2006), 8.
Chapter Six
1.Wendy R. Pearlman, “Palestine and the Arab Uprisings,” Northwestern Scholars (Oxford University Press, April 23, 2019), https://www.scholars.northwestern.edu/en/publications/palestine-and-the-arab-uprisings, Abstract.
2.Pearlman, “Palestine and the Arab Uprisings.”
3.Jehad Abusalim, “The Great March of Return: An Organizer’s Perspective,” Journal of Palestine Studies 47, no. 4 (January 2018): 90–100.
4.Abusalim, “Great March of Return,” 91.
5.Jacob Høigilt, “The Palestinian Spring That Was Not: The Youth and Political Activism in the Occupied Palestinian Territories,” Arab Studies Quarterly 35, no. 4 (Fall 2013): 343–59.
6.Palestinians in Gaza used the term tansiqiyat in the beginning of the Great March of Return, inspired by the term used in the Syrian uprising to name local coordination committees.
7.“The 2015 Arab Opinion Index: Results in Brief,” (Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, 2015).
8.“The 2017–2018 Arab Opinion Index: Main Results in Brief,” 
(The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, July 2018).
9.“The 2017–2018 Arab Opinion Index,” 16.
10.“Baheyya: Egypt Analysis and Whimsy 
(blog), April 30, 2005.
11.Ghassan Kanafani, The 1936–39 Revolt in Palestine, Marxists Internet Archive (New York: Committee for a Democratic Palestine, 1972).
12.Samir Amin and Ali el-Kenz, Europe and the Arab World: Patterns and Prospects for the New Relationship (London: Zed Books, 2005).
13.Nadia Belhaj Hassine, “Economic Inequality in the Arab Region,” Policy Research Working Papers, 2014.
14.Timothée Boutry, “Ben Ali, Dégage! Dégage!” Le Parisien, January 15, 2011.
15.Harriet Sherwood, “Binyamin Netanyahu Attacks Arab Spring Uprisings,” Guardian, November 24, 2011.
16.Bernard Lewis, interview by David Horowitz, “A Mass Expression of Outrage against Injustice,” Jerusalem Post, February 25, 2011, cited in Deepa Kumar, Islamophobia and the Politics of Empire (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2012).
17.Kumar, Islamophobia.
18.David Ignatius, “David Ignatius: Israel’s Arab Spring Problem,” Washington Post, July 6, 2012.
19.Yaniv Voller, “After the Arab Spring: Power Shift in the Middle East? Turmoil and Uncertainty: Israel and the New Middle East,” LSE Ideas Reports, edited by Nicholas Kitchen, London School of Economics and Political Science (May 2012): 59–63.
20.Report of the Secretary General to the United Nations Human Rights Council, Freedom of Movement—Human Rights Situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, Including East Jerusalem (New York: Human Rights Council—Thirty-First Session, 2016).
21.
2014, interview with Mohammed Dahlan, who served as Palestinian Authority minister of civil affairs during Israel’s unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip.
22.Jean-Pierre Filiu, “The Twelve Wars on Gaza,” Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 1 (2014): 52–60.
23.The Mavi Marmara was one of many flotillas that attempted to break the Israeli blockade of Gaza by sailing to Gaza’s shores. In 2010, while sailing to Gaza, Israeli forces stormed the ship, attacking the activists on board. Ten activists were killed, sixty were injured, and many more arrested.
24.Abdulrahman Sa’d, 
(Tahrir Square Salutes Arab Revolt),” Aljazeera, April 3, 2011.
25.“2017–2018 Arab Opinion Index: Executive Summary ACW,” (Washington, DC: Arab Center, 2018).
26.Hasan Tariq Al Hasan, “‘Arabs Are Not Ready for Democracy’: The Orientalist Cravings of Arab Ruling Elites,” Open Democracy, May 7, 2012.
27.For more on this, see Azmi Bishara’s In the Arab Question: Introduction to an Arab Democratic Statement.
28.Mohsen Mohammad Saleh, ed., “The Palestinian Strategic Report 2011/12,” The Palestinian Strategic Report 2011/12. Al-Zaytouna Centre for Studies & Consultations, 2013, 
29.Saleh, ed., “Palestinian Strategic Report.”
30.Saleh, ed., “Palestinian Strategic Report,” 141.
31.Saleh, ed., “Palestinian Strategic Report.”
32.Samar Batrawi, “Palestinians and the Syrian War: Between Neutrality and Dissent,” Al-Shabaka, January 29, 2017.
33.Karim Traboulsi, “Divisions Exposed as Pro-Hizballah, Leftist Palestinians Hail Assad’s ‘Victory,’” Alaraby: The New Arab, December 18, 2016.
34.
(PFLP: What Happened in Egypt Was Victory for the People’s Will).” Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, July 3, 2013. 
.
35.Maureen Clare Murphy, “Why Are Egyptian Media Demonizing Palestinians?” Electronic Intifada, February 12, 2017.
36.Muhammad Shehada, “Saudi Arabia’s Vicious Troll Army Has a New Target: Palestinians: Opinion,” Haaretz.com, July 28, 2019.
37.Mariam Barghouti, “Palestine Must Stand in Solidarity with the Syrians,” News Deeply, May 26, 2016.
38.Report of the Detailed Findings of the Independent Commission of Inquiry Established Pursuant to Human Rights Council Resolution S-21/1 (Human Rights Council, June 23, 2015).
Chapter Seven
1.An independent fact-finding mission investigating Israel’s military attack on Gaza in 2008–2009 concluded that “Israel’s actions met the requirements for the actus reus of the crime of genocide contained in the Genocide Convention, in that the IDF was responsible for killing, exterminating and causing serious bodily harm to members of a group—the Palestinians of Gaza,” http://www.tromso-gaza.no/090501ReportGaza.pdf.
2.“UN Special Rapporteur for the Situation of Human Rights in the OPT Tells Third Committee,” October 24, 2018.
3.Mike Lilis, “Sens. Sanders and Feinstein Oppose Israel Anti-Boycott Provision,” The Hill, December 19, 2018.
4.Shibley Telhami and Stella Rouse, “American Attitudes Towards the Middle East,” University of Maryland Critical Issues Poll, October 2019.
5.Charlotte Silver, “Are US Labor Unions Finally Speaking Out on Palestine?” Electronic Intifada, January 19, 2017.
6.ACLU, Twitter post, October 19, 2017.
7.Shibley Telhami, “American Attitudes Towards the Middle East,” Brookings Institute for Middle East Policy, September 2019.
8.Open letter, “40+ Jewish Groups Worldwide Oppose Equating Antisemitism with Criticism of Zionism,” July 17, 2018.
9.Palestinian Civil Society Groups, “Palestinians Overwhelmingly Condemn Germany Parliament’s anti-Palestinian Resolution,” BDSMovment.net, May 23, 2019.
10.Open letter, “Call to the German Government by 240 Jewish and Israeli Scholars: Do Not Equate BDS with Anti-semitism” June 3, 2019, https://www.scribd.com/document/412475185/Call-by-240-Jewish-and-Israeli-scholars-to-German-government-on-BDS-and-Anti-Semitism; Palestinian BDS National Committee, “Racism and Racial Discrimination are the Antithesis of Freedom, Justice, and Equality,” March 7, 2017.
11.Daniel Blatman, “Maybe, When it Comes to Antisemitism, No ‘Different Germany’ Exists,” Haaretz, July 3, 2019.
12.Shibley Telhami and Stella Rouse, “American Views of the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict,” University of Maryland Critical Issues Poll, October 2018,
13.Congressional Research Service, “US Foreign Aid to Israel,” report, August 7, 2019.
14.Peter Beinart, “Democratic Party Split Over Aid to Israel,” Forward, October 30, 2019.
15.Omar Barghouti, interview by Adam Horowitz and Phillip Weiss, “The BDS Movement at 10,” Mondoweiss, July 9, 2015; David Horowitz, “Israel Losing Democrats, ‘Can’t Claim Bipartisan US Support,’ Top Pollster Warns,” Times of Israel, July 2015.
16.John Dugard, “The Future of International Law: A Human Rights Perspective,” lecture, Internationaal Publiekrechtaan de Universiteit Leiden, April 20, 2007.
17.Palestinian BDS National Committee, “16 Million-Strong Organization in India Joins the BDS Movement,” BDSMovement.net, October 23, 2017.
18.Kristian Davis Bailey and Khury Petersen-Smith, “1,000 Black Activists, Artists, Scholars, Demand Justice for Palestine,” Ebony, August 18, 2015.
19.Palestinian BDS National Committee, “From Standing Rock to Occupied Jerusalem: We Resist Desecration of Our Burial Sites and Colonizing Our Indigenous Lands,” BDSMovement.net, September 9, 2016.
20.Jewish Telegraphic Agency, “Meany Announces AFL-CIO Will Take $10 Million in Histadrut Debentures,” JTA Daily News Bulletin, December 12, 1967; Tony Greenstein, “Histadrut: Israel’s “Racist Trade Union,” Electronic Intifada, March 9, 2009.
21.Lauren Anzaldo, “Labor for Palestine,” LeftTurn, August 1, 2005; “Open Letter from US Trade Unionists to AFL-CIO President Richard Trumka: Boycott Apartheid Israel,” December 5, 2009.
22.Tim Shorrak, “Labor’s Cold War,” Nation, May 1, 2003.
23.Palestinian BNC, “Palestinian Civil Society Urges World Governments to Impose a Military Embargo on Saudi Regime Over Khashoggi Murder and War Crimes in Yemen, on Israel for War Crimes in Palestine,” November 26, 2018.
24.Trevor Ngwane, “Interview with Trevor Ngwane,” Class Struggle and Resistance in Africa, edited by Leo Zeilig (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2009), 217.
Chapter Eight
1.The phenomenon of holding on to “the old ways,” frozen in a nostalgically romanticized past, is common to colonized societies around the globe and often manifests as a cementing of regressive practices.
2.Close to 80 percent of Palestinians are displaced, some “internally,” only minutes from their historic homes, now occupied by Israeli settlers or left vacant, even as their Palestinian owners live as refugees, while millions of others are in the diaspora, scattered all across the globe, as Israel denies us the universally recognized human right of return.
3.Quoted in Nawal El Saadawi, “Forward: About Racial Discrimination Amongst Feminists,” in Color of Violence: The INCITE! Anthology, edited by INCITE! Women of Color Against Violence (New York: South End Press, 2006).
4.El Saadawi, “Forward.”
5.At the time of this writing, the “Zioness Movement” and its parent organization, the openly aggressive Lawfare Project, have major disagreements over some of the positions the Zioness Movement has taken, and the fate of the Zionesses is uncertain, since their funding came from the Lawfare Project.
6.Israeli society is overall quite conservative, with some more tolerant or accepting “pockets,” such as Tel Aviv. The Jerusalem Pride March, for example, an annual event which started in 2002, generally meets with protests by conservative Jews; there were stabbings of marchers, by a conservative Jew, in both 2005 and 2015; and the 2006 World Pride march, scheduled to take place in Jerusalem, was cancelled as a result of harsh objections by conservative Jewish communities.
7.For a more thorough discussion of pinkwashing, see Nada Elia, “Gay Rights with a Side of Apartheid” Settler Colonial Studies 2, no. 2 (2012): 49–68.
8.Tom Mcarthy, “Albright: ‘Special Place in Hell’ for Women Who Don’t Support Clinton,” Guardian, February 6, 2016.
9.In a 1996 interview with Lesley Stahl, speaking of US sanctions against Iraq, Stahl asked Albright: “We have heard that a half million children have died. I mean, that’s more children than died in Hiroshima. And—and you know, is the price worth it?” To which Albright replied: “I think this is a very hard choice, but the price—we think the price is worth it.” www.democracynow.org/2004/7/30/democracy_now_confronts_madeline_albright_on.
10.The November 1917 Balfour Declaration is a public statement in which Britain’s Lord Balfour informs Britain’s Lord Rothchild of King George V’s sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations. The entire statement, setting into motion European Jewish emigration to Palestine through a Western imperial cursory note that reduces the Palestinian people to “non-Jewish communities,” reads: “His Majesty’s government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavours to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.”
11.Joost Hiltermann provides a good overview of Palestinian women’s participation in the First Intifada in his article “The Women’s Movement During the Uprising,” Journal for Palestine Studies 20, no. 3 (1991): 48–58.
12.I have read, and heard, a few reports about this incident, some dating it to 1936, others to 1938. It is primarily recounted as oral history and does not appear in British or Israeli publications. A Wikipedia entry tells of the British military burning down the village of Baqa al-Gharbiya, and taking the men away, in 1938, without mentioning the women’s role in securing the men’s release. While I do not personally question that the incident happened as oral history has preserved it, I would argue that, even if it were little more than a fanciful flight of imagination, the “story” is still revealing in that it shows women, not a few valiant men, as rescuing their kin.
13.Referring to the perpetrators of the Deir Yassin massacre as “Israeli” is anachronistic, as the massacre predates the creation of Israel. Specifically, this massacre was perpetrated by members of the Irgun and Lehi militias, which had been known to engage in terrorist acts.
14.I use “political” here in the mainstream sense of the word, even though I believe there is little distinction between the personal, the social, and the “political.”
15.Palestinian women secretly sewed Palestinian flags, which were illegal, by cutting the right length of different colored cloth in different homes, so that if Israeli soldiers searched these homes they would find only red, or only green, or black, or white cloth. Transporting the different components of the flag to one house, where it would be assembled, was a dangerous mission, which women undertook.
16.Julia Bacha, “Directors Statement,” JustVision.org, 2017.
17.Bacha, “Directors Statement.”
18.Bacha, “Directors Statement.”
19.AlQaws “About Us,” alQaws.org.
20.Abbas’s four-year term as “president” (of a nonexisting country), whose powers are limited to subcontracting the Israeli occupation, ended in 2009, and he has stayed in office since, with no elections, through the support of Israel and the US.
21.The details of the murder remain unclear, but the broad strokes are that this was a so-called “honor crime” committed by Israa’s brothers and father. Israa’s screams were recorded by an employee at the hospital where she was being treated for a spinal injury suffered during an earlier beating by her family members. Israa’s very loud screaming, behind closed doors in her hospital room, was posted on social media and immediately went viral.
22.Tal’at is a collective of Palestinian women formed in 2019. Their charter reads: “Women’s emancipation must be prioritized and central to our liberation strategies, discourse, and action. We see that fighting violence and oppression of women and seeking justice and dignity for all must be recognised as the core of our National Liberation.”
Chapter Nine
1.Palestinian BDS National Committee, “Stop US Repression of African Americans in Ferguson,” August 20, 2014.
2.See “Why Black People Must Stand With Palestine,” published May 21, 2014, on Ebony.com, one of several articles published by Kristian Davis Bailey in 2014 and 2015 about Palestine and Black-Palestine solidarity.
3.Kristian Davis Bailey, “Dream Defenders, Black Lives Matter & Ferguson Reps Take Historic Trip to Palestine,” Ebony.com, January 9, 2015.
4.“Invest-Divest,” Movement For Black Lives Platform, Movement For Black Lives, accessed November 13, 2019, https://policy.m4bl.org/invest-divest/.
5.Alex Lubin, Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014).
6.Melani McAllister, Epic Encounters: Culture, Media, and US Interests in the Middle East Since 1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 99.
7.McAllister, Epic Encounters, 100.
8.Malcolm X, “Message to the Grass Roots,” speech, Northern Negro Grass Roots Leadership Conference, Group on Advanced Leadership, King Solomon Baptist Church, Detroit, November 10, 1963.
9.Malcolm X, The Autobiography of Malcolm X (New York: Ballantine Books, 1964), 283-84.
10.Malcolm X, “Zionist Logic,” The Egyptian Gazette, September 17, 1964.
11.Michael R. Fischbach, Black Power and Palestine: Transnational Countries of Color (Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press, 2019), chapter 1.
12.See The Autobiography of Malcolm X and “Zionist Logic.”
13.Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, “The Middle East Crisis,” August 15, 1967.
14.Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, “The Middle East Crisis.”
15.Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, “The Indivisible Struggle Against Racism, Apartheid, and Colonialism,” presentation, Lusaka, Zambia, July 24–August 4, 1967.
16.Martin Luther King, “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” August 1963.
17.See Adom Getachew, Worldmaking After Empire: The Rise and Fall of Self-Determination (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2019).
18.Khury Petersen-Smith, interview with Emory Douglas, “We Always Had Solidarity,” Socialist Worker, May 13, 2015.
19.Committee of Black Americans for Truth About the Middle East, “An Appeal by Black Americans Against United States Support for the Zionist Government of Israel,” New York Times, November 1, 1970.
20.See Wesley Iwao Ueunten’s “Rising Up from a Sea of Discontent: The 1970 Koza Uprising in US-Occupied Okinawa,” in Militarized Currents (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010).
21.See Bouchra Khalili, “The Foreign Office,” http://www.bouchrakhalili.com/foreign-office/.
22.Dan Georgakas and Marvin Surkin, Detroit: I Do Mind Dying: A Study in Urban Revolution, (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2012), 52.
23.Michael Smith, “The Rise of the Arab American Left in the 60s-80s, and the US Government’s Fearful Response,” Mondoweiss, March 16, 2017.
24.Pamela Pennock, The Rise of the Arab American Left: Activists, Allies, and Their Fight Against Imperialism and Racism, 1960s-1980s (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017), 66.
25.Georgakas and Surkin, Detroit, 52.
26.Pennock, Rise of the Arab American Left, 66.
27.See the open letter, “From the Women of Gaza to the Women of Flint,” published by the Middle East Children’s Alliance, https://www.mecaforpeace.org/from-the-women-of-gaza-to-the-women-of-flint.
28.DJ Envy, Angela Yee, and Charlamagne tha God, interview with Marc Lamont Hill, The Breakfast Club, Power 105.1, December 14, 2018, WWPR.
29.Roy S. Johnson, “Birmingham Holocaust Center asked BCRI to ‘Reconsider’ Davis Honor, Yet ‘Happy’ to Meet Activist,” Al.com, January 11, 2019.
30.Michelle Alexander, “Time to Break the Silence on Palestine,” New York Times, January 19, 2019.
31.Lisa Hagen, “Democratic Leaders Postpone Vote on Anti-Semitism Resolution,” US News and World Report, March 6, 2019.
32.Ilhan Omar, Twitter Post, August 16, 2019, 1:18 pm.
33.Kristian Davis Bailey, “How Palestine Advocates Can Support Black Struggle,” Electronic Intifada, June 19, 2020, https://electronicintifada.net/content/how-palestine-advocates-can-support-black-struggle/30501.
34.Ruth Wilson Gilmore, “Fatal Couplings of Power and Difference: Notes on Racism and Geography,” The Professional Geographer 54, no. 1 (2002): 15–24.
Conclusion
1.Erling Lorentzen Sogge, “The Youth of Balata: A Generation of Hopelessness,” Jadaliyyah, November 18, 2019.
2.Mouin Rabbani, “Geopolitical Politics and the Question of Palestine,” Jadaliyya, October 24, 2019.
3.Ahmad Melham, “Demolition of Palestinians’ Jerusalem Homes Surge,” Al-Monitor, December 2, 2019.
4.World Bank, “West Bank and Gaza Overview,” October 2019, https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/westbankandgaza/overview.
5.United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, “Report on UNCTAD Assistance to the Palestinian People: Developments in the Economy of the of the Occupied Palestinian Terrority,” July 22, 2019, https://unctad.org/meetings/en/SessionalDocuments/tdbex68d4_en.pdf.
6.Ahmed Abu Artema, “15–5-2011 
February 25, 2011.
7.It also bears mentioning that these strikes, which also included Syrian refugees, played a role in setting the scene for the country-wide revolutionary movement that exploded in Lebanon that October.
8.Halaa Marshoud & Riya Alsanah, “Tal’at: A Feminist Movement That Is Redefining Liberation and Reimagining Palestine,” Mondoweiss, February 25, 2020.
9.It is important to note that the very formation of the Arab League was encouraged by the British as a safety valve on Arab nationalist aspirations. See M. A. Aziz, “Origins of the Arab League,” Pakistan Horizon 8, no. 4 (December, 1955): 479–94.
10.Editorial, Filustununa, no. 30, April 15, 1963. Filustununa [Our Palestine] was the nationalist newspaper founded by Arafat and other Fateh founders in Beirut before the creation of Fateh.
11.Abu Sa’id [Jabra Nicola] & Moshe Machover, “The Struggle in Palestine Must Lead to Arab Revolution,” Black Dwarf 14, no. 19 (September 1969): 5.
12.See also: Abu Sa’id [Jabra Nicola], “Thesis on the Revolution in the Arab East,” discussion document of the Revolutionary Communist League, September 14, 1972.
13.Adam Hanieh, Lineages of Revolt (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2013), 34.
14.Yitzhak Gal and Bader Rock, “Israel-Egyptian Trade: An In-depth Analysis,” Institute for Global Change, October 15, 2018; Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, interview, 60 Minutes, January 6, 2019.
15.Democratic Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, “Terrorism and Revolutionary Violence,” al-Hurriyah, no. 504, March 2, 1970.
16.Senator Bernie Sanders, “Palestinians Describe Life in Gaza,” YouTube video, June 8, 2018.
17.US Campaign for Palestinian Rights & Adalah Justice Project, “Palestinans in the US Declare that Freedom Is the Future,” https://www.freedomfuture.org/demands.
18.US Campaign for Palestinian Rights & Adalah Justice Project, “Palestinans.”
19.Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, “The Black Plague,” The New Yorker, April 16, 2020; Mariame Kaba, “Yes, We Mean Literally Abolish the Police,” New York Times, June 12, 2020.
20.Larry Buchanan, Quoctrang Bui, and Jugal K Patrel, “Black Lives Matter May Be the Largest Movement in US History,” New York Times, July 3, 2020.
21.brian bean & Sean Larson, “Rebellions Get Results: A List So Far,” Rampant Magazine, June 30, 2020.
22.Amna A. Akbar, “How the Left Is Remaking the World,” New York Times, July 11 2020.
23.Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (New York: Grove Press, 2004), 97.