False Confession
NO EVIDENCE IS more compelling than a suspect’s confession. Rarely is anything else needed to convict, for why would anyone confess to a crime he did not commit? Yet false confessions have become legion in the criminal justice system. Of the convictions that have been reversed on the basis of DNA evidence—those in which there is no doubt of error—20 percent involved a false or coerced confession. Studies indicate that about 75 percent of juries will vote to convict when the defendant has confessed, even if convincing physical evidence and the testimony of other witnesses suggest that the defendant is innocent. Such confessions have become a growing national problem, particularly in cases involving minors or the mentally ill; they result not only in the wrong person being imprisoned or possibly executed, but in the guilty party remaining at large.
People confess to crimes they did not commit for reasons that run the spectrum from plea bargains or police coercion to psychological compulsions whose complexity is not easily gauged. The old rubber-hose, third-degree treatment made famous in grade-B movies of the forties and fifties was outlawed nationally by the US Supreme Court in 1933. It has been replaced by more subtle, psychological techniques that often enlist attrition as an ally. Detectives take turns interrogating a suspect until, twenty or thirty hours later, a confession might seem a small price to pay for a ticket home or a night’s rest. Those more open to suggestion, like the young or mentally retarded, might in fact come to believe that they committed the crime after all. “The difference between the third degree and psychological interrogation,” Peter Carlson wrote in the Washington Post, “is akin to the difference between getting mugged and getting scammed.”
When a crime has been highly publicized and the suspect is likely to be familiar with the details of the case, a technique of hypothetical questioning can sometimes pry loose a confession that includes some telling details. For example: “Let’s just say you were going to commit this crime, what type of weapon would you use? You wouldn’t use a gun, would you, because that would have attracted too much attention, right? Yes, you would use a knife, and if you used a knife, what would you have done with it after you killed her? Of course, you would have disposed of it, but first you would wipe the blood off, wouldn’t you?” Each time the suspect agrees, the noose is drawn tighter, and if he begins to agree to details that would be known only to police and the person who committed the crime, he is that much closer to confessing.
Sometimes suspects can be tricked into offering a confession. Alleged accomplices are often questioned separately, with each being told that the others have implicated him in the crime. On other occasions they are told they failed a “voice stress” test that showed they were lying. Under such circumstances, wrote crime reporter Jim Dwyer in The New York Times, social scientists say “a false confession may seem like an exit ramp from an impossible predicament, just as a bear might chew off its own foot to escape from a trap.”
The issue of false confession came into sharp focus in 1963 with the well- publicized “career-girl murders” on New York’s Upper East Side. Police questioned hundreds of suspects but had gotten nowhere until, six months later, James Whitmore Jr. was arrested and interrogated in another case. Whitmore, who was mentally slow, voluntarily went into detail on how he had stabbed to death Janice Wylie and Emily Hoffert while burglarizing their apartment. It was soon discovered that Whitmore was elsewhere at the time of the murders, and the actual killer, Richard Robles, was later convicted and sentenced to twenty years to life.
But at the time of his confession, the double charge of capital murder made Whitmore a likely candidate for Sing Sing’s electric chair and produced some lasting changes in the justice system. The prospect of an innocent man being executed was instrumental in the New York State Legislature’s decision to abolish capital punishment in 1965. On the national level, the Supreme Court also took note. The tactics used by police to elicit Whitmore’s confession were cited extensively in the court’s 1966 Miranda ruling which required police to advise suspects of their right to remain silent or have an attorney present when they are questioned.
Four decades later, false confessions again were at the center of debate when five teenagers who had confessed to raping a young woman, who later became known as the Central Park Jogger, were found to be innocent of the crime. The confessions of the youths were videotaped and played on television regularly, and they appeared to be as authentic as one could wish. But another man confessed thirteen years after the crime was committed, and DNA tests proved that he had raped the victim and the Central Park Five had not.
Since 1963 there have doubtless been scores, perhaps hundreds, of instances of false confession. It is impossible to estimate the true number because the cases are hidden from view until brought to light, usually by a chance occurrence. But we know for certain that a number of innocent people have been dispatched to death row on the basis of confessions that turned out to be false. The following have been well documented.
Henry Lee McCollum and Leon Brown
North Carolina
The deck had been stacked against Henry Lee McCollum and his half brother, Leon Brown, right from the start. When arrested for the brutal rape and murder of an eleven-year-old girl in rural North Carolina in 1983, both were still in their teens and they were mentally disabled, Brown’s IQ registering as low as fifty-one. McCollum, who had grown up in Jersey City, was in North Carolina temporarily, visiting his mother and was looked upon as an intruder. Perhaps most critical of all, they were going to be tried by a district attorney who was listed in the Guinness Book of World Records as the world’s “deadliest prosecutor,” having won nearly fifty death sentences during his tenure. Once convicted, they would spend the next thirty years of their lives in prison—McCollum on death row—for a crime they did not commit and for which there was virtually no evidence tying them to the case.
The victim, Sabrina Buie, had been raped and suffocated with her underwear crammed down her throat, her body found in a soybean field in Red Springs, a town of fewer than 4,000 people in the southern part of the state. On the night of September 28, McCollum, who was nineteen, and Brown, fifteen, were picked up by police on a tip from a local teenager. There was no physical evidence implicating them and no eyewitness testimony.
As described by Jonathan M. Katz and Erik Eckholm in The New York Times, the two youths were questioned for five hours with no lawyer present. McCollum’s mother waited outside in the hallway, not permitted to see her son. McCollum apparently concocted a story of how he and three other youths attacked and killed Sabrina. In an interview with The News & Observer shortly after their release from prison, McCollum said, “I had never been under this much pressure, with a person hollering at me and threatening me. I just made up a story and gave it to them so they would let me go home.” Later that night, having been told that his half brother had confessed and that he could be executed if he did not cooperate, Brown also signed a confession.
At trial, both defendants recanted, saying that their confessions had been coerced. The other two men mentioned in McCollum’s confession were never arrested. The prosecutor, Joe Freeman Britt, turned out to be as good as his reputation. Described in The Times as a “six-foot-six, Bible-quoting district attorney,” Britt was later profiled on the television show 60 Minutes as the country’s “deadliest DA,” reinforcing Guinness’s designation. McCollum and Brown were found guilty solely on the basis of their confessions, in a brief, cursory trial, in which they received little in the way of defense. Both defendants were initially sentenced to death, but in new trials ordered by the State Supreme Court, Brown was convicted only of rape and his sentence reduced to life in prison. McCollum remained on death row.
In 1994, the US Supreme Court turned down a request to review the case. In a dissent, Justice Harry A. Blackmun observed that McCollum had the mental age of a nine-year-old and that “this factor alone persuades me that the death penalty in this case is unconstitutional.” Justice Blackmun later went a step further. He announced that he was opposed to capital punishment in all circumstances. Justice Scalia expressed a very different viewpoint, saying that the Buie crime was so heinous it would be hard to argue against lethal injection. It was in reference to the Buie case that he had described lethal injection as an “enviable” and “quiet” death.
It appeared that the string had run out for McCollum until 2011 when the Center for Death Penalty Litigation, a non-profit legal group in North Carolina, took up the case. Working with private law firms, lawyers from the Center began searching for new evidence. They learned that three days before the trial began, police had requested that a fingerprint found at the crime scene be tested for a match with a man named Roscoe Artis, who lived a block from where the victim’s body was found and who had a history of convictions for sexual assault. The test was never performed and prosecutors never revealed the request to the defense. They also discovered that statements in the two confessions were inconsistent with each other and with the known facts in the case. Most significantly, they turned up a cigarette butt near the murder site. Testing by the North Carolina Innocence Commission, an independent state agency, found a match, but it was not to either McCollum or Brown; it was a match to Artis. Just weeks after the murder of Sabrina, Artis had confessed to the rape and murder of an eighteen-year-old girl in Red Springs.
He was convicted and sentenced to death, later reduced to life, and was still in prison throughout the trial of McCollum and Brown. Remarkably, despite the similarity between the two crimes, Artis was never questioned in relation to the Buie murder.
Finally, an evidentiary hearing was held on September 2, 2014. The only witness at the hearing was Sharon Stellato of the Innocence Inquiry Commission. Questioned by the defense attorneys, she noted the lack of evidence connecting the two men to the crime and the DNA findings implicating Artis. The new district attorney, Johnson Britt, a distant relation to the original prosecutor, said he had no evidence to the contrary. Citing his obligation to “seek justice,” not simply gain convictions, the DA said he would not try to prosecute the men again because the state ”does not have a case.” The two men, now fifty and forty-six years old, were declared innocent and ordered released.
Unfortunately, their release did not mark the end of their woes. Each man received $45 upon release from prison. For the next few months they barely got by on charity in one form or another. A report in the Times by Alan Blinder, said they lived at a home in Fayetteville, North Carolina, where McCollum slept on a mattress and box spring in one room, while Brown slept on a couch in another. They subsisted on a meager diet that often consisted of no more than canned potatoes and pork and beans. It was not what they had expected when they left the penitentiary. They were told that under North Carolina law, each would be paid $750,000 because he had been wrongfully convicted and spent decades in prison. But the payment was contingent upon receiving a ”pardon of innocence” from the governor. As it turned out, that was not so easy.
According to the Times report, Governor Pat McCrory had taken a “deliberate approach” to granting the pardon. It was not clear to what extent, if any, opposition to granting the pardon was responsible for the delay in ruling on the application for pardon. The prosecutorial Britt was quick to register his hard-line view. He said, “There is no doubt in my mind that they’re not entitled to a pardon, and there is no doubt in my mind that they’re not entitled to compensation by the taxpayers.” Scott Brettschneider, an attorney for the defense, said he hoped “there isn’t something more here than just bureaucracy.”
In March 2015, a local bank, judging that the delay was indeed due to the bureaucratic tangle, granted the men a large enough loan that enabled them to rent a home in which each had a bedroom. McCollum, who from force of habit sometimes referred to a room as a cell, chose one at the top of a stairwell. “This is my room right here,” he said. “This is my room.”
Ronald Kitchen and Marvin Reeves
Illinois
Ronald Kitchen and Marvin Reeves were among the many victims of the reign of terror that was the Burge Era in Cook County, Chicago. They confessed to five murders in 1988 after being beaten and tortured, reputedly by Detective Michael Kill, an underling of Police Commander Jon Burge. The coerced confessions were part of a pattern of brutality that corrupted the Chicago police force and judicial system through the eighties and early nineties. Burge and Kill were both forced to retire in 1993 for engaging in the systematic torture of scores of African American criminal suspects. Burge later served four and a half years after being convicted of perjury and obstruction of justice. He was released on parole in February 2015.
The five victims—two women and their three children—were discovered on July 27, 1988, in a burning home on the South Side of Chicago. Kitchen and Reeves became implicated when a jailhouse informant named Willie Williams contacted a Chicago police officer with a tip that Kitchen had told him he had committed the crime with Reeves as his accomplice. The admissions came, according to Williams, during two telephone calls that he made to Kitchen. However, telephone records indicated that Williams had made no such calls on the dates cited. Nonetheless, police obtained a court order allowing them to tap into all future calls that Williams made to Kitchen. Between August 12 and 22, police tracked thirty-six such calls, but none of them contained any information that might have implicated either Kitchen or Reeves in the fatal fire. Neither was there any physical evidence connecting them to the case.
But police deemed such evidence to be unnecessary. Kitchen was arrested on August 25 and taken to the station house where he was interrogated by a team led by Detective Kill. After sixteen hours of alleged torture, during which Kitchen said he was repeatedly beaten, including an assault on his testicles with a blackjack, he signed a confession prepared by Cook County Assistant State’s Attorney Mark Lukanich.
At his first court appearance after being charged, Kitchen told Judge Richard J. Fitzgerald he had been tortured and coerced into confessing. There was physical evidence to support his claim. Fitzgerald found a number of marks of abuse on various part of Kitchen’s body and ordered him sent to a hospital where he was treated for testicular trauma and various other injuries.
Based solely on his confession and the testimony of Williams, Kitchen was found guilty on September 19, 1990, and sentenced to death by Judge Vincent Bentivenga. Reeves was tried separately a year later and sentenced to life by the same judge. His conviction was based primarily on Kitchen’s alleged admission to Williams. However, a judge of the Illinois Appellate Court reversed Reeves’s conviction on the grounds that Williams’s hearsay account of events should not have been admitted. Reeves was retried and again sentenced to life.
Over the years, as it became increasingly apparent that the Chicago criminal justice system was rotten at its core, the cases of Kitchen and Reeves attracted increased attention. In 2003, Judge Paul Biebel Jr., the presiding judge of the Cook County Circuit Court Criminal Division, removed the Cook County State’s Attorney’s Office from all post-conviction proceedings involving allegations of torture. The judge found a conflict of interest because Dick Devine, the State’s Attorney, while in private practice, had represented Burge in some civil suits regarding charges of torture. Judge Biebel assigned Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan to take over the cases. Madigan joined with attorneys from the Bluhm Legal Clinic at Northwestern University School of Law and the law firm of Baker & McKenzie to reinvestigate the Kitchen-Reeves case. Upon her recommendation, Judge Biebel vacated the convictions on July 7, 2009, and dismissed all charges against both men. Six weeks later, Biebel granted them certificates of innocence, qualifying each for $192,000 in compensation through the Illinois Court of Claims.
Kitchen, who had spent a total of twenty-one years in prison—thirteen of them on death row until Governor George Ryan commuted his death sentence—filed a lawsuit in 2010, alleging that he was arrested on a false tip, deprived of food and sleep, and repeatedly tortured by Burge, Kill, and their associates. On September 6, 2013, the Finance Committee of the City of Chicago approved payment of a $12.3 million settlement to be divided equally between Kitchen and Reeves.
Robert Springsteen and Michael Scott
Texas
In Austin, Texas, the crime became known as the Yogurt Shop murders, invariably preceded by the term “notorious.” The nude bodies of four teenage girls, all tied up and shot in the back of the head, were found on December 6, 1991, in a back room of the I Can’t Believe It’s Yogurt Shop. The discovery was made by firefighters who had responded to a fire that apparently had been set to cover up the crime. The four victims were: Eliza Thomas and Jennifer Harbison, both seventeen; Sarah Harbison, fifteen; and Amy Ayers, thirteen. The crime was called one of the most infamous in Austin history. Nearly a quarter of a century later, it remained unsolved. Compounding the gravity of the murders, two innocent teenagers, both seventeen at the time, served long, hard prison terms before being exonerated and released.
The two wrongfully convicted youths were Robert Springsteen and Michael Scott, both seventeen. Two of their friends—Maurice Pierce, sixteen, and Forrest Welborn, fifteen—also were initially implicated but were cleared before being tried. The four teenagers became suspects when one of them was found carrying a .22-caliber revolver in a shopping mall. Three of the victims had been shot with .22-caliber ammunition, the other with a .33-caliber gun. When a ballistics test on the gun confiscated by police failed to match the bullets taken from the victims, all four youths were released.
More than six years passed. The crime, which had shaken Austin to its roots, had become a cold case but, given its grisly details and the publicity it had attracted, police decided to take another look. On September 9, 1999, Scott was brought to the station house for a new round of questioning. The interrogation lasted twelve hours, and at one point Scott said he knew the identities of the killers. The interrogation resumed the following day and, in a pseudo-confession, Scott said he had fired a gun once and had probably shot one of the girls. He also said he had set the fire. He was brought back again on September 13 and said he remembered seeing Pierce with one of the girls in a separate room in the yogurt shop. He said he thought Pierce had gagged one of them with paper towels or napkins.
He then brought Springsteen into the case, saying that the .22-caliber pistol came from him. He recalled little about the other weapon but thought it was a semi-automatic .38 caliber. Springsteen, now twenty-three, was arrested in Charleston, West Virginia, where he was living. In a videotaped interrogation, he confessed to sexually assaulting and killing one of the victims. At that point, police charged all four suspects with capital murder, but the charges against Pierce and Welborn were later dropped.
Springsteen was tried first and, although he had recanted his confession and said it had been coerced, he was convicted on May 30, 2001, chiefly on the basis of the videotaped confession. He was sentenced to death, but the sentence was reduced to life in 2003 when the US Supreme Court ruled that the execution of people who were under eighteen when the crime was committed constituted cruel and unusual punishment in violation of the Eighth Amendment.
Scott was convicted on September 22, 2002, based almost entirely on twenty hours of videotaped interrogation during which he admitted participating in the crime. He also claimed that his confession was coerced and that he was in fact innocent. Scott was sentenced to life when the jury failed to unanimously agree on a death sentence.
Both Springsteen and Scott embarked on a series of appeals that would end in their exoneration and release from custody. In 2006, Springsteen’s conviction was overturned when the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals ruled that Scott’s confession should not have been allowed into evidence because it violated Springsteen’s Sixth Amendment right to cross examine witnesses. A year later, the same court set aside Scott’s conviction on the same grounds regarding Springsteen’s videotaped statements at Scott’s trial.
While the state proceeded to prepare for retrials, defense lawyers requested that DNA tests be performed on physical evidence found at the scene, as DNA testing had become more precise in the seventeen years since the crime was committed. The prosecution complied, and biological evidence taken from two of the victims—Ayers and Jennifer Harbison—produced the profile of someone other than Springsteen and Scott. Pierce and Welborn also were excluded. The DNA of another man was found on clothing used to bind the wrists of a third victim, Eliza Thomas. A partial profile of yet another perpetrator was found on Jennifer Harbison.
All charges against Springsteen and Scott were dropped on October 28, 2009. Since then, Springsteen has been exploring various ways to clear his name with a declaration of “actual innocence.” He has filed civil suits in federal court and in Bexar County District Court, but as of 2014 without success. Because he is no longer incarcerated, Springsteen cannot prove his innocence via the appeal process and he has exhausted all administrative remedies. Texas courts have long held that it is “improper for a civil court to issue preemptive declarations of guilt or innocence.” In his suit, Springsteen has maintained he is due more than $700,000 in compensation and other benefits. Without a judicial declaration of innocence, he contends, there is no recourse for the wrongfully accused or convicted.
Damon Thibodeaux
Louisiana
Almost nothing about Damon Thibodeaux’s confession matched the facts of the case. One of the crimes he confessed to had not even been committed. Yet, he was convicted of murder and rape and spent sixteen years in prison, fifteen of them on death row.
The crimes involved the killing and alleged rape of his fourteen-year-old step-cousin, Crystal Champagne. The girl had left her apartment in Marrero, Louisiana, at around 5:15 on the afternoon of July 19, 1996, to go to a nearby supermarket. When she failed to return home after more than an hour, her parents and twenty-one-year-old Thibodeaux went looking for her. The following afternoon, her partially naked body was found on a levee near the Huey P. Long Bridge. A piece of red extension cord was wrapped around her neck and the right side of her head and face had been beaten. Her shirt had been pulled up and her shorts were down between her knees and ankles, suggesting the possibility of sexual assault.
Before the girl’s body had been discovered, investigators from the Jefferson Parish Sheriff’s Department had begun interviewing people who had been with her before she disappeared. An officer was questioning Thibodeaux, who was at her home when Crystal left for the store, when word came that her body had been found. At that point, the questioning was turned over to a homicide detective. Thibodeaux initially said he knew nothing of the crime. He agreed to take a polygraph test which police said indicated a degree of deception regarding Crystal’s death. After nine hours of questioning, of which only forty-five minutes was recorded, Thibodeaux confessed to raping and murdering Crystal. He told the police that he had picked the girl up at the supermarket and driven her to the levee in his car. He said they began having consensual sex but that he “snapped” when she “started hollering ‘Ouch, it hurts! Take it easy.’” He began strangling her with his hands, he said, and then completed the job by wrapping a wire around her neck.
His confession, however, was at odds with several details of the crime. The detectives fed Thibodeaux information that had not been made public, but on his own, he often provided embellishments that were inconsistent with the facts. He said, for example, that he had strangled Crystal with a white or gray speaker wire from his car when the murder device was a red electrical cord that had been burned off a section of cord found hanging from the tree above her body.
While extracting his confession, police had no other evidence linking Thibodeaux to the crime. Hairs and fibers vacuumed from his car did not match samples taken from the victim. Nothing on his clothing or hers provided a connection. Although investigators said he had told them specifically that he had ejaculated into and onto Crystal’s body, no semen was recovered from her body.
Immediately after his interrogation, Thibodeaux was arrested and charged with rape and murder. Later, given an opportunity to eat and rest, he recanted his confession, but he was nonetheless on his way to trial.
A week after the crime was committed, detectives questioned two women they found walking on the levee. They told police that on the evening of the murder they had seen a man pacing aimlessly around the scene of the crime. Both picked a photo of Thibodeaux from a photographic lineup and identified him as the man they had seen, and both testified for the prosecution at the October 1997 trial. The only other evidence presented by the state was the confession, which the defense contended was coerced and elicited by detectives who suggested facts of the crime during interrogation. The defense staked its claim on an alibi provided by his mother and sister, who testified he was with them at the time the crime was committed. On October 3, 1997, a jury convicted Thibodeaux of first-degree murder and rape. At the punishment phase of the trial, Judge Patrick McCabe sentenced him to death, given the aggravating circumstance that the murder had occurred during the process of rape.
Thibodeaux’s attorneys filed motions for a new trial and a post-verdict judgment of acquittal. Both were denied by the trial court. They then appealed to the Supreme Court of Louisiana, arguing that Thibodeaux’s confession was false and unreliable and should not have been admitted. They further contended that Thibodeaux was psychologically fragile and open to suggestion, which the detectives were eager to provide. The Court upheld his conviction on September 8, 1999.
In 2007, pro bono attorneys from the Innocence Project of New York, the Capital Punishment Post-Conviction Project of Louisiana, and the Minneapolis law firm of Fredrikson & Byron persuaded Jefferson Parish District Attorney Paul Connick Jr. to reopen the investigation. Forensic geneticist Edward T. Blake found that DNA testing established conclusively that Crystal had not been raped. A DNA profile of a man other than Thibodeaux was found in blood on a piece of wire similar to that used to strangle Crystal which had been hanging from a tree near the crime scene. As for the two women who had testified to seeing Thibodeaux pacing the levee near the crime scene, investigators learned that they had seen a photo of him in the news media before identifying him in the police photo lineup. Furthermore, they could not have seen him at all because on the night in question, Thibodeaux was already in custody.
All told, the reinvestigation established that Thibodeaux’s confession was false. He admitted raping Crystal when, in fact, no sexual assault had occurred. He said he had used a gray speaker wire to strangle her when it was a red cord that had been used. At this point, the prosecution summoned a forensic psychiatrist who was an expert in false confessions, Dr. Michael M. Weiner. Dr. Weiner concluded, along with the defense, that the confession was the result of police pressure, exhaustion, psychological pressure, and fear of the death penalty.
On September 29, 2012, Judge McCabe, who had sentenced Thibodeaux to death, granted a motion to vacate his conviction and death sentence and dismiss the charges against him. That afternoon, Thibodeaux was released directly from death row at the Louisiana State Penitentiary at Angola. He was the three hundredth person to be exonerated by DNA, eighteen of whom had been sentenced to death.
Commentary: The Central Park Jogger
When it comes to false confession, there is one case that defines the genre. More than twenty-five years later, it still gets prominent headlines in the New York press; it still is the subject of television discussions and interviews. Many of the elements of the case were unusual if not unique. It involved five teenagers all confessing individually to the same crime on the same night. All five were in custody and being interrogated by police before it was even known that the crime for which they would later be convicted had been committed. Their separate confessions differed from one another in critical details. The victim in the case became a citywide celebrity long before anyone knew who she was.
Nameless, her identity no more than a shadow cast across the conscience of a troubled city, she nonetheless became a part of the language of her time. For fourteen years, she was known simply as the Central Park Jogger. Her presumed assailants—four black men and one Hispanic—also became monuments to a tarnished system of justice whose inequality was being etched more deeply in the awareness of a customarily indifferent public. They became known as the Central Park Five.
The jogger, a twenty-eight-year-old investment banker at the Wall Street firm of Salomon Brothers, was violently attacked on the evening of April 19, 1989, while out for a jog in New York’s Central Park. She had been raped and left for dead. Her skull had been caved in with a heavy object. Her temperature was 84 degrees and she had lost 75 percent of her blood. She was in a coma for twelve days. Her gradual recovery was regarded by some as nothing short of a miracle. She was the most notable victim among many during a night of marauding by about forty teenagers. The maddening romp introduced a new term into the vernacular of oppression. It was called “wilding.”
The attacks unleashed a firestorm of outrage throughout the city. The police felt the pressure for a quick resolution to the case and dozens of youths were herded into the stationhouse for questioning. Among them were five Harlem teenagers who would forever be joined in a tableau that traced a broken system of criminal justice. All between the ages of fourteen and sixteen, their names were: Anton McCray, Kevin Richardson, Raymond Santana, Kharey Wise, and Yusef Salaam. All five initially denied having taken part in the attack or even being aware of it. But it was a long night and an even longer day ahead, and gradually each of the suspects began to give way. Finally, they all confessed to having been involved to one degree or another.
The prosecution made much of the fact that their confessions had been videotaped, but the cameras were not turned on until April 21, after the suspects had been in custody and questioned for as much as twenty-eight hours. The youths’ confessions were inconsistent with one another and at variance with the facts as they were known. There were conflicts about when, where, and how the rape took place, and differing descriptions of the clothing the jogger was wearing.
The confessions, flawed as they were, were nonetheless the backbone of the prosecution’s case. The only physical evidence was hairs on one of the boys that were said to be consistent with the hair of the jogger. In two separate trials, all were found guilty, with charges ranging from rape, to attempted murder, to the lesser charges of sexual abuse and assault. Their sentences varied from five-to-ten to five-to-fifteen years. Throughout their prison terms, the youths maintained they were innocent. They said they were tricked into making false admissions and often were responding to promises of leniency or threats of harsher treatment if they failed to comply. The authorities paid little attention. They even ignored the testimony of a DNA expert who, more than a year later, on July 13, 1990, testified in a Manhattan court that analysis of the semen found in the victim did not come from any of the five convicted of the crime. “That means,” he said, “there was another rapist who is still at large.” In fact, there was and he was the only one to have committed the crime.
In January 2002, a convicted murderer and serial rapist by the name of Matias Reyes, who was serving a term of thirty-three and a third years to life in the Clinton Correctional Facility in upstate New York, confessed to raping the jogger. He explained that he had found God and felt compelled to confess that he, and he alone, was guilty of the crime. Reyes’s confession was compelling. He recreated the details of the crime with startling accuracy. Four months later, a DNA test matched his semen to that taken from the victim’s body. The office of Manhattan District Attorney Robert M. Morgenthau began reexamining the evidence in December. Two weeks later, on December 19, in a ruling that took just five minutes, State Supreme Court Judge Charles J. Tejada vacated all convictions against the five men, now between the ages of twenty-eight and thirty. They had all completed their prison terms of between seven and thirteen years.
Now fully recovered, the jogger went public on April 19, the fourteenth anniversary of the event that propelled her into the headlines. Her name was Trisha Meili, and she had just told her story in a memoir entitled I Am the Central Park Jogger: A Story of Hope and Possibility.
In September 2014, the city finally approved a settlement with the five men of $41 million, approximately $1 million for each year of their imprisonment. The suit, which had been filed in 2003, was opposed by the administration of then-mayor Michael Bloomberg but was reopened when Mayor Bill de Blasio took office. The wording of the settlement appears to absolve the city of any wrongdoing in the case. In the carefully crafted terms of the legal profession, it reads: “The City of New York has denied and continues to deny that it and the individually named defendants have committed any violations of law or engaged in any wrongful acts concerning or related to any allegations that were or could have been alleged.” Mayor de Blasio expressed a different point of view. The settlement, he said, arose from “a moral obligation to right this injustice,” which he added, was “long overdue.”
The idea of one confessing to a major crime which he did not commit appears to be counter-intuitive. The greater likelihood is that one would deny committing a crime of which he is actually guilty. But false confessions come in multiple forms and diverse variations. Most often, those who confess falsely are mentally handicapped or entirely naïve with respect to their legal rights and the intricacies of a criminal justice system that serves best those who are trained to use it to their own advantage.
Gary Gauger
Illinois
The case of Gary Gauger was a classic example of a confession extracted by hypothetical prompting. Gauger, an organic vegetable farmer who lived and worked on his parents’ farm in McHenry County, Illinois, near the Wisconsin border, was charged with killing his parents at their home on April 8, 1993. His induced confession was offered up after he was interrogated for sixteen hours without a lawyer being present. He was convicted and sentenced to death by lethal injection.
The Gaugers, Morris and Ruth, both in their seventies, were found dead with their throats slashed, and Gary was taken into custody for questioning. He was interrogated through the night, and the authorities came away with what they claimed was a confession. Gary insisted on his innocence and denied having confessed. He said he had offered, at the urging of the police, a hypothetical account of how he might have committed the double murder. He had been told that he failed a polygraph test and that clothes soaked in his parents’ blood had been found in his room. Neither statement was true, but Gary had no way of knowing that. If indeed the bloody clothes were found in his room and he flunked the lie-detector test, how might he account for that? His interrogators asked him to consider the possibilities, just hypothetically of course. Gary responded that if he had in fact killed his parents, it must have been during a blackout because he remembered nothing about it. That was enough of a confession for the sheriff’s deputies. Gauger was charged with the crime, and on May 5 a grand jury returned an indictment on two counts of murder. At a pretrial hearing, Gary described his interrogation and explained how he had been maneuvered into speculating about his guilt, but a motion to suppress the confession was denied.
The confession formed the backbone of the prosecution’s case, and the deputies filled in the details at the trial. They testified that Gary told them he had come upon his parents from behind, pulled their heads back by the hair, and cut their throats. Additional state’s evidence was offered by a pathologist who performed autopsies on the bodies and a forensic scientist who examined loose hairs found near Ruth’s body. The pathologist, Dr. Lawrence Blum, testified that the wounds were consistent with the prosecution’s account of how the victims’ throats were cut. Under cross-examination, however, he acknowledged that it was equally likely that the Gaugers had been bludgeoned first. The forensic scientist, Lurie Lee, said that the hairs found near Ruth’s body and presumed to be hers had been stretched and broken in a manner that was consistent with the prosecution’s version of the murder. But as with Blum, Lee conceded under cross-examination that the hairs also could have been broken during combing or brushing. The state then dusted off and presented to the jury a jailhouse snitch named Raymond Wagner who was a fellow inmate of Gary’s at the McHenry County Jail when he was awaiting trial. A twice-convicted felon, Wagner testified that Gary often described how he had gone about killing his parents.
The state’s jerry-built case was good enough for the jury. Gauger was found guilty on both charges. He waived his right to be sentenced by the jury that convicted him and heard his death sentence pronounced by Judge Henry L. Cowlin on January 11, 1994.
Gauger was fortunate enough to have his case taken on appeal by Northwestern Law School Professor Lawrence Marshall, and nine months later Judge Cowlin reduced his sentence to life in prison. Two years later, his prospects grew even brighter. On March 8, 1996, the Appellate Court for the Second District in Illinois unanimously reversed his conviction and remanded the case for retrial because Cowlin had failed to grant the motion to suppress Gauger’s confession. The court declared the entire interrogation unconstitutional, and ruled that since the arrest itself was made without probable cause, any statements made by Gauger should not have been admitted at trial. Without the confession, the state had no case. All charges were dropped, and Gary was set free.
The issue of his actual innocence, however, was not completely resolved until June 1997 when officers of the US Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms came across a wiretap recording that cleared Gauger of any involvement in the crime. Investigating a conspiracy among members of a Wisconsin motorcycle gang called the Outlaws, federal officials heard a tape recording in which one of the gang members, Randall E. Miller, said that the authorities had nothing to link him to the Gauger murders because he had been careful to leave no physical evidence. A federal grand jury in Milwaukee indicted Miller and another gang member, James Schneider, for thirty-four acts of racketeering, including the murder of the Gaugers. Schneider pleaded guilty to the crime in 1998; Miller was convicted in US District Court in 2000.
Robert Lee Miller Jr.
Oklahoma
The “confession” that led to the conviction of Robert Miller for the rape and murder of two elderly women in Oklahoma City was based on the contents of a dream that he shared with detectives who were questioning him about the crime in 1988. For Miller, the dream soon turned into a nightmare that ended with him spending seven years on death row. For most of that time, the state had and withheld DNA evidence that would have established his innocence.
Zelma Cutler, a ninety-two-year-old widow who lived alone in a corner house in the Military Park section of Oklahoma City, was found dead in her bed four months after another widow, Anna Laura Fowler, eighty-three years old, had suffered a similar fate. Both women had been raped. No property was taken from their homes. There was no murder weapon. Both women appeared to have been suffocated by the weight of the man who attacked them. The murders were part of a crime spree that had begun in 1987 and spread panic through the neighborhood. A task force of twelve detectives was assigned to the case. The only hard evidence they had to go on was the identification of A-positive blood types in the semen of the rapist and what was described as three “Negroid” hairs found on the sheets covering Mrs. Cutler’s body.
Police questioned more than one hundred black men in the area. Blood samples were taken from twenty-three of them. One of those with A-positive blood was Robert Miller, a twenty-seven-year-old, unemployed heating and air-conditioning repairman. When questioned, Miller told police he was eager to help in any way he could. He was taken in for questioning, and his nightmare was about to begin. Miller was a drug user given to an occasional hallucinatory dream, and he made the mistake of describing one for Detectives Jerry Flowers and David Shupe. His revelations were recorded on nearly twelve hours of videotape. During those hours, Miller told the detectives that he dreamed about the murders and proceeded to regale his interrogators with an array of dreams and visions that regularly invaded his sleep, offering premonitions, paranoid warnings, and insights into events that had already occurred. They were clearly the detached fragments of a mind not fully in control, but the detectives believed they were on to something. They worked Miller hard, coaxing, cajoling, suggesting various scenarios of the murders until one would ignite Miller’s imagination. Finally, they thought they had gotten enough. Miller, they said, had given them details of the crimes that only the killer would know. He was charged with the murders of the two women.
The prosecution went to trial with an A-positive blood sample, three hairs that an expert witness said were Negroid and could have come from Miller, and a twelve-hour videotape played for the jury that sounded nothing like a confession. The district attorney, Robert Macy, also pulled from his bag of tricks a pair of Fruit of the Loom underpants that had been left at the murder scene. It was the same brand Miller wore, and the prosecution contended that when Miller was questioned he knew such an item of clothing had been left behind.
There was little of consequence the defense could present by way of rebuttal, as the prosecution’s case was void of substance. The blood was one of the most common types, and the hair samples were not specifically matched to Miller’s. The secret details of the crimes that Miller was presumed to have knowledge of were actually known to many people in the neighborhood, according to at least one defense witness, a neighbor of Miller’s who described him as a peaceful man who often performed helpful chores for others in the area. On the videotape, which was the core of the state’s case, Miller was heard proclaiming his innocence. But in its way, the trial was over before it began. The all-white jury convicted Miller in 1988 of two murders, two rapes, and two burglaries. He was sentenced to two death penalties plus 725 years in prison.
Robert Miller’s case, however, was a long way from decided, as shown in a detailed description and analysis in Actual Innocence, a book by Barry Scheck and Peter Neufeld, founders and directors of the Innocence Project, and by Jim Dwyer, at the time a reporter and columnist for the New York Daily News. Lee Ann Peters, a young appellate lawyer in the Oklahoma City public defender’s office, had been following the case with more than casual interest because her grandmother lived in the Military Park area. Now, assigned to handle Miller’s appeal, she noticed that while twenty-three black men had undergone tests for their blood types, twenty-four had been checked for their hair. The man whose blood had not been sampled was named Ronald Lott, and, as it developed, his omission from the blood list was apt to be more than just an oversight.
Working with retired homicide detective Bob Thompson, Peters discovered that the Military Park crime spree had not ended with Miller’s arrest. Two other elderly women were attacked later in precisely the same manner. Both in their seventies, they survived the attacks, and nothing was stolen except for a handgun which the intruder had taken away from one of his victims. A few days later, Lott was arrested for the two rapes. The stolen gun was in his possession and his fingerprints were found in the home of the other victim. Blood tests turned up A-positive. He should have been considered a prime suspect in the Cutler-Fowler murders for which Miller was then being prosecuted. Furthermore, Peters and Thompson learned that the same prosecutor, Barry Albert, was handling both cases. Lott pleaded guilty to the two more recent rapes at precisely the same time pre-trial hearings were being conducted in Miller’s case. Albert said later that he had informed the judge that the existence of a suspect such as Lott constituted exculpatory evidence in Miller’s behalf. The judge was unmoved. Albert withdrew from the case and was replaced by Macy and Assistant District Attorney Ray Elliott. Lott’s arrest and guilty plea in almost identical crimes were kept secret throughout Miller’s trial.
Peters in the meantime pressed on. She had the physical evidence against Miller tested for DNA, and the results cleared him conclusively; they did not exclude Ronald Lott. Peters presented her findings to the district attorney, who was not particularly moved. The only thing the DNA tests proved, he maintained, was that Miller did not rape the victims. They did not prove he was absent from the scene. The explanation was elementary: Lott had raped the women, but Miller killed them. He had confessed, hadn’t he?
An examination of the interrogation transcript was a revelation. There were more than one hundred inconsistencies regarding what Miller said about his dream vision and his accounts of events, and he was incorrect about dozens of details. Also, when the detectives referred to the killer in the third person while describing their hypothetical scenarios, Miller went along with them. When they switched to the second person, substituting “you” for “he,” Miller invariably balked and corrected them, saying “It’s not me.” The questioning technique was at its shabbiest when detectives tried to elicit an admission that Miller had left a pair of his underwear at the scene. When asked what the killer had left behind, Miller suggested a variety of items including a shoe, a knife, hair, a shirt, “probably a knife” in a second guess, his hat, a ski mask, and gloves, as well as the possibility of underwear. But the detectives kept coming back to the underwear, finally asking at which of the two houses it was left and what brand of underwear it was. Miller replied, “I don’t know.” That was admission enough for the police.
By 1994, Lee Ann Peters had left the public defender’s office, and the new PDs handling Miller’s appeal suggested he take a deal with the DA’s office and accept a sentence of life without parole. Miller, who had been on death row since 1988, declined, and in 1995 the district attorney agreed that a new trial was warranted. The state’s case this time would be even less compelling than the first, for little of its evidence was still available. The DNA showed that Miller was not the source of the sperm; the jailhouse snitch had recanted his testimony and disappeared. All that remained was the videotape of Miller’s interrogation.
At a hearing to determine whether there were grounds for holding Miller for retrial, Judge Larry Jones made short work of the state’s last piece of evidence. “There is nothing in these statements by defendant which would in any way be considered a confession,” he said. “I get the impression … that Mr. Miller was attempting to tell the detectives what he believed they wanted to hear. And it is evident from the video that the detectives are directing many of the responses.”
The issue should have been decided right there, but the DA’s office was not ready to let go. The prosecution appealed to a higher judge who it felt was likely to be of a different mind. Judge Karl Gray, though conceding that the confession was at best weak, ruled that enough of Miller’s statements were accurate to justify probable cause. He decided that Miller could be held for retrial.
At this point, a friend of Miller’s brother called Barry Scheck at the Cardozo School of Law in New York City. Scheck recommended that they contact an attorney named Garvin Isaacs, who had built a reputation as an attorney for the damned, taking and often winning cases whose prospects had long been abandoned. Isaacs took the case for one dollar and went to work immediately. He had Miller take a polygraph test, which he passed. He then filed a series of motions. Early in 1998, all charges against Miller were dropped.
Elliott, who seemed determined to get Miller one way or another, offered Ronald Lott a deal. Lott was already serving a forty-year sentence for the two other rapes, and, given the presence of his semen at the Cutler and Fowler murder scenes, his outlook was not bright. Elliott made Lott an offer he thought he could not refuse. If he agreed to implicate Miller, Elliott would take the death penalty off the table and present Lott with the gift of a straight life sentence which could result in his walking free in thirty to forty years. Lott declined the offer. Elliott now had nowhere else to go. He decided not to retry Miller, and Miller was released on January 22, 1998. Later that year, Elliott was elected a judge in Oklahoma County.
David Keaton
Florida
David Keaton, an eighteen-year-old star football player with plans to enter the ministry, became famous in his hometown of Quincy, Florida, for events not of his making. He and four others became known as the “Quincy Five,” all accused of a murder they did not commit; only Keaton did time on death row before he was exonerated.
The Quincy Five were charged with killing an off-duty deputy sheriff during the holdup of a grocery store in 1971. About four months after the crime, local authorities were ready to file charges against six local black men, although there was no physical evidence linking them to the murder. What kept the Quincy Five from becoming the Quincy Six, however, was the inconvenient discovery that one of the suspects was in jail when the killing took place. One of the remaining five was found incompetent to stand trial, charges against another were dropped, and a third was tried and acquitted. Keaton and a young man by the name of Johnny Frederick were found guilty. Frederick was sentenced to life in prison; Keaton, the alleged trigger man, was sentenced to death.
Although he had an alibi, Keaton was held in custody for more than a week. During that time, he later maintained, he had been threatened, lied to, and beaten until he confessed. He believed that despite the confession, no jury would convict him when they heard his alibi which placed him elsewhere when the murder was committed; he was wrong. The coerced confession was buttressed by the false testimony of five eyewitnesses, whose identification was prompted by photos they were shown by police. The jury found Keaton guilty.
The case became something of a cause célèbre, with local activist groups proclaiming his innocence, but Keaton remained on death row for two years. On appeal, the State Supreme Court reversed the conviction when the judge learned that exculpatory evidence had been withheld by the prosecution. A new trial was ordered, but it turned out to be unnecessary. Through an improbable series of events, three other men, all from Jacksonville, were arrested for killing the deputy. The evidence that implicated them included their fingerprints being found at the crime scene. Two of the men confessed and all were convicted. Keaton and Frederick were released in 1973.
Keaton was the first prisoner to be exonerated from death row. Once free, he devoted his time to helping others who had fallen victim to the indiscretions of a flawed system of justice. In 2003, Keaton became one of the founding members of Witness to Innocence, a non-profit group that works to abolish the death penalty and to support people who have been exonerated from death row. Despite a history of heart problems, he continued to address groups and lawmakers about the hazards of capital punishment. He died in July 2015, at the age of sixty-three.
Johnny Ross
Louisiana
False confessions from juveniles are commonplace in the criminal justice system. Teenagers rarely are acquainted with their rights, they are generally open to suggestion, and are easily intimidated. As tough and streetwise as they might be, juveniles also tend to be uncertain and easily led in situations where they are clearly overmatched.
Johnny Ross, a sixteen-year-old black youth from Louisiana, was roused from sleep by police early one morning in 1975 and told he was suspected of having raped a white woman. He was taken to the scene of the crime and then to the stationhouse for questioning. Without an adult being present, he waived his right to an attorney and subjected himself to intense interrogation. When the questioning was concluded, police came away with what they said was a confession. Ross contended that he had signed a blank piece of paper only after being beaten by the police. He was nonetheless charged with rape which, at the time, was a capital crime in Louisiana.
Ross’s trial lasted all of three hours. The prosecution’s case consisted of a signed, four-page confession and the tentative identification by the victim. No alibi evidence was presented in the defendant’s behalf. Ross was convicted and sentenced to death under Louisiana’s aggravated rape statute, which precluded consideration of mitigating evidence and made the death penalty mandatory. The conviction was upheld on appeal, but the death sentence was vacated when the US Supreme Court ruled that the mandatory sentencing statute was unconstitutional. The case was remanded with instructions to impose a twenty-year sentence.
The Southern Poverty Law Center intervened in an effort to obtain a new trial. In 1980, tests revealed that the blood type of the sperm found in the victim did not match Ross’s. Confronted with the new evidence and a writ of habeas corpus, the New Orleans district attorney agreed to drop the charges and Ross was released a year later.