J, the siglum for the Yahwist (from the German form Jahvist), one of the sources of the material in the Pentateuch. See also Pentateuch, sources of the; Yahwist.
Jaazaniah (jay-az′uh-ni′uh; Heb., “the LORD hears”).
1 The son of Maacath; he remained with Gedaliah, the governor of Judah, after the destruction of Jerusalem by the Babylonians (2 Kings 25:23; Jer. 40:8).
2 The son of Jeremiah (not the prophet) who was head of the Rechabites during the time of King Jehoiakim. The prophet Jeremiah tested his religious principles and declared the Rechabites to be a model of faithfulness and obedience (35:3).
3 The son of Shaphan; he appears in Ezekiel’s vision of elders committing apostasy in the temple (8:11). Apparently Jaazaniah was committing idolatrous acts in the dark, in his “room of images (idols),” maintaining, “The LORD does not see us, the LORD has forsaken the land.”
4 The son of Azzur; one of the twenty-five evil leaders in another of Ezekiel’s visions (11:1).
Jabal (jay′buhl), the first son of Lamech and Adah, born in the seventh generation after Adam. According to the tradition preserved in Gen. 4:20, Jabal is credited with being the “ancestor of those who live in tents and have livestock.” With his brothers, Jubal and Tubal-cain, he was thus considered an originator of ancient social patterns, in his case, nomadism.
Jabbok (jab′uhk), modern Nahr es-Zerqa (Arabic, “the blue river”), one of the four major eastern tributaries of the Jordan. The Jabbok rises in Amman, flows northeast to modern Zerqa, and then west until it joins the Jordan twenty-five miles north of the Dead Sea. In Gen. 32:22–32, Jacob fights with his divine adversary at Penuel on the Jabbok; there is wordplay here on the names: Jacob (Heb. ya‘aqob) wrestled at the Jabbok (yabboq). The Jabbok was a natural boundary, forming a border for the territories of Sihon (Num. 21:24; Josh. 12:2; Judg. 11:13, 22), of the Ammonites (Num. 21:24; Deut. 2:37; 3:16; Josh. 12:2), and of Reuben and Gad (Deut. 3:16). It was a thoroughfare from the Jordan Valley to the Transjordanian plateau; in Judg. 8:4–9, Gideon pursues the Midianites up the Jabbok, passing Succoth and Penuel. Other sites on the Jabbok and its tributaries are Gerasa (modern Jerash), Adam, and Tulul edh-Dhahab.
M.D.C.
Jabesh (jay′bish; Heb., “dried”).
1 The father of King Shallum of Israel (2 Kings 15:10, 13–14). The name may, however, represent a place rather than a person, meaning that Shallum’s family lived at Jabesh.
2 The town otherwise known as Jabesh-gilead. See also Jabesh-gilead.
Jabesh-gilead (jay′bish-gil′ee-uhd), a town east of the Jordan River, sometimes called simply Jabesh (cf. 1 Sam. 11:1). The name is evidently related to that of the Wadi Yabis, rising at Mihna north of Ajlun in the Gilead highlands. Jabesh-gilead first appears in Israelite history in the story of how all the men and married women were killed, because no one from the town had come to the assembly at Mizpah; four hundred young virgins were spared and given to the men of Benjamin (Judg. 21:8–15). Later, when Nahash the Ammonite threatened to gouge out the right eye of every man in Jabesh-gilead, Saul, who had only recently been anointed king, came to their rescue and utterly routed the Ammonites. This victory is said to have convinced even his detractors that he was fit to rule Israel (1 Sam. 11). The people of Jabesh-gilead remained profoundly grateful and when, some years later, Saul and his sons died fighting against the Philistines on Mount Gilboa, the men of Jabesh-gilead went to rescue their bodies from the walls of Beth-shan, where the victorious Philistines had triumphantly hung them. The bodies were then ceremonially burned and the bones buried under a tamarisk tree (1 Sam. 31:8–13). As soon as King David heard of this, he sent messengers praising the men of Jabesh for what they had done for his erstwhile enemy (2 Sam. 2:4–7).
Scholars usually identify ancient Jabesh-gilead with the modern joint site of Tell el-Meqbereh (apparently the residential area) and Tell Abu Kharaz (a powerful fortress overlooking it). This places the city on the north bank of the wadi where it enters the Jordan Valley, about five miles south of Pella. Others, however, place it at Tell el-Maqlub somewhat farther up the valley on the basis of Eusebius’s statement that in the early fourth century CE Jabesh-gilead was still a great city “at the sixth milestone from the city of Pella” on the road to Gerasa. See also Abner; Ammonites; Benjamin; David; Gerasa, Gerasenes; Gilboa; Mizpah, Mizpeh; Nahash; Pella; Philistines; Saul.
D.B.
Jabin (jay′bin).
1 The Canaanite king of Hazor (ca. 1100 BCE), who led a coalition of Canaanite petty princes against the Israelites. He was defeated at the waters of Merom and apparently executed (Josh. 11:10).
2 The “king of Canaan who reigned in Hazor” (Judg. 4:2) whose army commander Sisera was defeated by the Hebrew leaders Deborah and Barak near the Wadi Kishon (cf. Ps. 83:9). Scholars debate whether this Jabin was in fact a historical king of Hazor ruling a century later than the Jabin mentioned in 1, or whether that king’s name became attached to the Sisera tradition in some way (since Jabin does not actually figure in any of the conflicts between Sisera and Deborah and Barak).
Jabneel (jab′nee-uhl; Heb., “God is builder”).
1 A city in northwest Judah (Josh. 15:11). Throughout much of biblical history, control over Jabneel fluctuated between Judah and Philistia. Jabneel is called Jabneh in 2 Chron. 26:6 and Jamnia in 1 Macc. 4:15; 5:58; 2 Macc. 12:8–9. According to some (questionable) traditions, a Jewish council met in Jamnia ca. 90 CE to establish a canon of Hebrew scriptures.
2 A northern border city of the tribal allotment of Naphtali, west of the south end of the Sea of Galilee (Josh. 19:33).
S.B.R.
Jachin (jay′kin; Heb., “he establishes”).
1 The son of Simeon (Gen. 46:10; Exod. 6:15) and ancestor of the “Jachinite family” (Num. 26:12).
2 The leader of the twenty-first division of priests at the time of David (1 Chron. 24:17; cf. 9:10; Neh. 11:10).
3 The name of a pillar at the entrance of the temple. See also Jachin and Boaz.
Jachin (jay′kin) and Boaz (boh′az), the names of the pillars standing to the right and left of the entrance to the temple in Jerusalem (1 Kings 7:21; 2 Chron. 3:15–17). The meaning of the name “Jachin” is “he establishes,” but that of Boaz, which is the same as that of David’s great-grandfather (Ruth 4:17, 21–22), is unknown. These pillars were cast of bronze. According to 1 Kings 7:15 and Jer. 52:21 each pillar stood 18 cubits high (26.5 feet), had a circumference of 12 cubits (17.5 feet), and was hollow, with a thickness of 4 fingers (3 inches). Each was surmounted by a bowl-shaped capital 5 cubits high (7.5 feet), ornamented with checker work, wreathed with chain work, and bedecked with lily leaves 4 cubits high (roughly 6 feet). Varying dimensions for the height of the pillars and of the capitals are provided in 2 Chron. 3:15 and 2 Kings 25:17. The location of the pillars is not entirely clear in 1 Kings 7:21, but according to 2 Chron. 3:15 they were freestanding at the temple’s entrance. Similar items flanking temple entrances have been noted at Khorsabad. Such pillars are also graphically depicted on coins from Cyprus, Sardis, Pergamum, and Sidon as well as on a clay model of a temple from Idalion (Cyprus) and on a relief from Quyunjiq. Herodotus describes similar pillars as flanking the entrance to the sanctuary of Herakles at Tyre. The presence of such pillars may also be indicated by pillar bases at the entrances of the temples at Canaanite Hazor and Tell Tainat. The function these pillars may have served is uncertain. One suggestion is that they may have been fire altars: the bowl-shaped capitals could have served as cressets in which the fat of sacrificial animals was burned. At the time of the destruction of Jerusalem in 587/6 BCE, the pillars were dismantled, and, along with other metal objects from the temple, removed as booty to Babylon (2 Kings 25:13).
S.G.
jackal (Canis aureus; Heb. tan), a member of the dog family similar in appearance to the wolf, though considerably smaller in size, with a relatively short tail and small ears. A nocturnal carrion eater, the jackal also devours fruit and crops and kills chickens and other small animals. Its distribution range includes southeast Europe, southern Asia, and northern Africa, and it is still fairly common in Israel and Jordan today. Its preference for a dry habitat is alluded to in Isa. 35:7; 43:20. Numerous passages in the Bible refer to the jackal prowling around settlements, and in Mic. 1:8 its characteristic wailing howl is mentioned. According to Neh. 2:13 a well named after the jackal existed outside Jerusalem. Its lair could symbolize a destroyed or deserted settlement (Jer. 9:11).
I.U.K.
Jacob (jay′kuhb; Heb., “heel grabber” [Gen. 25:26] or “supplanter” [27:36]).
1 A prominent figure in the book of Genesis, remembered among the ancestors of Israel; indeed, he came to be called “Israel” (32:28; 35:10), so in a certain sense “Israelites” are, by definition, descendants of Jacob. He is the son of Isaac and Rebekah, the brother of Esau, and the father of twelve sons who become the eponymous ancestors of the “twelve tribes of Israel.”
In the biblical account, Jacob is the second-born son, coming out of the womb moments after his twin brother, Esau, and clinging to the latter’s heel (Gen. 25:19–26). Esau grows up to be a hunter and his father’s favorite son, while Jacob is a quiet man, living in tents, and especially beloved by his mother (25:27). Jacob persuades Esau to sell him his birthright for a pot of stew (25:29–34), and then Jacob conspires with his mother to trick Isaac into giving his deathbed blessing to him rather than to Esau (27:1–40). Fearing his brother will seek vengeance, Jacob flees to stay with Rebekah’s brother Laban in Haran (27:41–28:5). On the way there, he has a dream of angels at Beer-sheba and names that place Bethel (28:10–22). Jacob and Laban end up having a relationship marked by mutual trickery. Jacob works for Laban seven years in order to marry his daughter Rachel, but is tricked into marrying her sister Leah instead; he must work another seven years as payment for Rachel. But Jacob tricks Laban with a scheme that allows him to receive the stronger and more numerous offspring from among their flocks (30:25–43). Jacob eventually flees Laban (31:1–42), then makes a covenant with him (31:43–32:2), and is subsequently reconciled with his brother, Esau (32:3–33:17). He wrestles with either God or an angel at the Jabbok River (32:22–32). In addition to his twelve sons, Jacob has a number of daughters, including Dinah, who is raped by Shechem the Hivite, leading her brothers to wreak a terrible revenge (34:1–31). Later, Jacob is tricked by his older sons into believing the favored boy Joseph has been killed, when in reality he was sold into slavery in Egypt by his brothers (37:12–36). Eventually, Jacob and all of his sons are reunited with Joseph in Egypt, where Joseph has become prominent and is able to provide them with refuge from a famine (46:1–47:12). Before Jacob dies, he blesses all of his sons, with predictions relevant for the tribes that would take their names (48:1–49:28). His body is embalmed by Egyptian physicians (50:1–3), and many years later his bones are returned to the land of Canaan to be buried at Shechem by the Israelites following the exodus (Josh. 24:32)
| CHIASTIC ARRANGEMENT OF JACOB TRADITIONS |
| Genealogical framework (Gen. 25:1–11) |
| A. Death of Abraham; burial by two sons (Isaac, Ishmael); genealogy and death of Ishmael; birth and youth of Esau and Jacob (25:12–34) |
| B. Regional strife (in southern Israel): Isaac vs. the Philistines; honorable covenant (26:1–35) |
| C. Beginnings of fraternal strife in Cisjordan (Jacob vs. Esau: settler-farmer vs. hunter); Isaac blesses Jacob, not Esau (27:1–46) |
| D. Departure of Jacob alone to northeast with theophany en route at Bethel (28:1–22) |
| E. Arrival alone in the northeast Haran in Upper Mesopotamia); marriage to Leah and Rachel; acquisition and naming of sons by Leah; commencement of strife with Laban (29:1–35) |
| F. Acquisition and naming of sons by wives’ maids and of first son (Joseph) by Rachel (30:1–24) |
| F'. Preparation to leave the northeast; acquisition of herds (30:25–43) |
| E'. Departure from the northeast with flocks, progeny, and two wives; conclusion of strife with Laban in a covenant in Gilead (31:1–32:2) |
| D'. Return from the northeast with theophany en route at Penuel; change of name to Israel (32:3–32) |
| C'. Conclusion of fraternal strife in Transjordan (Jacob vs. Esau: herder vs. herder); Jacob blesses Esau (33:1–17) |
| B'. Regional strife (in northern Israel): Jacob’s sons vs. Shechemites; deceitful covenant; putting away of foreign gods (33:18–35:5); theophany at Bethel; change of name to Israel (35:6–7, 9–15); combines parts of E and E' |
| A'. Birth of second son by Rachel (Benjamin); death of Rachel; genealogy of Israel; death of Isaac; burial by two sons (Esau, Jacob; 35:8, 16–29 |
| Genealogical framework (36:1–43) |
Jacob, like Abraham and Isaac, is the recipient of the divine promise of land and plentiful progeny (Gen. 28:13–15). Divine manifestations are made to Jacob (28:10–22; 32:3–22) despite the fact that he engages in deception (27:1–40). Throughout the Bible, Jacob is often named in the triad “Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob” as a shorthand reference for the ancestors of the Hebrew people. Likewise, the God of the Hebrew people is called “the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, and the God of Jacob” (Exod. 3:6; cf. 3:15–16; 4:5; Matt. 22:32; Acts 3:13) and sometimes simply “the God of Jacob” (2 Sam. 23:1; Pss. 20:1; 24:6; Isa. 2:3). There is frequent mention of the covenant that God made with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (Exod. 2:24; cf. Lev. 26:42). The people of Israel can call themselves the “children of Jacob” (2 Kings 17:34) or “the house of Jacob” (Isa. 2:5–6). In the NT, Jesus describes eschatological salvation as eating with Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob in the kingdom of heaven (Matt. 8:11; cf. Luke 13:28). John’s Gospel tells of Jesus meeting with a Samaritan woman at “Jacob’s well” in Sychar (Shechem); the question arises as to whether Jesus is “greater than our ancestor Jacob” (4:12). Paul uses the story of Jacob and Esau as an illustration of divine election (Rom. 9:10–16). Jacob is also cited as a model of faith in Heb. 11:20–21.
The Historical Jacob: No mention is made of Jacob outside of the biblical narratives, so his historical existence cannot be confirmed. Some scholars regard him as a legendary figure. Those who believe there was a historical person to which the traditions bear witness note that the stories concerning Jacob feature sites in northern Israel (Bethel, Shechem) and in northern Transjordan (Mahanaim, Penuel), suggesting that he was a northerner. Some authorities favor placing Jacob in the Middle Bronze Age (ca. 1950–1550 BCE) and see an association between Jacob and the Hyksos movement in Egypt (ca. 1720–1570 BCE). Because of the Aramean presence in northern Mesopotamia, other authorities are inclined to place the historical Jacob at the beginning of the early Iron Age (ca. 1200–900 BCE), when a sizable incursion of Arameans into northern Mesopotamia took place. Regardless of date, the diversity of style in the traditions about Jacob gives evidence that they have evolved over a long period of time.
Pattern of Arrangement of the Jacob Traditions: Literary analysis of the Jacob stories reveals that these traditions have been arranged with a degree of order and sophistication in a concentric, mirrorlike, or chiastic pattern (the first element corresponds to the last, the second element to the second from last, etc.).
Because the material in Gen. 35:6–7, 9–15 would be disruptive of the chiastic pattern, it is usually thought that it was inserted into the narrative at a later time. The Jacob tradition, in its chiastic arrangement, is typically attributed to the editor who combined the Yahwistic and Elohistic sources of the Pentateuch; Gen. 35:6–7, 9–15 are usually credited to the Priestly source. See also ancestor; Esau; Genesis, book of; Isaac; Israel; patriarchs; Pentateuch, sources of the.
Bibliography
Brueggemann, Walter. Genesis. John Knox, 1982.
Kaminsky, Joel. Yet I Loved Jacob: Reclaiming the Biblical Concept of Election. Abingdon, 2007. Pp. 43–57.
Gammie, John G. “Theological Interpretation by Way of Literary and Tradition Analysis: Gen. 25–36.” In Encounter with the Text. Fortress, 1979. Pp. 117–34.
2 The father of Joseph, the husband of Mary (Matt. 1:15–16).
J.G.G./M.A.P.
Jacob, Blessing of, a traditional title for the series of poems in Gen. 49:1–27; it derives from the unit’s postscript, 49:28b. Ostensibly the deathbed observations of Jacob (Israel) regarding his sons, the Blessing of Jacob actually offers evaluations of the Israelite tribes from a much later period (49:28a). The figure through whom the poet speaks, the patriarch Jacob, now at the point of death, is the eponymous ancestor of the federated tribes of Israel. Of the component poems, those concerning Judah (49:8–12) and Joseph (49:22–26) predominate and pertain to the kingdoms of Judah and Israel. The Blessing of Jacob, then, appears to have been composed sometime after the inauguration of the divided monarchy; Jacob’s observations regarding his sons offer evaluation of the tribes with regard to their roles in the disintegration of the federation. Because Joseph alone is unequivocally blessed, the perspective of the poet is clearly sympathetic to the northern kingdom. See also poetry.
S.G.
Jacob’s Well, the setting for Jesus’s encounter with a Samaritan woman in John 4. Of considerable depth, its still waters are contrasted with the “living water” that Jesus can offer: “a spring of water gushing up to eternal life” (4:14; cf. 4:10). Although no such well is ever mentioned in the OT, its location is fixed in John’s Gospel by references to the mountain revered by the Samaritans (4:20), i.e., Mount Gerizim, and by an explicit indication that the well was in Sychar (Shechem), near “the plot of ground that Jacob had given to his son Joseph” (4:5; cf. Gen. 33:18–20; 48:22; see NRSV note c). Early Christian tradition connected Jacob’s Well to one a quarter mile southeast of ancient Shechem’s edge, now sheltered in the old crypt beneath the Greek Orthodox church in modern Balatah. Measurements of its depth to the water table fluctuate between 105 and 75 feet. See also Gerizim, Mount; Samaritans; Shechem; Sychar.
E.F.C.
Jael (jay′uhl; Heb., “mountain goat”), a Kenite woman who killed the Canaanite general Sisera. Jael is called the wife of Heber, though her husband never appears in the biblical accounts, which provide both a prose (Judg. 4) and a poetic (Judg. 5) version of the story. The Kenites were apparently on good terms with the chief Canaanite king in the north, Jabin of Hazor (4:17). Thus, after the Canaanite general Sisera was routed by Israelite forces under Deborah and Barak, he sought refuge among the Kenites, believing he could trust Jael. She offered him refreshment and then, probably while he was resting, killed him with a tent peg. Deborah had earlier predicted that Sisera would be undone at the hand of a woman (4:9); this prediction is fulfilled in an unexpected manner when Sisera’s killer turns out to be, not Deborah, but another woman, the Kenite Jael. In this way, Jael becomes an illustration of how unlikely figures may serve the Israelite cause. Her motivation in killing Sisera is never given. The story of Jael and Sisera prefigures the later tale of Judith and Holofernes (Jth. 13:2–8). See also Deborah.
C.L.M./M.A.P.
Jahath (jay′hath).
1 A Levite, the son of Gershom and father of Shimei (1 Chron. 6:43).
2 A Levite, the son of Libni (Ladan) and grandson of Gershom (1 Chron. 6:20); but elsewhere called Jehiel (23:7).
3 A Levite, the son of Shimei and grandson of Gershom (1 Chron. 23:10–11).
It is possible that the above names have become disordered through scribal errors and that 1–3 all represent the same person.
4 A Levite member of the Shelomoth family of the Izharite group (1 Chron. 24:22).
5 A Levite belonging to the Merari group who helped repair the temple during King Josiah’s reforms (ca. 622 BCE; 2 Chron. 34:12).
6 A descendant of Judah who belonged to the Zorathite group (1 Chron. 4:2).
D.R.B.
Jahaz (jay′haz), a Moabite city that had been taken by the Amorite king Sihon and made a part of his kingdom. It was the site of the battle between the Amorites and the Israelites in which Sihon was killed and the Israelites took possession of a large part of the land east of the Jordan (Num. 21:23–26). The city was among those assigned to the tribe of Reuben and later given to the Merarite group of Levites (Josh. 13:18; 21:36; called Jahzah in 1 Chron. 6:78). Jahaz appears in the Mesha inscription on the Moabite Stone. The reference there indicates that it was fortified by Israel, but then captured by the Moabite king Mesha and two hundred men (ca. 850 BCE; see 2 Kings 3:4–5). Jahaz was still in Moabite hands at the time of Isaiah (ca. 742–701 BCE; Isa. 15:4; Jer. 48:34). From the place-names that occur with Jahaz, one can infer that it was located in the vicinity of Heshbon northeast of the Dead Sea. It has sometimes been identified as modern Khirbet el-Medeiyina, about eleven miles northeast of Heshbon, although the site is not certain. See also Amorites; Moab; Moabite Stone.
D.R.B.
Jahaziel (juh-hay′zee-uhl; Heb., “El [God] sees”).
1 One of Saul’s relatives who joined David’s warriors at Ziklag (1 Chron. 12:4).
2 A priest who was appointed by King David as a musician to celebrate the arrival of the ark of the covenant at the tabernacle in Jerusalem (1 Chron. 16:6).
3 A Levite belonging to the Kohath priestly line; he was the third son of Hebron (1 Chron. 23:19).
4 A Levite who was a descendant of Asaph. He prophesied to King Jehoshaphat (ca. 873–849 BCE) that he would not need to fight the invading allied armies of Edom, Moab, and Ammon, because God would fight for him. The armies were destroyed in the Valley of Beracah after they began fighting with each other (2 Chron. 20:1–30). See also Beracah.
5 The father of an unnamed member of the Shecaniah family group, who returned with Ezra from the Babylonian exile (Ezra 8:5).
D.R.B.
Jair (jay′uhr).
1 A son of the tribe of Manasseh who conquered the region of Argob in Gilead (Num. 32:41; Deut. 3:14). He captured sixty cities, which he called Havvoth-jair (Josh. 13:30; 1 Kings 4:13). In 1 Chron. 2:22, Segub of Judah is the father of Jair, and his mother is from Manasseh.
2 One of the judges, also of Gilead, whose thirty sons rode thirty donkeys and possessed thirty cities. Those cities were called Havvoth-jair. This tradition is sometimes thought to be a variant on that regarding the Jair in 1. In any case, the judge named Jair is said to have been buried in Kamon (Judg. 10:5).
3 The father of Mordecai, a descendant of King Saul (Esther 2:5; see 1 Sam. 9:1).
4 An otherwise unknown person whose descendant Ira was one of David’s priests (2 Sam. 20:26).
5 The father of Elhanan (2 Sam. 21:19; 1 Chron. 20:5).
J.U./M.A.P.
Jairus (jay-i′ruhs), the synagogue leader who fell before the feet of Jesus and begged him to heal his only daughter who was at the point of death. When it was learned that the daughter had already died, Jairus was advised not to trouble Jesus further. Jesus encouraged Jairus with the words, “Do not fear, only believe.” By raising the young girl, Jesus manifested his power to overcome death (Mark 5:21–43; Luke 8:40–56; the story is also told in Matt. 9:18–26, though the girl’s father is not identified there by name or by profession). In all three of the Synoptic Gospels, this story is intercalated with an account of Jesus healing a woman with a hemorrhage who, in faith, touches his garment as he is en route to Jairus’s house.
Jalam (jay′luhm), the son of Esau and Oholi-bamah the Hivite. He was the leader of an Edomite family group (Gen. 36:5, 18).
James (jaymz), the English equivalent of the Greek Jacobus, a common name in the first century.
1 James, the son of Zebedee (Matt. 4:21; 10:2; Mark 1:19; 3:17) and brother of John (Matt. 17:1; Mark 3:17; 5:37; Acts 12:2), with whom he was called by Jesus to be one of the twelve (Matt. 4:21; Mark 1:19–20; Luke 5:10–11). Jesus nicknamed James and John “Boanerges,” meaning “sons of thunder” (Mark 3:17). The two are prominent in the various lists of the twelve (Matt. 10:2–4; Mark 3:16–19; Luke 6:14–16; Acts 1:13). With Peter, they were present when Jesus raised Jairus’s daughter (Mark 5:37; Luke 8:51), at the transfiguration (Matt. 17:1; Mark 9:2; Luke 9:28), and in Gethsemane (Matt. 26:37; Mark 14:33). The brothers (or their mother) request special places beside Jesus at the time of the messianic kingdom (Matt. 20:20–23; Mark 10:35–40). Acts 12:2 reports James’s martyrdom by decapitation at the command of Herod Agrippa I. See also apostle; Boanerges; disciple; John the apostle; twelve, the; Zebedee.
2 James, the son of Alphaeus. He is identified in the apostolic lists as one of the twelve (Matt. 10:3; Mark 3:18; Luke 6:15; Acts 1:13), but little else is known about him. He is sometimes identified with “James the younger” mentioned in Mark 15:40. If so, he had a brother named Joses, and his mother, Mary, was a witness to the crucifixion and the empty tomb (cf. Mark 16:1–8). See also Alphaeus; apostle; disciple; twelve, the.
3 James, the brother of Jesus. Jesus is reported to have had four brothers in addition to a number of sisters (1 Cor. 9:5; cf. Matt. 13:55; Mark 6:3; Acts 1:14; Gal. 1:19). Although they were not followers of Jesus during the time of his life on earth (Matt. 12:46–50; Mark 3:31–35; Luke 8:19–21; John 7:3–5), the brothers are reported as being with the twelve and others after Jesus’s resurrection and ascension (Acts 1:14), and James is specifically identified as one to whom the risen Jesus appeared (1 Cor. 15:7). Eventually, James emerged as the leader of the Jerusalem church. Paul acknowledges James’s role of leadership (Gal. 2:1–12), and Acts 15 reports his persuasive defense of the Gentile mission. Both the Jewish historian Josephus and the Christian Hegesippus (according to the fourth-century church historian Eusebius) report that James was put to death by the priestly authorities in Jerusalem a few years before the destruction of the temple in 70 CE. The Letter of James in the NT is attributed to him.
4 James, the father of Judas. His son was one of the twelve, distinct from Judas Iscariot (Luke 6:16).
P.L.S.
James, Letter of, the first of what are sometimes called the Catholic, or General, Letters in the NT. Addressed to the “twelve tribes in the Dispersion” (1:1), the letter is intended for the church at large. It is attributed to “James, a servant of God and of the Lord Jesus Christ,” an ascription that is usually thought to refer to James, the brother of Jesus, who led the church in Jerusalem for some thirty years after Easter (cf. Acts 12:17; 15:19–29; 21:18; cf. 1 Cor. 15:7; Gal. 1:19; 2:6, 9). Many scholars, however, consider the letter to be pseudepigraphical.
Contents: The letter opens with a salutation identifying it as correspondence from James to the “twelve tribes in the Dispersion” (1:1). It then offers some quick evangelical counsel or advice on different subjects: trials that test one’s faith (1:2–4); divine guidance (1:5–8); the value of poverty and the ephemeral character of riches (1:9–11); resisting temptation (1:12–16); God’s generosity (1:17–18); anger (1:19–21); acting on God’s word (1:22–25); controlling one’s tongue (1:26); and the marks of pure religion (1:27). The letter then presents a series of short essays on various topics, some of which have already been mentioned. First, James discusses how attitudes and practices that show partiality to the rich violate the royal command to “love your neighbor as yourself” (2:1–13). Next, he maintains that faith must be revealed or demonstrated in action, for “faith without works is dead” (2:14–26). He issues a warning to those who wish to be teachers (3:1), which leads to a homily on the power of speech and the need for all people to control what they say (3:2–12). He then reflects upon two types of wisdom—one that is of God and one that is of the world—and he calls his readers to repent of being double-minded with regard to these incompatible philosophies (3:14–4:10). The letter concludes with another series of evangelical counsels on various topics: speaking evil against one’s neighbor (4:11–12); the arrogance of human planning (4:13–16); sins of omission (4:17); condemnation of the wealthy (5:1–6); patience and endurance (5:7–11); swearing oaths (5:12); prayer (5:13–18); and restoration of backslidden sinners (5:19–20).
OUTLINE OF CONTENTS
James
I. Epistolary introduction (1:1)
II. Introduction of major themes (1:2–27)
A. Enduring trials (1:2–4, 12–15)
B. Prayer and divine wisdom (1:5–8)
C. Rich and poor (1:9–11)
D. Wisdom from above (1:16–18)
E. The use of the tongue (1:19–21)
F. Doers of the word (1:22–27)
III. Development of major themes (2:1–5:20)
A. Rich and poor in the assembly (2:1–13)
B. Doers of the word (2:14–26)
C. The use of the tongue (3:1–12)
D. Prayer and divine wisdom (3:13–4:10)
E. Doers of the law and judging one’s neighbor (4:11–12)
F. Rich and poor and the pursuit of wealth (4:13–5:6)
G.Endurance of trials (5:7–11)
H.On swearing (5:12)
I. Prayer and faith (5:13–18)
J. The recovery of a neighbor (5:19–20)
J.W.T.
Authorship: The primary reason this letter has been regarded as pseudepigraphical is that scholars do not think it reads like a work produced by a Galilean peasant. It is written in elegant Greek, employing concepts and rhetoric derived from Hellenistic philosophy (e.g., the diatribe). In recent years, however, a growing number of scholars have concluded that the work can be ascribed to James the brother of Jesus, if it is allowed that he relied upon a scribe or amanuensis to put his thoughts into words. Other scholars continue to regard the letter as pseudepigraphical, in part because it makes no reference to the personal life of Jesus (odd for a work by Jesus’s own brother), and in part because it doesn’t display the concern for adherence to Torah (including dietary regulations) by Jewish Christians associated with James elsewhere in the NT (Gal. 2:11–14). Further, some scholars think that a letter actually written by James the brother of Jesus would have achieved more widespread acceptance in the early church than this one did; the letter was sometimes unknown, its authorship was sometimes questioned (which James?), and its canonicity was sometimes challenged.
Historical Setting: The letter is addressed to the “twelve tribes in the Dispersion,” which would typically refer to Jews living outside of the region associated with the historical boundaries of Israel. In fact, however, it is intended for Christians (2:1). Thus, if the letter is authentic, it would have been sent by James from Jerusalem to Jewish Christians who lived outside of Judea, probably in the mid-50s, but certainly no later than 62, when, according to Josephus, James was murdered (Antiquities 20.199–201). If the letter is pseudepigraphical, then the “twelve tribes in the Dispersion” might refer metaphorically to all Christians, who are to be regarded as the new Israel, displaced from their home in heaven. In this case, it could have been written at almost any time in the latter part of the first century. Its primary purpose seems to be moral instruction, and in offering such teaching it draws heavily upon both Greek philosophy and the Jewish wisdom tradition. It also alludes to sayings of Jesus more prominently than any other NT letter (c.f., e.g., James 1:6; Matt. 7:7; James 1:22; Matt. 7:21; James 4:11; Matt. 7:1; James 5:12; Matt. 5:34–37), but, curiously, never attributes any of that material to Jesus.
| PARALLELS BETWEEN JAMES AND THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT | |
| The Letter of James | Sermon on the Mount (Gospel of Matthew) |
| “Whenever you face trials of any kind, consider it nothing but joy.” (1:2) | “When people revile you and persecute you and utter all kinds of evil against you . . . rejoice and be glad.” (5:11–12) |
| “. . . so that you may be mature (teleioi) and complete, lacking in nothing.” (1:4) | “Be perfect (teleioi) . . . as your heavenly Father is perfect.” (5:48) |
| “Ask God . . . and it will be given you.” (1:5) | “Ask, and it will be given you.” (7:7) |
| “Be doers of the word, and not merely hearers.” (1:22) | “Everyone then who hears these words . . . and acts on them . . .” (7:24) |
| “Has not God chosen the poor in the world . . . to be heirs of the kingdom?” (2:5) | “Blessed are the poor in spirit, for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.” (5:3) |
| “Whoever keeps the whole law but fails in one point has become accountable for all of it.” (2:10) | “Whoever breaks one of the least of these commandments . . . will be called least in the kingdom of heaven.” (5:19) |
| “Judgment will be without mercy to anyone who has shown no mercy.” (2:13) | “Blessed are the merciful, for they will receive mercy.” (5:7) |
| “What good is it . . . if you say you have faith, but do not have works? Can faith save you?” (2:14) | “Not everyone who says to me, ‘Lord, Lord,’ will enter the kingdom of heaven, but only the one who does the will of my Father.” (7:21) |
| “Can a fig tree . . . yield olives, or a grapevine figs?” (3:12) | “Are grapes gathered from thorns, or figs from thistles?” (7:16) |
| “A harvest of righteousness is sown in peace for those who make peace.” (3:18) | “Blessed are the peacemakers, for they will be called children of God.” (5:9) |
| “Friendship with the world is enmity with God.” (4:4) | “You cannot serve God and wealth.” (6:24) |
| “Purify your hearts.” (4:8) | “Blessed are the pure in heart.” (5:8) |
| “Who, then, are you to judge your neighbor?” (4:12) | “Do not judge, so that you may not be judged.” (7:1) |
| “Your riches have rotted, and your clothes are moth-eaten. Your gold and silver have rusted.” (5:2–3) | “Do not store up for yourselves treasures on earth, where moth and rust consume and where thieves break in and steal.” (6:19) |
| “Do not grumble against one another, so that you may not be judged.” (5:9) | “Do not judge, so that you may not be judged.” (7:1) |
| “Do not swear, either by heaven or by earth or by any other oath, but let your “Yes” be yes and your “No” be no.” (5:12) | “Do not swear at all, either by heaven . . . or by the earth. . . . Let your word be ‘Yes, Yes’ or ‘No, No.’” (5:34–37) |
| Other passages in James that parallel sayings of Jesus include 1:6 (cf. Matt. 21:21); 1:9 and 4:10 (cf. Matt. 23:12); 1:12 (cf. Matt. 10:22); 1:21 (cf. Mark 4:14); 4:9 (cf. Luke 6:21, 25); 4:17 (Luke 12:47); 5:1–6 (cf. Luke 6:24); 5:9 (cf. Matt. 24:33); 5:17 (cf. Luke 4:25). | |
| From Mark Allan Powell, Introducing the New Testament (courtesy, Baker Academic) | |
Major Themes: The Letter of James presents trials and even temptations to sin as occasions for growth and, therefore, as causes for joy (1:2–4). It also draws upon the Jewish wisdom tradition to contrast the “wisdom from above” that leads to godliness (3:17) with conventional thinking that encourages friendship with the world (4:4). The letter also evinces pronounced concern for the poor, whom God has chosen to be rich in faith (2:5; cf. 1:9, 27; 2:2–9, 2:14–17; 5:4), and hostility toward the rich, who are destined for condemnation (5:1–5; cf. 1:10; 2:2–3, 6–7; 4:13–14). Most notably, however, James argues that “faith without works is dead” (2:17, 26) and does so in ways that appear to contradict remarks in Paul’s letters (cf. James 2:22; Rom. 4:3; Gal. 3:5; James 2:24; Rom. 3:28; Gal. 2:16). Most scholars conclude that there is no substantive argument between James and Paul; rather, James is countering an understanding of Paul that the latter apostle would have also rejected (i.e., an understanding of “faith” as intellectual assent that does not transform one’s life or actions; cf. Rom. 2:13; Gal. 5:6; 1 Cor. 13:2). See also faith; Catholic Letters/Epistles; James; poor, poverty; tongue; wealth; wisdom.
Bibliography
Adamson, James B. James: The Man and His Message. Eerdmans, 1989.
Chester Andrew, and Ralph P. Martin. The Theology of James, Peter, and Jude. Cambridge University Press, 1994.
Johnson, Luke Timothy. The Letter of James. Doubleday, 1995.
Laws, Sophie. The Epistle of James. Harper & Row, 1980.
Martin, Ralph P. James. Word, 1988.
M.A.P.
Jamin (jay′min; Heb., either “right-hand” or “south” [on the right facing east]).
1 A son of Simeon who went with Jacob to Egypt (Gen. 46:10; 1 Chron. 4:24); he became the ancestor of the Jaminites, who left Egypt with Moses (Exod. 6:15; Num. 26:12).
2 The son of Ram, a descendant of Jerahmeel from the tribe of Judah (1 Chron. 2:27).
3 A Levite who explained the law read by Ezra to the people, probably translating it from Hebrew into Aramaic (Neh. 8:7).
Jannes (jan′iz) and Jambres (jam′briz), according to Jewish tradition, the names of the Egyptian magicians who opposed Moses in Exod. 7:11–23. Their names are not given in the biblical narrative of the exodus, but they are referred to in 2 Tim. 3:8, which draws on the popular extrabiblical tradition. They appear often in later Jewish and Christian traditions. A pseudepigraphic work attributed to Jannes and Jambres (ca. first–third centuries CE) survives only in fragments, though it is also mentioned in Origen’s commentary on the Gospel of Matthew.
Japheth (jay′fith).
1 One of the three sons of Noah (Gen. 5:32; 6:10; 7:13; 9:18, 23, 27; 1 Chron. 1:4), evidently either the youngest (he is normally listed third) or the second son (cf. Gen. 9:22, 24). According to the Table of Nations in Gen. 10, Japheth was the ancestor of a number of widespread ethnic groups known to ancient Israel, including: Gomer (the Cimmerians, who inhabited the Black Sea region, and later, Asia Minor; perhaps related to the Scythians); Magog (possibly the Scythians); Madai (the Medes of the Iranian Plateau); Javan (the Ionians, representing the Hellenic group); Tubal and Meshech (two peoples of Asia Minor); Tiras (often identified with the Etruscans, though this is uncertain); Ashkenaz (the Ashguza of Assyrian inscriptions, a Scythian country); Riphath (unknown); Togarmah (between Asia Minor and the Upper Euphrates); Elishah (Cyprus); Tarshish (identification disputed); Kittim (the Cretians, or a Hellenic people on Cyprus); and the Dodamin (possibly to be read “Rodanim,” referring to the inhabitants of Rhodes).
2 A region north of Arabia mentioned in Jth. 2:25. Here Holofernes is said to have routed the Midianites.
D.A.D.
Japhia (juh-fi′uh).
1 A king of Lachish in southern Judea, allied against Gibeon (Josh. 10:3), and executed by Joshua at a Makkedah cave (10:22–26).
2 A son of David born in Jerusalem to an unnamed mother (2 Sam. 5:15; 1 Chron. 3:7; 14:6).
3 A town on the southern edge of the territory of Zebulun (Josh. 19:12), a short distance southwest of where Nazareth would have been in Jesus’s day.
Jared (jair′id), antediluvian son of Mahalalel (Gen. 5:15–16) and father of Enoch (5:18–19); he lived a legendary 962 years (5:20). Listed as the fifth person following Adam in the preflood genealogy (1 Chron. 1:2), he is sixth from the beginning in the genealogy cited in Luke 3:37.
Jarmuth (jahr′muhth; Heb., “a height”).
1 A city belonging to the tribe of Judah formerly controlled by the Amorites; Joshua killed its king and took the city (Josh. 10:3–23; 12:11; 15:35; Neh. 11:29). It is probably modern Khirbet Yarmuk, about eight miles from Beit Jibrin, south of Beth-shemesh.
2 A levitical city located in the tribal area of Issachar (Josh. 21:29). The archaeological remains from this site are predominantly Early Bronze Age (ca. 3000–2000 BCE).
Jashar (jay′shuhr; Heb., “upright, righteous”), book of, a source apparently containing heroic songs, cited twice in the Bible: in the account of Joshua’s battle at Gibeon, when “the sun stood still” (Josh. 10:13), and again in David’s lamentation for Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. 1:18). A third possible citation from this source is 1 Kings 8:12–13, where the LXX adds, “is it not written in the book of songs.” The Book of Jashar was apparently a collection of archaic poetry that, though well known in ancient Israel, has not survived.
D.L.C.
Jashobeam (juh-shoh′bee-uhm; Heb., “the people will return”).
1 The son of Zabdiel the Hachmonite. He was the commander of David’s elite group of warriors known as “the Thirty” (1 Chron. 11:11), a position apparently also held at one time by Abishai and Amasai (11:20; 12:18). Jashobeam is credited with killing three hundred men in one battle, and he later became the commander of a division of twenty-four thousand men under King David (27:2). Some scholars understand Josheb-basshebeth the Tahchemonite as a textual variant of the same name (2 Sam. 23:8), while others think the latter reference is to an entirely different member of David’s group.
2 A Levite who belonged to the Korah group who joined David’s warriors at Ziklag (1 Chron. 12:6); he may be the same as 1. D.R.B.
Jason (jay′suhn), a Greek name often utilized by Hellenistic (i.e., Greek-speaking) Jews as a Greek alternative to such Hebrew names as Joshua or Jeshua.
1 A Jewish high priest, ca. 174–171 BCE, who obtained the priesthood by bribery and fostered a policy of hellenization. According to the author of 2 Maccabees, he promoted the establishment of a gymnasium in Jerusalem and sent envoys to the Olympic games with money for sacrifices to Hercules. He was eventually deposed, but later attacked Jerusalem in an unsuccessful attempt to regain the high-priesthood. He died in exile (2 Macc. 4:7–5:10).
2 Paul’s host while he was establishing a Christian community in Thessalonica (Acts 17:5–9). He was arrested due to his association with the missionaries, but was later released.
3 A companion of Paul who sends greetings to the church in Rome (Rom. 16:21). This could be the same person as 2.
A.J.M./M.A.P.
jasper. See breastpiece; jewels, jewelry.
Jattir (jat′uhr), a hill-country village assigned to the tribe of Judah (Josh. 15:48) and allocated to levitical descendants of Aaron (Josh. 21:14; 1 Chron. 6:57). Residents received part of the war spoils from David after his victory over the Amalekites at Ziklag (1 Sam. 30:27). Consensus identifies the site as Khirbet ‘Attir, southwest of Hebron and northeast of Beer-sheba, although no specific evidence for occupation during David’s time has yet been found.
Javan (jay′vuhn).
1 The fourth son of Japheth (Gen. 10:2; 1 Chron. 1:15). His name, like the names of the fifth son (Tubal) and the sixth son (Meshech), also became the name for the area he settled.
2 A region in southwest Asia Minor mentioned in Isa. 66:19 and Ezek. 27:13. In the Isaiah passage, Javan and Tubal are specifically referred to as “coastlands.” In Ezekiel, Javan, Tubal, and Meshech are said to have trafficked with Tyre in slaves and vessels of bronze. During the Hellenistic period, Javan came to be called Ionia. It was situated between Aeolia and Doria, and included the cities of Miletus, Ephesus, Smyrna, and Magnesia.
3 A name used occasionally in the Bible for Greece as a whole. Thus, the Hebrew text has “descendants of Javan” (NRSV: “the Greeks”) in Joel 3:6 and “king of Javan” (NRSV: “king of Greece”) in Dan. 8:21. See also Zech. 9:13; Dan. 10:20; and 11:2.
J.G.G.
javelin. See weapons.
Jazer (jay′zer), an Amorite town in the central Transjordan conquered by Moses and the Israelites prior to their settlement in Canaan (Num. 32:1–3). It was later allotted to the tribe of Gad (Josh. 13:25; cf. Num. 32:34–35; 2 Sam. 24:5). The city was subsequently assigned to the Merarite Levites (Josh. 21:39; 1 Chron. 6:81). It eventually came under control of the Moabites (Isa. 16:8; Jer. 48:32; 1 Macc. 5:8). It was probably located a few kilometers west of present-day Amman, though the precise location is unknown. Biblical references indicate that the land around Jazer was good for grazing (Num. 32:1, 3–4) and wine production (Isa. 16:8–9; Jer. 48:32).
jealousy. When attributed to God, “jealousy” describes God’s desire for a relationship with people that is not compromised by infidelity or idolatry (Exod. 20:5; Deut. 5:9; Josh. 24:19; 1 Kings 14:22). The God of Israel is called a “jealous God,” because the covenant with Israel is predicated on the notion of God and Israel making mutual but exclusive commitments to each other (Deut. 32:16; 1 Cor. 10:22).
When attributed to humans, “jealousy” can refer to zeal or ardor (2 Cor. 11:2; cf. Rom. 10:2; 2 Cor. 9:2; NRSV: “zeal”). Sometimes, “jealousy” also refers to what is regarded as a normal and appropriate reaction of people who have been betrayed by the infidelity of a spouse or loved one. This concept seems to form the basis for the ritual outlined in Num. 5:14–31, to be followed when “a spirit of jealousy” comes upon a man and he suspects his wife of having been unfaithful to him. More often, though, when the word “jealousy” is applied to humans, it refers to envy, a petty and negative quality that harms relationships and causes distress (Gen. 37:11; Sir. 30:24; Rom. 13:13; 1 Cor. 3:3; 2 Cor. 12:20; Gal. 5:20).
M.A.P.
Jebus (jee′buhs), a village in central Canaan. The Jebusites were children of Canaan (Gen. 10:16). Jebus is not mentioned in ancient Near Eastern texts outside the Bible and the origin of the city remains obscure. Nevertheless, it is clear from the references to the Jebusites that they were a powerful force in the hill country (see Exod. 3:8; 13:5; 23:23; 33:2; 34:11; Josh. 12:8; 24:11; Judg. 1:21). Three passages equate Jebus with Jerusalem (Josh. 15:8; 18:28; Judg. 19:10), which at one time led to a common assumption that Jebus was the original name for the city that would become known as Jerusalem after David conquered it and transformed it into the capital of his kingdom (2 Sam. 5:6–9; 24:18–25). Jerusalem, however, is also mentioned in the Egyptian Execration texts (nineteenth–eighteenth centuries BCE) and in the Tell el-Amarna tablets (fourteenth century BCE). Thus, if Jebus and Jerusalem are to be identified, they should probably be regarded as two different names for the same city used simultaneously rather than as names employed successively by Canaanites and Israelites. Some scholars, however, suggest that Jebus and Jerusalem were two different sites. Jebus is then identified with modern Sha‘fat, north of Jerusalem, which works better for such passages as Josh. 15:5b–11 (ignoring 5:8); 18:15–19; and Judg. 19–21. Whether one accepts Jerusalem or Sha‘fat as the site of Jebus, it is clear that the Jebusites were in control of Jerusalem in the period just prior to David’s conquest of it as his royal city (2 Sam. 5:6–9). The Jebusite control of Jerusalem is presupposed in the story of David’s purchase of land for the Jerusalem temple; David bought the land from the absentee landlord, who was a Jebusite (24:18–25).
S.B.R.
Jeconiah (jek′uh-ni′uh). See Jehoiachin.
Jedaiah (ji-day′yuh; Heb. yeda‘yah, “the LORD knows,” or yedayah, possibly “the LORD is praise”).
1 A descendant of Aaron and head of the second group of priests (1 Chron. 24:7); he was probably the ancestral head of one or more of the family groups below.
2 A priest and postexilic inhabitant of Jerusalem; he is called the “son of Joiarib” in Neh. 11:10.
3 A Levite who returned from the Babylonian exile with Zerubbabel (Neh. 12:6); he was the ancestor of a family group led by Uzzi (12:19).
4 A second Levite who returned with Zerubbabel (Neh. 12:7); he was the ancestor of a family group led by Nethanel (12:21).
5 The ancestor of a family group, led by Jeshua, who returned from the exile with Zerubbabel (Ezra 2:36; Neh. 7:39). This group could be related to either 3 or 4.
6 One of the representative exiles named in a prophecy of Zechariah (6:10, 14).
7 The son of Shimri; a descendant of Simeon (1 Chron. 4:37).
8 One of the men who helped repair the walls of postexilic Jerusalem (Neh. 3:10).
D.R.B.
Jediael (ji-di′ay-uhl; Heb., possibly “El [God] knows”).
1 A son of Benjamin and head of a large family group (1 Chron. 7:6, 10–11).
2 The son of Shimri; he and his brother Joha were members of David’s fighting band (1 Chron. 11:45); he may be the same person who defected to David at Ziklag from the tribe of Manasseh (12:20).
3 A Levite from the line of Korah, the second son of the eastern gatekeeper Meshelemiah (Shelemiah; 1 Chron. 26:2).
Jeduthun (ji-dyoo′thuhn). A member of a levitical family whose descendants were gatekeepers at the temple in Jerusalem (1 Chron. 1:16; 16:42). Along with Heman, Jeduthun is mentioned also as a musician who served in the tabernacle under David (16:41–42; 25:6) and in the Jerusalem temple at the time of Solomon (2 Chron. 5:12); the latter passage specifies their fine linen garments and their station to the east of the altar. The Jeduthun family appears among the Levites who consecrated themselves and cleansed the temple in Hezekiah’s reform (29:13–15; cf. a similar list in Neh. 11:15–17). He and his family also seem to have been associated with prophetic activity (1 Chron. 25:1–6; 2 Chron. 35:15); in the account of Josiah’s reform, Jeduthun is described as “the king’s seer” (2 Chron. 35:15). The name Jeduthun also appears in superscriptions for Pss. 39; 62; and 77, perhaps indicating a musical or liturgical setting that had become associated with his name. See also music; Psalms, book of.
P.R.A.
Jehiel (ji-hi′uhl; Heb., “El [God] lives”).
1 The son of Ladan (1 Chron. 23:8). He founded a priestly family called the Jehieli (26:21–22) and had charge of the temple treasury under King David (29:8).
2 A levitical musician who served before the ark (1 Chron. 15:18, 20; 16:5).
3 An attendant of King David’s sons (1 Chron. 27:32).
4 A son of King Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. 21:2).
5–6 Two temple officers (2 Chron. 31:13; 35:8).
7 The father of Obadiah who returned from the Babylonian exile with Ezra (Ezra 8:9).
8 The father of Shecaniah, who divorced his non-Israelite wife in compliance with Ezra’s postexilic proclamation (Ezra 10:2).
9–10 Two other men who divorced their non-Israelite wives in response to Ezra’s postexilic proclamation (Ezra 10:21, 26).
Jehoahaz (ji-hoh′uh-haz; Heb., “the LORD has grasped”).
1 The son of Jehu and eleventh king of Israel (ca. 815–802 BCE). His rule was marked by subjugation to Syria, first under King Hazael and then under Hazael’s son Ben-hadad (2 Kings 13:3). This was attributed to divine wrath against Israel due to the worship of Asherah practiced in Samaria (2 Kings 13:6). Jehoahaz sought deliverance from God, who sent an unnamed savior (13:4–5); still, most of Jehoahaz’s army was destroyed by Ben-hadad. Jehoahaz was succeeded by his son, Joash.
2 The son of Josiah and Hamutal and the seventeenth king of Judah (ca. 609 BCE). He reigned for a short time, perhaps only three months (2 Kings 23:31). After his father’s death at the hands of Pharaoh Neco at the battle of Megiddo, Jehoahaz was made king by the people even though he was not the oldest son of Josiah. Pharaoh Neco deposed him in favor of his brother Eliakim, whom Neco renamed Jehoiakim (23:34). Jehoahaz was taken to Egypt as a captive and died there. Although he is called an evil king in 23:32, neither Jeremiah (who calls him Shallum; 22:10–12) nor Ezekiel refers to him in such terms (19:2–4).
3 The twelfth king of Judah, who is better known as Ahaz. See Ahaz.
P.J.A./M.A.P.
Jehoash (ji-hoh′ash). See Joash.
Jehohanan (jee′hoh-hay′nuhn; Heb., “the LORD is gracious”).
1 A Levite from the line of Korah who was one of the gatekeepers in David’s tabernacle (1 Chron. 26:3).
2 A captain under the Judean king Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. 17:15).
3 The son of Bebai; he divorced his foreign wife in response to Ezra’s postexilic proclamation (Ezra 10:28).
4 A son of Eliashib (Ezra 10:6). Ezra retreated to Jehohanan’s chamber for fasting.
5 A son of Tobiah who married the daughter of Meshullam son of Berechiah (Neh. 6:18).
6 A head of the priestly house of Amariah during the time of the Judean king Jehoiakim (Neh. 12:13).
7 A priest who officiated at the dedication of the rebuilt Jerusalem walls during the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 12:42).
Jehoiachin (ji-hoi′uh-kin; Heb., “the LORD has established”; also called Joiachin, Jeconiah, Jechoniah, and Coniah), one of the last two kings of Judah. His father was King Jehoiakim and his mother was Nehushta, the daughter of Onathan, a high court official. Jehoiachin came to the throne in 598/7 BCE at the age of eighteen after the death of his father (2 Kings 24:8). At that time, Babylon besieged Jerusalem, and, after he had reigned only three months, he, his mother, wives, servants, princes, and officers surrendered themselves to Nebuchadnezzar (24:12; reflected in the prophecy of Jer. 22:24–30). The Babylonians also looted the temple and palace treasures and carried into exile ten thousand soldiers, officers, workers, and smiths, leaving the land impoverished of skilled labor and administrators (2 Kings 24:14, 16; Jer. 24:1; 29:2). Hananiah the son of Azzur predicted an immediate return for Jehoiachin and the exiles (28:1–4), but Jeremiah said the divine redemption of the Babylonian captives would only come after a hiatus of seventy years (Jer. 24:4–7; 29:1–14). Several Babylonian food-rationing lists mention Jehoiachin’s name or call him “King of Judah.” Since he apparently surrendered quickly (2 Kings 24:12), he may have been treated fairly well. The Bible tells us (2 Kings 25:27–30; Jer. 52:31–34) that in the thirty-seventh year of Jehoiachin’s captivity (ca. 561 BCE), Nebuchadnezzar’s successor, Evil-merodach, raised his status to that of a valued court retainer. He was allowed to put away his prison clothes and to dine regularly in the king’s presence (2 Kings 25:27–30; Jer. 52:31–34). For a people then wholly exiled, this fact served to provide hope that the tide had turned and that the promised redemption would eventually come.
J.U.
Jehoiada (ji-hoi′uh-duh).
1 The chief priest in the days of Athaliah and Joash of Judah (early eighth century BCE). His wife was Jehosheba, daughter of King Jehoram and sister of King Ahaziah, Jehoram’s son (2 Chron. 22:11). After Ahaziah died, his mother, Athaliah (Ahab’s daughter), took the throne and had Ahaziah’s children murdered. Jehosheba saved the youngest, Joash, and, with Jehoiada, hid him in the temple for six years. In the seventh year Jehoiada formed a conspiracy of the commanders of the royal guard, the Levites, and the leaders of key family groups to restore the crown to the house of David (2 Chron. 23:1–7, 20). With the citizenry in attendance, Jehoiada crowned and anointed Joash and had Athaliah killed (23:8–15). He then renewed the covenant between God, the king, and the people, which resulted in the destruction of the Tyrian Baal cult (23:16–17). Jehoiada restored proper administration in the temple (23:18–19) and exerted significant influence over Joash (24:2–3). With the king’s avid cooperation, Jehoiada collected a tax for the temple’s maintenance and effected repairs (24:4–14). The Chronicler relates that he lived to be 130 and that he was buried in the tombs of the kings in the city of David—a sign of the great respect in which he was held (24:15–16). Jehoiada’s fame may be remembered in Jer. 29:26. He was the father of Zechariah, who prophesied against Judah’s apostasy.
2 A chief priest (1 Chron. 12:27; 27:5), the father of Benaiah, the chief of David’s elite mercenaries (2 Sam. 8:18) and the head of the army under Solomon (1 Kings 2:35).
3 A high priest in the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 13:28).
J.U.
Jehoiakim (ji-hoi′uh-kim), king of Judah ca. 608–598 BCE (2 Kings 23:36). He was installed as king at age twenty-five by Pharaoh Neco after Neco had deposed his younger brother Jehoahaz (23:33–35). The son of Josiah and Zebidah, Jehoiakim’s given name was Eliakim before Neco changed it. The pharaoh exacted a tribute of a hundred talents of silver and a talent of gold upon Judah, which Jehoiakim raised by tax. Any prophet who dared to oppose Jehoiakim risked his life: Jehoiakim had the prophet Uriah killed and Jeremiah put on trial (Jer. 26).
In 605 BCE, Babylon defeated Egypt decisively at Carchemish (Jer. 46:2; cf. 2 Kings 24:7) and captured Syria and the land of Israel (cf. Jer. 36:9). This had been predicted by the prophet Jeremiah, but when the king’s officers and princes had tried to present the scroll of Jeremiah’s prophecies to Jehoiakim, he had burned it (Jer. 36:29). Jehoiakim subsequently became Babylon’s vassal for three years and then rebelled (2 Kings 24:1). Nebuchadnezzar responded with an invasion of troops from Moab, Ammon, and Aram (24:2; cf. Jer. 35:11), but Judah was able to maintain its sovereignty for a few more years. Although Jeremiah predicted that Jehoiakim would die an undignified death due to his murderous behavior (Jer. 22:17–19; cf. 2 Kings 24:4), 2 Kings 24:6 makes no mention of this; a somewhat different tradition may be reflected in 2 Chron. 36:5–8, where Jehoiakim appears to have spent his final years as a prisoner in Babylon (cf. 1 Esd. 1:39–40). He was succeeded by his son Jehoiachin. See also Josiah; Nebuchadnezzar.
J.U.
Jehonadab (ji-hoh′nuh-dab). See Jonadab.
Jehonathan (ji-hon′uh-thuhn). See Jonathan.
Jehoram (ji-hor′uhm; Heb., “the LORD is exalted”), also Joram, the name of two contemporary kings in Judah and Israel who were also brothers-in-law.
1 The king of Judah ca. 849–843/2 BCE, son and successor of Jehoshaphat, and husband of the Omride princess Athaliah. According to the account in 2 Chron. 21, he murdered his six brothers upon succession to the throne. There was a close alliance between Judah and Israel during his reign and the subsequent reign of Athaliah. Edom rebelled during Jehoram’s reign, thus gaining its independence from Judah. According to the Chronicler, the Philistines also attacked Judah, and Libnah was taken (2 Chron. 21:16–17; 2 Kings 8:22). The Chronicler also reports that Jehoram suffered from an incurable disease, predicted by Elijah, and that he was not buried in the tombs of the kings.
2 A king of Israel (ca. 849–843/2 BCE) and brother and successor of Ahaziah. He was unable to put down the rebellion of King Mesha of Moab. The prophet Elisha accompanied the armies of Jehoram when Mesha, in desperate straits, “offered up his eldest son as a burnt offering” on the city wall in full view of the attackers. Israel and Aram were apparently allies early in Jehoram’s reign, while Ben-hadad II was alive. In the reign of Ben-hadad’s successor Hazael, however, Jehoram was wounded in battle against Aram. He was subsequently assassinated in Jezreel by his commander-in-chief, Jehu, who cast Jehoram’s body into the field of Naboth, thus destroying the Omride dynasty (2 Kings 9:23–24).
D.L.C.
Jehoshabeath (jee′hoh-shab′ee-ath; Heb., “the LORD is an oath”; called Jehosheba in 2 Kings 11:2), the daughter of King Jehoram, and the wife of the priest Jehoiada. She saved her young nephew Joash (Jehoash), the youngest son of King Ahaziah, from Athaliah, the king’s mother. When King Ahaziah was killed, his mother seized the throne and attempted to murder all of Ahaziah’s sons, who would have been deemed rightful heirs to the throne. Jehoshabeath and Jehoiada kept Joash hidden for six years (2 Chron. 22:10–12). Then Jehoiada anointed the boy king and had Athaliah killed (23:8–15).
Jehoshaphat (ji-hosh′uh-fat; Heb., “the LORD establishes justice”).
1 The son of Ahilud, “recorder” under David (2 Sam. 8:16; 20:24; 1 Chron. 18:15) and Solomon (1 Kings 4:3).
2 The son of Paruah, an officer in Issachar under Solomon (1 Kings 4:17).
3 The king of Judah ca. 873–849 BCE (1 Kings 15:24; 22:41–46; cf. 1 Chron. 3:10; Matt. 1:8). He was the son of Asa and Azubah. He succeeded his father, Asa, on the throne at the age of thirty-five. He is shown in 1 Kings 22 to be a subordinate ally of the Israelite king Ahab (22:20; 2 Chron. 18:1–3), but Jehoshaphat is distinguished from Ahab in that he insists on consulting the prophets, specifically Micaiah. The latter pronounces an oracle of doom, but Jehoshaphat is delivered in battle, and Ahab (who went into battle disguised) ends up being killed. Something similar happens again in 2 Kings 3:4–27. This time Jehoshophat is allied with Jehoram of Israel and the king of Edom. The prophet Elisha promises victory, but the eventual outcome is disaster for Israel.
According to 2 Chron. 17, Jehoshaphat strengthened the position of Judah against Israel, and also was obedient to God. Priests and Levites were sent to teach the law in the cities of Judah (cf. also 19:4–11). The surrounding nations honored Jehoshaphat and some sent tribute. Details are given of fortresses, store-cities, and military forces. In 2 Chron. 19:1–13, however, there appears a prophetic judgment against Jehoshaphat by Jehu, son of Hanani the seer, because it is said that he allied himself with the wicked apostates of the northern kingdom. Still, this judgment is ameliorated somewhat by notation of Jehoshaphat’s pious actions: he responded to an attack by Moabites, Ammonites, and others with fasting and prayer (20:1–30). The specific prayer of Jehoshaphat, set out in 20:6–12, expresses the powerlessness of Judah and its absolute trust in God. In response to these actions, a Levite preacher proclaims divine help and coming victory. An act of praise follows, led by the Levites. Before the ensuing battle, Jehoshaphat further exhorts the people, using words close to those of Isa. 7:9. The singers offer praise, and the result is a divinely arranged victory that leaves the Judean army only the task of despoiling the totally destroyed enemy forces. Peace and prosperity are restored. This story could represent a reworking of 2 Kings 3. A supplement in 2 Chron. 20:35–37 elaborates on 1 Kings 22:47–49, showing another alliance with the Israelite king Ahaziah; a trading expedition to Tarshish is condemned by the prophet Eliezer, and the ships are wrecked.
4 The father of Jehu, king of Israel (2 Kings 9:2, 14), and son of Nimshi, elsewhere described as Jehu’s father (1 Kings 19:16; 2 Kings 9:20; 2 Chron. 22:7).
P.R.A.
Jehoshaphat, Valley of, the site where the nations surrounding Israel will be judged by God for transgressions committed against Israel according to Joel 3:2, 12. Some scholars claim that the Valley of Jehoshaphat was known before Joel’s time and that it was named for Jehoshaphat, king of Judah. Most scholars, however, believe that it was Joel who symbolically named a valley in Jerusalem (possibly the Kidron Valley or Gehinom) Jehoshaphat, meaning “the LORD judges.” It is the place where God “will enter into judgment” (Joel 3:2) and “will sit to judge” (3:12), a place also called “the valley of decision” (3:14).
M.Z.B.
Jehovah (ji-hoh′vuh), an English spelling of the name of God used four times in the KJV (Exod. 6:3; Ps. 83:18; Isa. 12:2; 26:4). The word is formed by adding vowels to an English transliteration of the Hebrew Tetragrammaton, or four consonants that stand for God’s name, which is not to be pronounced aloud. Those consonants are usually rendered as YHWH in modern transliterations of Hebrew, but JHVH was used at the time of the KJV. Likewise, in modern biblical studies the Tetragrammaton is sometimes vocalized to produce the name “Yahweh,” which is a modern equivalent to “Jehovah.” This was used in the JB and NJB. The most common practice in English translation, however, has been to use the expression “the LORD” wherever the Hebrew Tetragrammaton is found. This convention was followed by the KJV in all but the four verses just cited, and it has been followed in almost all English Bibles since, including RSV, NIV, and NRSV. See also Tetragrammaton; Yahweh.
M.A.P.
Jehozabad (ji-hoh′zuh-bad; Heb., “the LORD is a gift” or “the LORD has given”).
1 A retainer of King Joash of Judah who, with another retainer, Jozacar, assassinated the king (2 Kings 12:21); he was executed by Joash’s son Amaziah shortly after Amaziah took the throne (ca. 800 BCE; 14:5). According to 2 Chron. 24:26, Jehozabad had Moabite connections, being the son of Shimrith, a Moabite.
2 The son of Obed-edom; a Levite belonging to the line of Korah who shared responsibility for the southern storehouse of the temple during the reign of King David (1 Chron. 26:4, 16).
3 A Benjaminite commander of a hundred and eighty thousand troops under King Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. 17:18).
Jehozadak (ji-hoh′zuh-dak; Heb., “the LORD is righteous”), a priestly descendant of Aaron who was exiled to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar (1 Chron. 6:14–15). He was the father of Joshua (Jeshua) who was the high priest in Jerusalem following the exile (587/6–490 BCE; Hag. 1:1; Zech. 6:11). He is also called Jozadak, a shortened form of the same name (Ezra 3:8; 5:2). In some versions the name also occurs as Josedech. See also Jozadak.
Jehu (jee′hyoo).
1 The king of Israel for twenty-eight years, ca. 843/2–815 BCE, and founder of a dynasty that lasted five generations, or about ninety years (2 Kings 9–10; 15:12). Jehu was probably the son of Jehoshaphat and grandson of Nimshi (9:2, 14), though he is also listed as the “son of Nimshi” (1 Kings 19:16; 2 Kings 9:20; 2 Chron. 22:7). It is possible that “son of Nimshi” in these passages has the sense of “descendant of Nimshi.” The Assyrian inscriptions of Shalmaneser III refer to Jehu as “son of Omri,” which contradicts the biblical presentation of Jehu as the one who destroyed the Omride dynasty by seizing power and usurping the throne in a bloody coup that included the murder of the Omride king Joram the son of Ahab. The Assyrian records are sometimes dismissed as erroneous, but there has been some speculation that Jehu could have been a descendant of Omri, albeit as a member of a family group estranged from that of Ahab. It is noted that the Bible only speaks of Jehu as destroying the house of Ahab (2 Kings 9:7–9; 10:10–11), not the house of Omri.
Jehu’s reign and his war against the worship of Baal were set forth in God’s speech to the prophet Elijah on Mount Horeb (1 Kings 19:16–18). Although Elijah was given the task of anointing Jehu as king, this was actually carried out by a member of a prophetic band at the command of Elisha (2 Kings 9:1–6). The context for that religious legitimation, however, was a military debacle. During a border conflict between Israel and Aram at Ramoth-gilead, King Joram of Israel was wounded and had to return to Jezreel to recuperate. Jehu was one of the commanders of Israel’s army. Thus, Elisha sent the prophet, not only to anoint Jehu king, but also to deliver a divine oracle to him: he was to strike down the house of his master (2 Kings 9:6–8). Jehu received support from his military officers and moved against the incapacitated monarch. He killed King Joram and then directed the killing of King Ahaziah of Judah, who had gone to Jezreel to visit Joram (9:27). He then moved against the families of those rulers, slaughtering Jezebel (the wife of Ahab, Joram’s mother, and Ahaziah’s grandmother), Ahab’s seventy sons, all members and associates of the house of Ahab, Ahaziah’s forty-two brothers, and, finally, all the worshipers of Baal in Israel (2 Kings 9:30–10:25). Jehu also ordered the destruction of the temple and the idols of Baal (10:26–28).
Thus, for a time, Jehu is said to have eliminated worship of Baal and to have ended a dynasty of rulers that the biblical authors repeatedly judged to be wicked. Nevertheless, the accounts of Jehu’s actions present him as a calculating killer who was skilled at treachery: he ignored Joram’s inquiries for peace, shooting him in the back as he fled, shouting, “Treason!” (2 Kings 9:17–24); he calmly went in to eat and drink after trampling the body of Jezebel with horses (9:34–35); he promised to support and accept Baal worshipers so that they would trust him enough to gather in one place, where he massacred them (10:18–25). The bloodiness of his coup was still remembered a hundred years later by Hosea, who maintained that God would punish the Jehu dynasty for what had happened at Jezreel (where the coup began). Indeed, Hosea maintained that it was because of what Jehu had done that God would put an end to the northern kingdom (Hos. 1:4–5).
In order to counter the Arameans, Jehu made himself vassal to the king of Assyria in 841 BCE. In a panel of the Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, Jehu is depicted as bowing before the Assyrian ruler and offering him tribute. This arrangement seems to have bought Israel peace for a time, but eventually the Arameans reasserted their military supremacy and conquered all of Ramoth-gilead (2 Kings 10:32–33). See also Elijah; Jehoshaphat; Jezebel; Omri; Shalmaneser.
2 The son of Hanani, and a prophet who prophesied against Baasha (ca. 900–877 BCE), king of Israel (1 Kings 16:1–4, 7, 12), and both rebuked and praised Jehoshaphat (ca. 873–849 BCE), king of Judah (2 Chron. 19:2–3). In 2 Chron. 20:34 authorship of the history of Jehoshaphat is attributed to him.
3 The son of Joshibiah, and a prince of the tribe of Simeon (1 Chron. 4:35).
4 One of David’s warriors from Anathoth (1 Chron. 12:3).
5 A Judahite who was a descendant of Jarha, an Egyptian slave (1 Chron. 2:38).
J.U./M.A.P.
Jehudi (ji-hyoo′di), a servant of the court of Jehoiakim. He was sent by the nobles to order Baruch to bring them the scroll of Jeremiah’s prophecies and then was ordered by the king to read the scroll before the court (Jer. 36:14, 21–23).
Jeiel (ji-i′uhl; Heb., “El [God] takes away”).
1 A family chief in the tribe of Reuben (1 Chron. 5:7).
2 A Benjaminite, the father of Gibeon and great-grandfather of Saul (1 Chron. 8:29; 9:35).
3 The son of Hotham the Aroerite; one of David’s warriors (1 Chron. 11:44).
4 A levitical musician of the Merarite group who helped celebrate the transfer of the ark of the covenant to Jerusalem (1 Chron. 15:18, 21). A second Jeiel is also listed among the group of musicians (16:5), but he is elsewhere called Jaaziel (15:18) or Aziel (15:20). It is possible that Jeuel, a variant spelling of Jeiel, refers to the same person (2 Chron. 29:13), although he is from the Elizaphan family group.
5 A Levite associated with the musical guild of Asaph; an ancestor of Jehaziel, the prophesier of deliverance for King Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. 20:14), he is possibly the same as 4.
6 A scribe during the reign of Uzziah (Azariah) in Judah (2 Chron. 26:11).
7 A leader of the Levites who contributed animals for the celebration of the Passover reinstated by Josiah (2 Chron. 35:9).
8 A member of the family of Nebo who divorced his foreign wife in response to Ezra’s proclamation (Ezra 10:43).
D.R.B.
Jemimah (ji-mi′muh), the first of Job’s three daughters born when God restored his fortunes. All of these daughters were exceptional for their beauty. Job gave them an inheritance along with their brothers, whose names are curiously not given (Job 42:13–15).
Jephthah (jef′thuh; Heb., “the LORD opens”), a Gileadite who delivered Israel from Ammonite domination. Jephthah sacrificed his daughter to fulfill a vow, suppressed an Ephraimite force in Gilead, and judged Israel six years (Judg. 10:6–12:7).
Jephthah was the son of Gilead and a prostitute, but he was apparently raised in the household of Gilead alongside two sons born to Gilead’s wife. When the latter sons were grown, however, they drove Jephthah away, because they did not want to share their inheritance with him. In the district of Tob, near the modern Jordan-Syria border, he gathered a band of mercenaries and was later recalled by the elders of Gilead. Ammonite forces had invaded Gilead and penetrated across the Jordan into Judah, Benjamin, and Ephraim, and the elders of Gilead wanted Jephthah to lead them in their fight against the Ammonites and become their ruler.
Jephthah entered into extended negotiations with the Ammonite king, laying out Israel’s position on the territorial dispute that had precipitated the conflict. The land in question had belonged to the Amorite kingdoms north of the Arnon River, which were defeated by Israel under Moses (Judg. 11:14–28; Num. 21). The territory was subsequently taken by Moab (Judg. 3:12–30), and the Ammonites thought this gave them a claim upon it, due to their relationship with the Moabites. Jephthah’s point seems to be that Israel’s claim is older and has precedence. Ultimately, however, the matter had to be decided by holy war. Jephthah said, “Should you not possess what your god Chemosh gives you to possess? And should we not be the ones to possess everything that the LORD our God has conquered for our benefit?” (Judg. 11:24). After these negotiations failed, Jephthah toured Gilead and Manasseh, presumably to muster the army, and then returned to Mizpeh (in the vicinity of Jebel Jal‘ad, south of the River Jabbok).
Upon leaving for battle, Jephthah made a vow that if he returned victorious, he would sacrifice whatever (NRSV: “whoever”) emerged first from his house (Judg. 11:30–31). Jephthah did defeat the Ammonites along a line from southern Aroer (the northern edge of the Arnon gorge) to Abel-keramim (probably Tell el-Umeiri at the northern end of the Medeba plain). As a result, the territory of Ammon was pushed back to the desert fringe. But then, when Jephthah returned home, the first creature to emerge from his dwelling was his only child, a daughter who came out to meet him with timbrels and dance. Jephthah lamented his vow, but knew he had to keep it, as his daughter also insisted. She requested two months to wander the hills with her dear friends, lamenting her virginity (including the fact that she would die childless; 11:39–40). Then she was offered as a human sacrifice by her father. The event served to establish a ritual according to which “for four days every year the daughters of Israel would go out to lament the daughter of Jephthah the Gileadite” (11:40).
The story of Jephthah and his daughter has been regarded as something of a curiosity in the Bible. It bears some similarities to the tale of Abraham and Isaac (Gen. 22), though in that case the sacrifice of the child is, on the one hand, explicitly ordered by God and, on the other, averted by last-minute divine intervention. Otherwise, the Bible portrays human sacrifice as a pagan practice that is an abomination to Israel (Deut. 18:10; 2 Kings 16:3; Ps. 106:37; Jer. 7:31). It is clear from the story that Jephthah had not anticipated sacrificing his child, but it is not clear whether he had intended to offer a human sacrifice (e.g., of the first household servant who emerged upon his return). Iron Age dwellings did incorporate space for livestock, so many interpreters think the assumption behind the story (contra NRSV: “whoever,” Judg. 11:38) would be that Jephthah expected to see a goat, cow, or other animal emerge from the dwelling as he drew near. In any case, the sacrifice that does occur is not specifically condoned, but neither is it condemned; it is only lamented. Some interpreters think the story speaks well of Jephthah, because he demonstrated extreme commitment to the irrevocability of a vow; others think the story is intended as a warning against the making of rash or inappropriate vows. In the Bible itself, Jephthah is only mentioned twice outside the cycle of stories concerning him in Judges, and both references portray him as a heroic deliverer (1 Sam. 12:11) and model of faith (Heb. 11:32), without mention of the unfortunate incident concerning his daughter.
As an epilogue to the story of Jephthah, the Ephraimites crossed into Gilead, complaining that Jephthah had not summoned them to the Ammonite war and threatening to burn his house (Judg. 12:1). Again negotiations failed, and Jephthah was victorious in fighting, but many Ephraimite fugitives had to be hunted down, which was problematic since they were not obviously identifiable by dress or appearance. The Gileadites, however, recognized that there was a difference in dialect: Ephraimites were not able to pronounce the word shibboleth; they said “sibboleth” instead. Thus shibboleth was established as a password for leaving the region, and many Ephraimites were slain at the Jordan fords, because they were unable to pronounce the word properly (Judg. 12:5–6). See also Judges, book of; shibboleth.
R.B./M.A.P.
Jephunneh (ji-fuhn′uh).
1 A Kenizzite, the father of Caleb, one of the twelve spies sent to Canaan by Moses (Num. 13:6; 32:12).
2 The son of Jether; descendant of Asher (1 Chron. 7:38).
Jerah (jihr′uh; Heb., “moon”), a son of Joktan (Gen. 10:26; 1 Chron. 1:20), and a member of a tribe whose territories were probably located in the south Arabian coastland.
Jerahmeel (ji-rah′mee-uhl; Heb., “may El [God] have compassion”).
1 The ancestor of the Jerahmeelites, a group of non-Israelites who lived in the extreme southern part of the land of Judah. David came into contact with them there after his flight from Saul (1 Sam. 27:10; 30:29).
2 The son of Kish, and a Levite (1 Chron. 24:29).
3 One of the three men sent by the Judean king Jehoiakim to arrest Jeremiah and Baruch (Jer. 36:26). Although Jerahmeel is called “the king’s son,” that may be an official title rather than an indication that he was Jehoiakim’s literal son.
M.A.F.
Jerash (jair′ash). See Gerasa, Gerasenes.
Jeremiah (jair-uh-mi′ah), book of, the second book of what is sometimes called the Latter Prophets, a subcollection in the Nevi’im (Prophets) section of the Tanakh (Jewish Bible). It is the second book of the Major Prophets of the Christian OT. The book of Jeremiah is followed by the book of Ezekiel in the Tanakh and by Lamentations in the OT. Most of the book presents the oracles of the prophet Jeremiah, identified as the son of Hilkiah. Like his father, he was a priest in the town of Anathoth in the tribe of Benjamin, north of Jerusalem. Some portions of the book are autobiographical and some are biographical. Portions of Jer. 26–35 are from the memoirs of Baruch, Jeremiah’s secretary and friend. Baruch was instrumental in bringing the written message of Jeremiah to the royal administration of Jerusalem and to the people.
Jeremiah is said to have received the divine word of the LORD beginning in 627 BCE during the reign of Josiah and to have continued receiving and recording God’s word until the end of the monarchy and the destruction of Jerusalem in 587 BCE (1:1–3). This forty-year period encompasses most of what is said and done in the book, except for chaps. 40–44, which account for events up to 582 BCE and include Jeremiah’s release from prison and his flight to Egypt.
Contents: The book of Jeremiah is a mixture of prose and poetic material. Chaps. 1–25 and 46–51 are mostly Jeremiah’s autobiographical poetic reports of what God said to him, and they are mostly denunciations of Judah and surrounding nations, along with predictions of their demise. Included in the first block of autobiographical material are Jeremiah’s complaints (11:18–12:6; 15:10–21; 17:14–18; 18:18–23; 20:7–18). These are personal reflections addressed to God in which Jeremiah laments his ill treatment at the hands of his compatriots. He feels that he was seduced by God into believing he would be protected, but instead he was “like a gentle lamb led to the slaughter” (11:19).
Biographical sketches about Jeremiah’s professional life include his symbolic destruction of Judah and Jerusalem by breaking a clay jar and his subsequent arrest by Pashhur, a temple official (19:1–20:6); his temple sermon (chap. 26); his confrontation of Hananiah over the yoke of Babylon (chaps. 27–28); his letter to Judean exiles in Babylon encouraging them to settle down there (29); his scroll, dictated to his secretary Baruch and read to king Jehoiakim (36, 45); his dire words and ill treatment in Jerusalem during the last days of Zedekiah (37–39); and his involvement with Gedaliah and eventual flight to Egypt after the destruction of Jerusalem (40–44). Many of these biographical narratives are explicitly dated to the reigns of Judah’s kings, enabling scholars to build a precise timetable of Jeremiah’s experience.
OUTLINE OF CONTENTS
Jeremiah
I. Book 1: Jeremiah’s prophecies and autobiographical material (chaps. 1–25)
A. Oracles against Judah and Jerusalem (1–6)
B. Temple sermon (7–10)
C. Broken covenant (11–13)
D. Drought and punishment on Judah (14–17)
E. Parable of the potter and jug (18–20)
F. Oracles against the house of David (21–25)
II. Biographical interlude 1 from Baruch’s memoirs (26–29)
III. Book 2: Consolation and the new covenant (30–31)
IV. Biographical interlude 2 from Baruch’s memoirs (32–45)
V. Book 3: Oracles against the nations (46–51)
A. Egypt (46)
B. Philistines (47)
C. Moab, Ammon, Edom, Damascus, Qedar, Hazor, and Elam (48–49)
D. Babylon (50–51).
VI. Historical appendix: fall of Jerusalem (52; taken from 2 Kings 24:18–25:30)
In addition to autobiography and biography, various prose sermons are scattered throughout the first half of the book. Jeremiah is instructed to preach the demands of covenant throughout Judah (11:1–17). His sermons include the sermon in the temple (chap. 7), the sermon in the potter’s workshop (18), his sermon to Zedekiah (21), and his sermon to all Judah to submit to Babylon (25). These sermons contain vocabulary and concepts that are quite similar to Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomistic History. This similarity has given rise to claims that these sermons derive from Deuteronomistic circles as early as the exile or as late as the Persian period.
Background: The fact that Jeremiah came from the village of Anathoth is key for reconstructing the probable source of Jeremiah’s disposition toward the Davidic monarchs and the temple in Jerusalem. Anathoth was the place to which Solomon banished the priest Abiathar in favor of the priesthood of Zadok, because Zadok had supported Solomon’s claim to the throne of David, while Abiathar supported Adonijah (1 Kings 2:26). Given this history, it is no surprise that Jeremiah was critical of the royal line and the temple institution in Jerusalem. Thus, there is a significant political component to most of what Jeremiah says. Jeremiah’s call for northern Israelites to return to God and to Davidic rule (Jer. 2–6; 30–31) may reflect support for Josiah’s program of expansion to the north to re-create an “all Israel” entity. But after the death of Josiah, Jeremiah had a consistently pro-Babylonian message and was opposed to Jehoiakim and his policies, which were pro-Egyptian.
Themes: Jeremiah comes into conflict with Hananiah in Jerusalem over the stance Judah should take with regard to Babylon. Should Judah expect God to deliver it from the power of Babylon, or would Judah be wiser to capitulate and accept Babylon’s hegemony? The conflict arises in part from differing appropriations of Israel’s theological tradition. In the David-Zion tradition, God guaranteed the protection and inviolability of a Jerusalem that would eternally be ruled by someone from the line of David. This was promoted by Hananiah. In the Mosaic tradition the covenant demanded obedience, which was the precondition for the blessing of peace and prosperity. This was promoted by Jeremiah. Prophetic ambiguity arose because both could lay claim to tradition and precedent, and both spoke for God using the same conventional language of “thus says the LORD.” Genuine prophecy then becomes evident only after the fact, when the politics on the ground vindicates one position or the other, or as the Deuteronomic tradition of Moses claims, “If a prophet speaks in the name of the LORD but the thing does not take place or prove true, it is a word that the LORD has not spoken” (Deut. 18:22).
Jeremiah was commissioned to be “a prophet to the nations” (1:5), and he was placed “over nations and over kingdoms, to pluck up and to pull down, to destroy and to overthrow, to build and to plant” (1:10). To that end the divine word in his mouth exposed the destinies not only of Judah, but also its neighbors. Chaps. 46–51 contain judgment oracles against Egypt, Philistia, Moab, Ammon, Edom, Damascus, Elam, and Babylon. This likens Jeremiah to Amos (1–2), Isaiah (13–23), Ezekiel (25–32), Nahum, and Obadiah, who all pronounced the judgment of God upon Israel’s detractors. Such proclamations affirm that the LORD is not just Israel and Judah’s patron deity, but is also the one who shapes the future of all nations.
Jer. 30–31 have been called the “book of consolation.” This section of the book anticipates Israel’s return to the land after the exile. Presumably these chapters were written after the destruction of Jerusalem in 587 BCE. Jeremiah declares that God will cut a new covenant with Israel and Judah and make it effective, because it will be written on the hearts of the people (31:31–34). This is the only place the phrase “new covenant” is found in the Hebrew Bible; it would inspire the title of the Christian “New Testament” (“testament” being another word for “covenant”).
Interpretive Issues: The book of Jeremiah does not have a clear chronological or topical organization. This becomes clear from a comparison of the Hebrew Masoretic Text with the Greek LXX. The latter is approximately 12 percent shorter and arranges sections differently. For example, the oracles against the nations are found in chaps. 46–51 of the Hebrew text, but in chaps. 25–31 of the Greek text. These two variations are present among the multiple Dead Sea Scrolls; both the Masoretic Text and the LXX orders of books are attested. Apparently the Jeremiah materials were edited differently in Judea and Babylon, where the Hebrew Masoretic Text was used, than in Egypt, where the LXX, based on a differently edited Hebrew text, had been compiled. English translations typically follow the Masoretic Text.
Influences: Early postbiblical tradition attributed the book of Lamentations to Jeremiah based on the tone and topic of its poetic laments on the destruction of Jerusalem. The Christian OT places Lamentations after Jeremiah, and the Roman Catholic version of the OT places Baruch, the pseudonymous deuterocanonical book, after Lamentations. The LXX adds, after Baruch, another pseudonymous deuterocanonical book related to Jeremiah called the Letter of Jeremiah, which is presented as the letter Jeremiah sent to the exiles that is described in Jer. 29.
Bibliography
Bandstra, Barry L. Reading the Old Testament: Introduction to the Hebrew Bible. 4th ed. Wadsworth, 2009.
Carroll, Robert P. From Chaos to Covenant: Prophecy in the Book of Jeremiah. Crossroad, 1981.
Holladay, William L. Jeremiah 1: A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Jeremiah, Chapters 1–25. Fortress, 1986.
———. Jeremiah 2: A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Jeremiah, Chapters 26–52. Fortress, 1989.
Seitz, C. “The Prophet Moses and the Canonical Shape of Jeremiah.” Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 101 (1989): 3–27.
B.B.
Jeremiah, Letter of. See Letter of Jeremiah.
Jeremoth (jair′uh-moth).
1 A son of Becher and grandson of Benjamin (1 Chron. 7:8).
2 A descendant of Benjamin who belonged to the family group of Elpaal (1 Chron. 8:14).
3 A Levite, the son of Mushai of the Merari group (1 Chron. 23:23); he is also called Jerimoth (24:30).
4 A Levite, head of the fifteenth course of musicians (1 Chron. 25:22); he is probably the same person called Jerimoth in 25:4.
5 The son of Azriel, head of the tribe of Naphtali during the reign of David (1 Chron. 27:19).
6 A member of the family of Elam who divorced his foreign wife in response to Ezra’s postexilic proclamation (Ezra 10:26).
7 A member of the family of Zattu who divorced his foreign wife in response to Ezra’s postexilic proclamation (Ezra 10:27).
8 A member of the family of Bani who divorced his foreign wife in response to Ezra’s postexilic proclamation (Ezra 10:29).
See also Jerimoth.
D.R.B.
Jericho (jair′uh-koh), a city in the Jordan Valley six miles north of the Dead Sea. Its broad plain, irrigated from the copious spring of modern ‘Ein es-Sultan, just east of the ancient city, is extremely fertile. A ford near the city carries an important east–west road and makes Jericho a strategic entrance point from Transjordan into the highlands of Judah. The city of OT times is represented today by a mound 70 feet high and 10 acres in area. The tropical climate and vegetation of the Jordan Valley earned Jericho the title “city of palm trees” (Deut. 34:3).
After the Babylonian invasions (early sixth century BCE) the mound was abandoned and settlement concentrated in the irrigated oasis where modern Jericho is located. During the Hasmonean (167–63 BCE) and Herodian (40 BCE–44 CE) periods a complex of royal buildings grew up on the banks of the Wadi Qelt one and a quarter miles south of the ancient city. This site (modern Tulel Abu el-Alaiq) is commonly called New Testament Jericho.
The earliest occupation at Jericho (ca. 9000 BCE) was a small Mesolithic shrine near the spring. The next phase (the Neolithic, ca. 8000–4000 BCE) has given Jericho the description “the oldest walled town in the world.” In the earliest Pre-Pottery Neolithic phase (ca. 8000–7000 BCE), the town, which was then as large as at any later time, was surrounded by a stone wall into which was set a circular stone tower 25 feet high. The second Pre-Pottery Neolithic phase yielded ten human skulls molded over with plaster to produce portrait heads. The city then passed through two pottery-bearing Neolithic phases and, after a period of inoccupancy, a Proto-Urban phase, represented only by rock-cut tombs (ca. 4000–3000 BCE).
With the urbanization of the Levant in the Early Bronze Age (ca. 3200–2000 BCE) Jericho again became a walled city. It flourished for several centuries before being destroyed by nomadic intruders. Little trace of their occupation (Middle Bronze I, ca. 2000–1900 BCE) remains on the mound itself. The culture is known principally by its distinctive shaft tombs, which often contain the remains of only one individual.
The Middle Bronze Age (ca. 1900–1500 BCE), the era of the biblical ancestors, saw Jericho a flourishing city, defended by powerful walls mounted on a high earthen embankment. A feature of this period of special interest to students of the Bible is a series of burial caves in which much of the grave furniture was preserved. The mats, baskets, tables, stools, beds, boxes, bowls, combs, and beads give a sampling of the objects in daily use during the time of the ancestors.
Jericho first appears in the biblical record in connection with the Israelite conquest of Canaan at the end of the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1500–1200 BCE). The wide plain on both sides of the Jordan near Jericho provided an ideal campground from which to launch an attack on Canaan. According to the Priestly document, the invading tribes were encamped in the Transjordanian portion of the plain when they defeated Sihon, Og (Num. 22:1), and the forces of Midian (31:12). At the camp a census was taken (26:3, 63), and the main provisions for the division and settlement of Canaan were made (chaps. 33–36). When two spies, who were saved from death in Jericho by Rahab (Josh. 2), reported favorably, Joshua’s army crossed the river, aided by a miraculous division of its waters (Josh. 3:14–17), and laid siege to Jericho.
If it could be established archaeologically, the date of the fall of Jericho would fix the beginning of the Israelite invasion of Canaan. This would require the identification of a layer of destruction debris that could reasonably be attributed to Joshua’s total devastation of the city and the identification of the city walls that, according to biblical tradition, collapsed under the spectacular conditions described in Josh. 6. J. Garstang believed that the ruin of a massive mud-brick wall, the destruction of which he dated to about 1400 BCE, was the wall in question. Kenyon’s later excavation, however, showed that this “wall” was in fact part of two Early Bronze Age walls many centuries older than the time of Joshua. Kenyon found no trace of Late Bronze Age city walls and only one fragment of a house floor belonging to the period. The forces of erosion had removed all the vital evidence. Principally on the basis of the pottery from five Late Bronze Age tombs, Kenyon suggested a date in the last half of the fourteenth century BCE for the Israelite conquest of Jericho, but the more commonly accepted date of around 1200 BCE cannot be ruled out.
After its destruction by the Israelites, Jericho lay unoccupied for about four centuries. It was uninhabited during the time of the prophets Elijah and Elisha, who were both active in the region (2 Kings 2:4). The long period of abandonment accounts for the almost complete erosion of the Late Bronze Age walls and buildings. Jericho was rebuilt by Hiel of Bethel during the reign of Ahab (ca. 869–850 BCE). In the loss of his eldest and youngest sons (1 Kings 16:35) Hiel suffered the consequences predicted in the curse that Joshua laid on anyone who reestablished the city (Josh. 6:26).
Archaeologically, little is known about Israelite Jericho. Its remains have been completely eroded from the summit of the mound. It probably began as a small-scale settlement, but by the seventh century BCE it had expanded so that impressive buildings occupied the slopes of the mound outside the line of the earlier walls. After the Babylonian invasions, the site of the ancient city was abandoned.
In the NT Period: Jericho figured in a minor way in the ministry of Jesus. At Jericho Jesus healed blind Bartimaeus (Mark 10:46–52), had his encounter with the tax collector Zacchaeus (Luke 19:1–11), and told the parable of the Pounds (19:12–28).
Herod the Great built a magnificent winter capital on the banks of the Wadi Qelt, where archaeological excavations have produced spectacular results. The Hasmonean structures, all on the north side of the wadi, were probably built by Alexander Jannaeus (103–76 BCE). They consist in part of a palatial building (164 by 230 feet) and a swimming pool (65 by 115 feet) associated with a large courtyard. Herod, who saw himself as successor of the Hasmonean dynasty, renovated and extended the site on a grand scale in three stages and with aspects of the latest Roman architectural styles. Some walls were made in opus reticulatum technique (square stones set diagonally into a concrete core), large floors were paved in opus sectile technique with marble and local stone, and fresco was painted using Roman technique and ingredients. It is likely that Roman architects participated in the palace’s construction.
The first palace, south of the wadi, had a large peristyle courtyard and contained an elaborate Roman-style bathhouse with a caldarium (hot room) heated from beneath a floor raised on hypocaust ceramic tiles. The second palace, north of the wadi, incorporated parts of the Hasmonean structures and included a massive pool, a grand triclinium (dining room) with exquisite frescoes, another bathhouse, and spectacular views of the gardens and natural scenery. The third palace was built on both sides of the wadi and was connected by a bridge. Among the halls were one with Ionic columns and another with Corinthian columns; all were painted and stuccoed in the latest styles. The six-room bathhouse took advantage of Roman arch and dome techniques and had a sauna alongside the caldarium. A large sunken garden punctuated the feel of a contemporary palace, though Herod made sure it was sufficiently unique to defy simple categorization as another Roman villa. Its decoration—geometric and floral (aniconic)—and occasional ritual baths and stone vessels punctuate the ruler’s Jewishness. See also Joshua; Zacchaeus.
Bibliography
Bienkowski, Piotr. Jericho in the Late Bronze Age. Warminster: Ars and Phillips, 1986.
Holland, T. A., and Ehud Netzer. “Jericho (Place).” Anchor Bible Dictionary. Doubleday, 1992. 3:723–40.
Kenyon, Kathleen M. Digging up Jericho. Praeger, 1957.
Kenyon, K. M., G. Foerster, G. Bacchi, and E. Nezer. “Jericho.” In Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land. Vol. 2. Masada, 1970. Pp. 550–75.
Netzer, Ehud. The Architecture of Herod, the Great Builder. Mohr-Siebeck, 2006.
L.E.T.
Jerimoth (jair′i-moth).
1 A son of Bela and grandson of Benjamin (1 Chron. 7:7).
2 A Benjaminite who joined David’s warriors at Ziklag (1 Chron. 12:5).
3 A Levite, son of Mushai of the Merari group (1 Chron. 24:30); he is also called Jeremoth (a variant spelling; 23:23).
4 A levitical musician belonging to the Heman group (1 Chron. 25:4); probably the same person also called Jeremoth who was head of the fifteenth course of musicians (25:22).
5 A son of King David and father of Mahalath, a wife of King Rehoboam (2 Chron. 11:18).
6 A levitical temple official during the reign of King Hezekiah (2 Chron. 31:13).
See also Jeremoth.
D.R.B.
Jeroboam (jair′uh-boh′uhm; meaning uncertain; Heb., possibly “may the people multiply” or “he who contends for the people”) I, the first king of the northern kingdom (Israel), who reigned ca. 922–901 BCE. Jeroboam, the son of Nebat and Zeruah, was an Ephraimite from Zeredah who began his rise to power when Solomon appointed him to oversee the forced labor in Ephraim and Manasseh (1 Kings 11:26–28). Jeroboam rebelled against Solomon and was promised kingship over the northern tribes by the prophet Ahijah of Shiloh, who interpreted the revolt of the north as a judgment on the house of David due to the sins of Solomon (11:29–39). Solomon then sought to kill Jeroboam, who was forced to flee to Egypt, where he was protected by Pharaoh Shishak until Solomon’s death (11:40). Jeroboam returned at an opportune time, when Rehoboam, Solomon’s successor, gathered an assembly of the tribes at Shechem and sternly rejected all requests for a more lenient rule than Solomon had provided (12:13–14). Thus, the northern tribes of Israel chose Jeroboam to be their king instead; only the southern tribe of Judah pledged allegiance to Rehoboam (12:20).
The LXX text of 1 Kings differs significantly from the Hebrew Masoretic Text in ways that amplify the picture of Jeroboam’s rebellion; the legitimacy of those readings (which are not adopted by the NRSV) and their value for historical reconstruction remain a matter of dispute. Lengthy additions to the biblical account found only in the LXX indicate that, prior to Solomon’s death, Jeroboam fortified the city of Sarira and gathered three hundred chariots in an effort to overthrow Solomon. He is also said to have married into the royal family in Egypt. Further, he returned to Israel and fortified Sarira again, but was unable to pursue the revolt further because his son became ill.
After becoming king, Jeroboam fortified Shechem and Penuel (1 Kings 12:25) and may have used them as his capital before he established his residence in Tirzah (14:17). In order to discourage his Ephraimite subjects from traveling to Jerusalem for worship, he set up gold bull images (“calves”) at Bethel and Dan, an act he probably understood as a revival of an older form of the worship of God, according to which the God of Israel would be understood to be an invisible deity astride the bulls (i.e., the bulls were not representations of gods, but thrones for the God of Israel analogous to the ark of the covenant in the Jerusalem temple). Nevertheless, the Deuteronomistic Historian, who wrote or edited the books of Kings, interpreted Jeroboam’s bulls as idolatrous (12:28–30). Obvious connections could be drawn to the golden calf incident at Sinai (Exod. 32:1–6), though some interpreters believe the story of that idolatrous moment in Israel’s history was inspired by later objections to Jeroboam’s bulls. In any case, Jeroboam is said to have also revised the religious calendar, instituted a nonlevitical priesthood, built shrines on the high places, and served as a priest himself, at least on certain occasions (1 Kings 12:26–33).
These religious reforms earned him the condemnation of the writers of the books of Kings. According to their interpretation of Israelite history, Jeroboam’s cultic sins lead to the condemnation of the altar at Bethel by an unnamed prophet from Judah (1 Kings 13:1–10). Later, when Abijah the son of Jeroboam fell ill, Jeroboam sent his wife in disguise to Ahijah, the prophet who had first proclaimed Jeroboam king. God inspired Ahijah to see through this disguise and to bring “heavy tidings” to Jeroboam’s wife concerning her son and family: not only would the boy die before she returned home, but the entire royal line of Jeroboam would be destroyed (14:1–9). The evil of idolatry had provoked God to anger and now, God says, “I will consume the house of Jeroboam, just as one burns up dung until it is all gone. Anyone belonging to Jeroboam who dies in the city, the dogs shall eat; and anyone who dies in the open country, the birds of the air shall eat” (14:10–11; this would not be fulfilled until a generation later; cf. 15:27–30). Indeed, Jeroboam became the biblical paradigm of “an evil king”; throughout the account of the history of the northern kingdom, the writers of Kings repeatedly claim that other rulers “did what was evil in the sight of the LORD and walked in the way of Jeroboam” (e.g., 15:26). This pattern of sin and judgment continued until the northern kingdom itself was finally destroyed (2 Kings 17:21–23).
Jeroboam’s reign was beset by ongoing conflict with Judah (1 Kings 14:30; 15:6–7; 2 Chron. 12:15; 13:2–20). Perhaps even more devastating, the Egyptian pharaoh Shishak invaded Israel ca. 918 BCE and destroyed a number of cities, though this is barely mentioned in the Bible (1 Kings 14:25–26). This incursion may have weakened Jeroboam’s control over his kingdom and encouraged the neighboring Philistines and Arameans to seize Israelite territory. When Jeroboam died (struck by God, according to 2 Chron. 13:20), he was succeeded by his son, Nadab (1 Kings 14:20).
R.R.W./M.A.P.
Jeroboam II, the son of Joash and his successor as king of Israel. Although the writers of the books of Kings say little about Jeroboam II’s forty-one-year reign (ca. 786–746 BCE) except that “he did what was evil in the sight of the LORD; he did not depart from all the sins of Jeroboam son of Nebat” (2 Kings 14:24), a more complete account of his relatively prosperous kingship can be reconstructed from extrabiblical sources.
As the penultimate king of the Jehu dynasty, Jeroboam II inherited a more favorable set of political circumstances than any of his predecessors. Effective Assyrian intervention in the region had ended with the campaigns of Adad-nirari III (809–782 BCE), who at the end of the ninth century moved west and defeated the Arameans of Damascus, who had been harassing Israel since the end of Jehu’s reign (ca. 815 BCE; cf. 2 Kings 13:5). The Assyrian king exacted tribute from several rulers in the area, including Jeroboam’s father, Joash, but the heaviest blows fell on the Arameans, whose political power was severely restricted. In any case, during the first half of the eighth century Adad-nirari III and his successors were occupied with internal strife at home, and the resulting power vacuum in the Near East allowed Jeroboam to expand his borders from the Sea of the Arabah (the Dead Sea) to the “entrance of Hamath” (2 Kings 14:25) and to reclaim territory lost during the reigns of Jehu and Jehoahaz (10:32–33; 13:1–9). He may also have moved into the Transjordan and gained control over Damascus, thus restoring the boundaries of the old Davidic empire (2 Kings 14:28; Amos 6:13). The texts that describe these events, however, are difficult to interpret.
Jeroboam’s expansionist activities, which were supported by the prophet Jonah, the son of Amite (2 Kings 14:25), brought prosperity to Israel, particularly in the larger cities. The new land was presumably assigned to the king’s supporters, who became part of a new class of wealthy landowners. Increased agriculture and trade brought more tax revenue into the royal court. This redistribution of land and money increased the number of poor people in the land and created a class of servants and slaves, who were exploited by the rich. These social and economic abuses provoked sharp judgment oracles from the prophet Amos, whose words dramatize the negative aspects of Jeroboam’s economic prosperity (2:6–8; 4:1–3; 5:10–12; 6:4–7, 11–14; 8:4–6).
R.R.W.
Jeroham (ji-roh′ham; Heb., “may he be loved” or “may he have compassion”).
1 A Levite, the father of Elkanah and grandfather of Samuel (1 Sam. 1:1; 1 Chron. 6:34).
2 A family group (“sons of Jeroham”) in the tribe of Benjamin (1 Chron. 8:27).
3 A Benjaminite, the father of Benaiah, an inhabitant of postexilic Jerusalem (1 Chron. 9:8).
4 A priest, the father of Adaiah, another inhabitant of postexilic Jerusalem (1 Chron. 9:12; Neh. 11:12).
5 A man from Gedor whose two sons, Jerah and Zebidah, joined David’s warriors at Ziklag (1 Chron. 12:7).
6 The father of Azarel, the leader of the tribe of Dan during David’s reign (1 Chron. 27:22).
7 The father of Azariah, a military leader under the high priest Jehoiada (2 Chron. 23:1).
D.R.B.
Jerubbaal (ji′ruhb-bay′uhl). See Gideon.
Topography: Situated on the crest of the Judean mountains some twenty miles west of the Dead Sea’s northern end and thirty miles east of the Mediterranean Sea, the biblical city of Jerusalem (ji-roo′suh-luhm) was built over two hills ranging from 2,300 to 2,500 feet above sea level and surrounded by valleys. The earliest walled settlement, which spanned the second millennium BCE, was founded on about fifteen acres of the low southern spur of the eastern hill, the area known today as the City of David. It was bounded on the east by the north–south Kidron Valley, on the west and south by the north–south Central (Tyropoeon) Valley, and on the north by the hump of the Ophel; the population was probably between one and two thousand. Solomon’s construction of the first temple doubled the city’s size to the north, incorporating the Ophel and what may have been a Jebusite holy place on the highest point of the eastern hill, up to the east–west Bethzatha Valley. Following the split of the two kingdoms and the growth of Assyrian pressure on the north, with a consequent migration of refugees to the south, the early population of Jerusalem grew beyond the capacity of the walled enclosure, spreading through the Central Valley to the southwestern hill now known as Mount Zion. The latter is circled on the west and south by the Hinnom Valley (Heb. gehinnom, “Gehenna”), which begins near the Jaffa Gate and descends to meet the Kidron south of Siloam. On the north, Mount Zion is limited by the east–west Transversal Valley, which descends from today’s Jaffa Gate along David Street and the Street of the Chain to meet the Central Valley at El-Wad Street. In Roman times, the city was extended again to the north and northwest, essentially to its modern walls. (But see below for discussion of “Third Wall.”) The southern third of the biblical city is outside the confines of the walls of today’s Old City.
Only two major springs are to be found in the neighborhood, both in the Kidron Valley. Ain Sitti Maryam (“Lady Mary’s Spring”), biblical Gihon (1 Kings 1:38), is at the foot of the slope of the City of David, always a key water source for the city; the other, Bir el-Ayyub (“Job’s Well”), probably to be identified with the biblical En-rogel (1:9), is a short distance to the southeast, just beyond the confluence of the Kidron and Hinnom valleys.
The shallow soil of the region makes for meager agriculture, but the underlying Cenomanian limestone provides excellent building material, weathering to a beautiful golden hue in the evening sun. The area was heavily treed in biblical times, but suffered severe deforestation during the first-century Roman siege of the city, and again in the Islamic period with the overgrazing by herds of black goats.
Name: Although some Chalcolithic evidence for settlement about 3200 BCE has been found, the earliest literary references to the city (called Rushalimum) appear in Egyptian Execration texts of the twentieth and nineteenth centuries BCE. The fourteenth-century BCE Amarna letters speak of Urusalim. Yerushalem was probably the original pronunciation in Hebrew, later modified to the dual form yerushalayyim. The name seems to mean “foundation of [the god] Shalem.” Shalem and his twin, Shahar, are known from Ugaritic texts as the gods of twilight and dawn, respectively. Scholarly opinion is divided over the identification of Melchizedek’s “Salem” with Jerusalem (Gen. 14:18; Ps. 76:2; Heb. 7:1; see also John 3:23).
Jebus, the city of the Jebusites, is known only from the Bible and seems to be identified with Jerusalem of the immediate pre-Israelite period through the time of David’s capture of the city ca. 1000 BCE. Some problems exist in this attribution, however. Zion is first mentioned as the citadel captured by David and renamed “City of David” (2 Sam. 5:6–7). It seems to have been extended in later parlance to refer to the Temple Mount and then to the entire city, particularly in a poetic sense. The erroneous attribution of the name to the western hill dates only from the Byzantine period.
History: A glimpse of the city’s actual history is first provided by the Amarna letters, six of which were written by the king of Jerusalem to the Egyptian pharaoh, attesting to his loyalty and begging for help against other Canaanite kings, Hapiru, and even the pharaoh’s Nubian garrison in the region. Pottery of the Middle and Late Bronze periods found in the surroundings shows commercial contacts with Egypt, Cyprus, and the Aegean.
The ethnic composition of Jerusalem of the Bronze Age is not totally clear. The king of the Amarna letters bears a Hurrian theophoric name, Abdi-hepa (“Servant of Hipa”), and writes in the Akkadian lingua franca of the day, but he betrays a West Semitic mother tongue akin to Hebrew. Josh. 10:5 refers to Adonizedek of Jerusalem as one of the “kings of the Amorites,” but 18:28 assigns hayyebusi (“the Jebusite city”), which is Jerusalem, to the tribe of Benjamin, an identification maintained in Judg. 19:10. Judg. 1:8 attributes an early total conquest and destruction of Jerusalem to the tribe of Judah, but the city reappears again as “Jebusite” in the days of David. The Jebusites survived in Jerusalem with Benjamin, intermarrying with Israelites (Judg. 1:21; 3:6). Ezek. 16:3 charges the city with mongrelized parentage: “Your father was an Amorite, and your mother a Hittite”; these sixth-century references may be pejorative reminiscences of fallen peoples, or they could represent genuine recollections of the origins of the Jerusalem population. When David conquered the city, he set aside the threshing floor of “the Araunah,” possibly the former Hurrian or Hittite ruler of the city (2 Sam. 24:16). Thus, the Jerusalem taken by David may have represented an enclave of Hittites/Hurrians remaining from the long-past Hittite Empire, who were ruling over a local Amorite population, increasingly isolated among the surrounding Israelites.
Jerusalem was taken for David by his uncle, Joab (2 Sam. 5:6–8; 1 Chron. 11:4–6), winning for the latter the position of commanding general of David’s armies from that time on. Seven years later, David transferred his capital from the Judahite town of Hebron to the more tribally neutral Jerusalem, whose citadel became known as the “City of David.” He engaged in rebuilding the Millo (possibly the terraces of the eastern slope) and constructed for himself a palace of Lebanon cedar.
Recognizing the need to centralize the Israelite identity of the fractious tribes around the monarchy, David brought to Jerusalem the ark of the covenant, the central pilgrimage shrine object and symbol of unity of all Israel. The city thus became the cultic as well as the political and military administrative center of the nation. As the royal court developed, it attracted the best talent from throughout the country for royal service as well as non-Israelite mercenaries (such as Uriah the Hittite), who owed their loyalty to David alone, not to a particular tribe. Indeed, it appears that the Jebusite urban establishment may have remained largely in place under David, with Zadok continuing as priest alongside the Aaronite Abiathar.
Solomon continued David’s policies, enjoying a time of relative international peace to consolidate his central power in Jerusalem. He undertook massive building projects in Jerusalem, concentrating for the first seven years on the temple north of the City of David and extending the acropolis to include the rise of the hill under today’s Haram es-Sharif. The next thirteen years saw the erection of his own palace complex between the new temple and the older City of David to the south as well as pagan temples across the Kidron for his wives. But the royal taxation and centralization of power in Jerusalem offended tribal sensibilities in the north, and the division of the kingdom after Solomon’s death (ca. 920 BCE) saw the city reduced to being the capital of only two tribal territories, Judah and Benjamin.
The temple remained the principal (and eventually exclusive) site of approved worship. Jehoshaphat established a royal court system centered in the city, and fortifications were strengthened repeatedly throughout the next three centuries. The Assyrian threat and actual destruction of the northern kingdom drove many refugees south in the eighth century BCE, leaving Hezekiah’s expanding Jerusalem effectively once again the capital of the remnants of the entire Israelite nation. For a short time Hezekiah was able to develop new strength in trade relations, but Sennacherib’s hostile approach (701 BCE) required new fortifications for the southwestern hill, strengthening of the Millo, and diversion of the Bilhon waters through a 1,700-foot tunnel under the City of David. Sennacherib took Lachish and most of the rest of Judah and laid siege to Jerusalem, but he apparently did not invade the latter city. Instead, he withdrew to Assyria, strengthening the idea of the divinely guaranteed impregnability of Jerusalem. Nonetheless, the city remained under Assyrian hegemony for almost another century, symbolized by the worship of Assyrian gods in the temple.
In the mid-seventh century, Manasseh again reinforced the citadel and built a new outer wall (2 Chron. 33:14). Josiah threw off the weakening Assyrian yoke, purged and renovated the temple, and purified the cult on the basis of a scroll (probably much of Deuteronomy) found in 622 BCE. Josiah was killed at Megiddo in a confrontation between Egypt and Babylon as they attempted to take advantage of the power vacuum following the collapse of Assyria. His successors were unable to keep the Babylonians at bay, however, and the city was destroyed and depopulated by Nebuchadnezzar in 587/6 BCE; for the next half century it lay in the desolation described so vividly in Lamentations.
With the fall of Babylon to the Persians in 539 BCE, Cyrus opened the way for exiles, including the Jews, to return to their various homelands, and small contingents of returnees began to move back into the ruins of the City of David. The first group, led by Prince Sheshbazzar, reestablished worship in 538 BCE. A second group, under Prince Zerubbabel and the high priest Joshua, and spurred on by the prophets Zechariah and Haggai, completed a modest rebuilding of the temple between 521 and 515 BCE.
The next light on the city comes with the arrival of Ezra the scribe and his returnees, probably in 458 BCE, and then with a new governor, Nehemiah, in 445 BCE. Although abortive attempts to repair the walls had been made since the original return, opposition from the surrounding peoples had prevented the Jerusalemites from achieving this symbol of independence. Nehemiah, however, completed walls around the much restricted area of the crest of the City of David and the temple in fifty-two days. His reform of Jewish marriages and enforced resettlement (Neh. 11:1) of one-tenth of the population inside the walls brought more economic and military security to the city. A number of structures and city gates are mentioned in Nehemiah, but only a few can be located with certainty. Nothing else is known of the city’s history for the next century, and the population must have been quite small.
In 332 BCE, Alexander the Great conquered Judah and Jerusalem as he moved through the Levant toward Egypt. With the division of Alexander’s empire among his generals, Jerusalem lay under generally benign Ptolemaic rule from 301 to 198 BCE. Political stability seems to have led to economic development and a significant increase in population. Nonetheless, the Jews welcomed the Seleucid Antiochus III after his conquest of the area, and a hellenization of the city began to gain momentum. The construction of a gymnasium in 175 BCE moved the city closer to becoming a Greek polis. Repairs to the temple and walls were aided by the authorities, and Jewish traditions were respected at first. But the royal appointment of Menelaus as high priest in 171 BCE, the looting of the temple by Antiochus IV Epiphanes, establishment of a foreign garrison in the Acra in 168 BCE, and the attempt to impose Greco-Syrian pagan worship in the temple incited a rebellion led by the priestly Hasmonean family. Judas Maccabeus took the city and cleansed the temple in 164 BCE (an event commemorated by the festival of Hanukkah), but was unable to dislodge the Syrian garrison in the Acra. Nonetheless, the city’s fortifications were strengthened under Judas and his brothers, and Simon finally expelled the Syrians and razed the hated Acra in 141 BCE.
Jerusalem prospered under the Hasmoneans (who assumed both high-priestly and royal prerogatives), growing in population and spreading again to the southwestern hill, which was enclosed within the “First Wall” by Simon and John Hyrcanus I. A treaty with Antiochus VII Sidetes traded the demolition of part of the fortifications for Seleucid recognition of the now sizable Hasmonean kingdom under John Hyrcanus I. The city began to grow rapidly, and a new section to the north was encircled by the “second wall” (although some scholars date this wall to the time of Herod the Great). A new aqueduct brought in water from the southern hills to meet the population’s increasing needs. A royal palace was constructed in the Upper City on a spur of the southwestern hill overlooking the Temple Mount. After the death of Queen Salome Alexandra in 67 BCE, a period of internecine warfare among the Hasmoneans permitted the Romans under Pompey to conquer Jerusalem in 63 BCE as they consolidated their control of the former Seleucid kingdom of Syria.
The Roman governor, Antipater the Idumean, repaired the walls in 48 BCE, and in 43 BCE named his sons Phasael and Herod, respectively, tetrarchs of Jerusalem and of Galilee. A Parthian invasion in 40 BCE incited a last Hasmonean revolt under Mattathias Antigonus. Phasael died, but Herod sought and obtained Roman sanction for his ambitions; the Senate named Herod king of the Jews and provided the military assistance necessary for the reconquest of the former Hasmonean territories by 37 BCE. Called “the Great” because of his many building projects both throughout his kingdom and elsewhere in the empire, Herod completely changed the face of Jerusalem into that of a typical classical city. This involved the adaptation of an older Hasmonean fortress into the Antonia (named for Herod’s patron, Marc Antony), the reconstruction of three massive towers in the Citadel (named “Phasael” for his brother, “Mariamne” for his wife, and “Hippicus” for a friend), the building of a royal palace on the southwestern hill adjacent to the present Jerusalem citadel, and, above all, the massive renovation and expansion of the temple. An improved water supply system included aqueducts from the higher hills to the south and reservoirs within and around the city. Herod seems to have followed, at least in part, a Hippodamian grid for his extensions of the city; and the historian Josephus speaks of a hippodrome and theater, but their locations have not yet been discovered. The beautification of the city made it that much more appealing to pilgrims, who came in tens of thousands for the major holy days.
After Herod’s death in 4 BCE, rule of Judea and Jerusalem passed to his son, the ethnarch Archelaus, but ten years later, he was exiled to Gaul by the Romans, and governors (procurators or prefects) were assigned to the province. The Gospels record the trial and crucifixion of Jesus in Jerusalem under Pontius Pilate (Matt. 27; Mark 15; Luke 23; John 18–19). The first few chapters of the book of Acts record the life of the early Christian church in Jerusalem under the leadership of James, the brother of Jesus. The Gospel of Luke and the book of Acts display particular interest in Jerusalem: in the Gospel of Luke, the city is the goal of a ten-chapter journey of Jesus and his disciples (9:51–19:44); and in Acts, the Christian mission to the ends of the earth begins in Jerusalem (1:8; cf. Matt. 28:16–20, where the mission to all nations appears to begin in Galilee). It is only John’s Gospel, however, that portrays Jesus as traveling to Jerusalem multiple times during his adult ministry (cf. 2:13; 5:1; 10:22–23; 12:12).
The relationship between Jews and Roman authorities always carried a degree of tension. Under Gessius Florus, that tension exploded in Caesarea Maritima in 66 CE and then spread to Jerusalem. After the Roman Twelfth Legion and its auxiliaries were severely defeated by the Jews, the “Third Wall,” well to the north of the city, was hastily erected in anticipation of a siege by Vespasian’s Romans. Vespasian had been named emperor after his successful campaign in Galilee, so it was his son Titus who arrived in early 70 CE to lay siege to Jerusalem. The Romans breached the new north wall in May and took the Antonia in July, the temple area in August, and the remainder of the city in September. Titus destroyed most of the city, sparing only the three towers of the Citadel area to provide protection for the Tenth Legion, which remained stationed there for the next several centuries. The city was largely abandoned, and even the Sanhedrin moved to Jamnia near the coast.
News that the emperor Hadrian planned to settle a Roman colony on the site of Jerusalem provoked a second revolt of the Jews, this time under Bar Kochba in 131 CE. The uprising was put down in 135 CE, and Hadrian proceeded to rebuild the city as Aelia Capitolina, named for his own family and for Jupiter Capitolinus. A Roman temple was built on the Temple Mount. “All circumcised persons” (i.e., principally Jews) were forbidden even to enter the territory of Aelia Capitolina.
The later history of the city is beyond the scope of this article, but a short outline may be given:
| 135–323 | Roman pagan rule of the small town Aelia Capitolina |
| 323–638 | Byzantine Christian rule: significant development |
| (614–628 | Persian invasion and interregnum) |
| 638–1099 | Early Islamic period: economic decline |
| 1099–1187 | Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem under the Crusaders |
| 1187–1291 | Alternating Crusader and Muslim rule |
| 1291–1517 | Ayyubid/Mamluk rule: Islamic construction |
| 1517–1917 | Ottoman Turkish rule: return of Jews |
| 1917–1948 | British Mandate from League of Nations: growth |
| 1948–1967 | City divided between Israel and Jordan |
| 1967– | City reunited under Israel: significant growth |
Archaeology: Modern systematic study of Jerusalem began in the nineteenth century with the observations of the American scholar Edward Robinson. Robinson’s reports inspired two expeditions sponsored by the British Palestine Exploration Fund, those under Charles Wilson and Charles Warren. Construction projects brought to light various ancient remains over the next several decades, such as the so-called Lithostratos under the convent of the Sisters of Zion (now identified as pavement of a Hadrianic forum). Systematic excavations were undertaken on the southeastern spur by the Parker and Macalister expeditions early in the twentieth century, and there and elsewhere by Kathleen Kenyon in the 1960s. But the real explosion of archaeological work came after the Six-Day War in 1967 left the Old City under Israeli control. Possibly no other city in the world has been excavated so extensively as Jerusalem since 1967. Only the Haram es-Sharif (the Herodian Temple Mount platform) remains untouched by archaeologists.
South and southwest of the Temple Mount, Benjamin Mazar uncovered massive Umayyad palaces and hostels built over Byzantine-period homes. Below these were the Herodian structures associated with the construction and situating of the temple platform: the Huldah Gates, the stairway from “Robinson’s Arch,” the paved street descending the Tyropoeon Valley, shops, etc. A clear image of this part of Herodian Jerusalem has been pieced together. Ninth-century BCE tombs, a plastered cistern, and a large building bear witness to Judahite Jerusalem. A structure just to the south of the Huldah Gates may be the Syrian Acra built by Antiochus IV Epiphanes, although this is still disputed by many scholars.
On the western hill, Nachman Avigad excavated the old Jewish Quarter, abandoned from 1948 to 1967, discovering the colonnaded Byzantine cardo maximus (main north–south street) and the foundations and cistern of Justinian’s Nea church, just as depicted in the Medeba Map. Several affluent homes of Herodian Jerusalem were found. A “broad wall,” other structures, and pottery bear witness to the expansion of the walls of Jerusalem in the eighth century BCE under the Assyrian threat. Hasmonean engineers had later worked their fortifications into the remnants of the earlier walls.
Yigal Shiloh picked up where Kenyon had left off in the City of David, establishing more accurate dating for earlier discoveries and discerning some twenty-five occupational strata from the Chalcolithic through the medieval periods. The Gihon water systems were clarified, remains of monarchy-period houses were found, and a large stepped-stone structure was reinterpreted as part of the retaining wall/platform of a tenth-century BCE acropolis—David’s stronghold.
Other excavations in the Jerusalem Citadel near the Jaffa Gate have confirmed the Iron Age II expansion of the city to the western hill. First Temple period tombs have been found in Silwan, a village across the Kidron Valley from the City of David, in the Valley of Hinnom, and north of the Damascus Gate. Second Temple period tombs and those of later periods have long been known on the Mount of Olives and elsewhere around Jerusalem. Excavations under the Church of the Holy Sepulchre have confirmed that the area was an ancient quarry reused as a cemetery in the first century CE. To the south of Jerusalem, an ossuary in a burial cave of the first century CE was found in 1990 with two inscriptions reading jehosef bar ca(i)fa, “Joseph son of Caiaphas,” quite possibly the high priest at the time of Jesus’s crucifixion. Work along the “Third Wall” north of the Old City has brought a growing consensus that recognizes its correspondence to the description by Josephus.
| THE CENTRALITY OF JERUSALEM IN LUKE-ACTS | |
| Gospel of Luke | |
| 1:5–8 | The story opens in Jerusalem (in the temple). |
| 2:22–38 | Jesus brought to Jerusalem as a baby. |
| 2:41–50 | Jesus in Jerusalem at age twelve. |
| 9:51–19:40 | Ten-chapter journey to Jerusalem (9:51, 53; 13:22; 17:11; 18:31; 19:11, 28). |
| 19:41–44 | Jesus weeps over Jerusalem (also 13:33–35). |
| 24:41–43 | Resurrection appearances in and around Jerusalem (24:13, 18, 33). |
| 24:47 | Mission to all nations begins with Jerusalem. |
| 24:49 | Jesus tells disciples, “Stay in Jerusalem.” |
| 24:52–53 | Story closes in Jerusalem (in the temple). |
| See also 5:17; 6:17; 9:31; 10:30; 13:4; 21:20, 24; 23:28. | |
| Acts of the Apostles | |
| 1:4 | Jesus orders disciples not to leave Jerusalem. |
| 1:8 | Mission to ends of the earth begins in Jerusalem. |
| 1:12–26 | Believers gather for prayer and planning in Jerusalem. |
| 2:1–4 | Holy Spirit comes to 120 believers in Jerusalem. |
| 2:4–47 | The Jerusalem church is an ideal community (also 4:32–37). |
| 2:5–41 | Peter preaches to residents of Jerusalem; 3,000 are saved. |
| 3:1–8:1 | Five chapters on church in Jerusalem (4:5, 16; 5:16, 28; 6:7). |
| 8:14–25 | Samaritan mission receives endorsement of Jerusalem church. |
| 9:27–30 | Conversion of Paul recognized by the Jerusalem church. |
| 11:1–18 | Peter reports to Jerusalem concerning baptism of Gentiles. |
| 11:19–26 | Jerusalem church sends Barnabas to check on Gentile mission in Antioch. |
| 11:27–30 | Antioch Christians fund relief ministry for Jerusalem (also 12:25). |
| 15:1–29 | Jerusalem Council decides controversy over Gentile conversions. |
| 16:4 | Paul promulgates decision of Jerusalem Council. |
| 18:22 | Paul reports back to Jerusalem after second missionary journey. |
| 21:17 | Paul reports back to Jerusalem after third missionary journey. |
| 21:27–23:11 | Paul arrested and put on trial in Jerusalem. |
| See also 8:27; 9:2, 13, 21; 10:39; 13:13, 27, 31; 19:21; 20:16, 22; 21:4–13; 25:1, 3, 7, 9, 15, 20, 24; 26:4, 10, 20; 28:17. | |
| From Mark Allan Powell, Introducing the New Testament (courtesy, Baker Academic) | |
As a Symbol: From the time of David’s construction of the altar on the threshing floor and Solomon’s building of the temple, Jerusalem has been the primary center of the religious universe of the Jewish people. The destruction of the first temple by the Babylonians in 587/6 BCE evoked a national consciousness among the exiles that centered on restoration of the temple and renewal of Jewish life in the city and the land. The book of Ezekiel idealized a rebuilt temple as the place of God’s presence to his people. The sanctity of the site was enhanced by its identification in 2 Chron. 3:1 with the mountain of “the Moriah,” the site of Abraham’s abortive sacrifice of Isaac. Defilement of the temple by Antiochus IV Epiphanes led to the successful Maccabean revolt. Herod rebuilt it to be the most magnificent structure in the Roman world, and even Titus deliberated on how to save it from destruction in his siege. Hadrian’s plans for a pagan temple on the site (intended to obliterate the memories and hopes of Jewish worship there) provoked Bar Kochba’s unsuccessful revolt, but even the ensuing exclusion of Jews from the city and surroundings did not diminish its importance to them. The Mishnah preserved real and idealized descriptions of the temple and its ceremonies, and the orientation of synagogues always allowed the congregation to face toward Jerusalem during prayer.
Idealization of the city of Jerusalem as such occurs in the exilic and postexilic prophets (e.g., Isa. 44:26–28; 62:1–12). The apocalyptic mind-set, increasingly frustrated with the cognitive dissonance between prophetic idealism and reality, began to make a distinction between an earthly Jerusalem and a heavenly one. In Gal. 4:22–31, Paul develops an allegory, equating the slave woman Hagar with Mount Sinai (i.e., the law) and the contemporary Jerusalem, but the free woman, mother of Christians, with the Jerusalem above. The author of Rev. 21:9–22:5 draws heavily upon the new temple imagery in Ezek. 40–48 to describe the “holy city Jerusalem coming down out of heaven from God.” The “New Jerusalem” has ever since remained a Christian symbol of God’s ultimate saving power.
See also Assyria, Empire of; Babylon; Cyrus II; David, City of; Gihon; Herod; Hezekiah; Hinnom, Valley of; Jebus; Kidron; Maccabees; Moriah; Olives, Mount of; Ophel; Siloam Inscription; temple, the; Zion.
Bibliography
Asali, A. J., ed. Jerusalem in History. Olive Branch, 1990.
Purvis, James D. Jerusalem, The Holy City: A Bibliography. 2 vols. American Theological Library Association/Scarecrow, 1988–91.
Stern, Ephraim, ed. “Jerusalem.” The New Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land. Vol. 2. Israel Exploration Society and Carta, 1993.
C.H.M.
Jerusalem Council, also called the apostolic council, a meeting of early Christian leaders to discuss the proposal that Gentile converts to the faith should become circumcised and keep Jewish law if they wish to be saved (Acts 15:1–35). The council appears to have been prompted by the success converting Gentiles that marked Paul and Barnabas’s first missionary journey (13:1–14:28). At the council, Peter gave a report concerning the conversion of the Gentile Cornelius (15:7–11), and James the brother of Jesus proposed that Gentile converts should not have to be circumcised, but should agree to keep certain aspects of the law that would facilitate fellowship with Jewish believers (15:13–21). The council agreed with this proposal and drafted a letter to be distributed to all of the churches (15:22–29; cf. 21:25). The contents of that letter, however, do not appear to have remained determinative for the church’s ongoing mission; neither the letter nor its stipulations concerning Gentile behavior are mentioned in any other NT document. There has been considerable discussion, however, as to whether Paul’s description of a Jerusalem meeting in his letter to the Galatians should be understood as a reference to the Jerusalem Council (1:18–19; 2:1–10). If so, there appear to be numerous discrepancies between Paul’s firsthand account of the meeting and the account provided in the book of Acts. Some scholars, accordingly, believe that Galatians was written prior to the Jerusalem Council and that Paul was referring to some earlier meeting.
M.A.P.
Jeshaiah (ji-shay′yuh; Heb., “the LORD saves”).
1 A Judahite, the grandson of Zerubbabel; he belonged to the royal lineage of the kings of Judah (1 Chron. 3:21).
2 A levitical musician belonging to the Jeduthun group; head of the eighth course of musicians (1 Chron. 25:3, 15).
3 A Levite who shared the responsibility of keeping the temple treasures (1 Chron. 26:25).
4 The son of Athaliah; a leader of the Elam group who returned from the Babylonian exile with Ezra (Ezra 8:7).
5 A Levite of the Merarite group who joined Ezra at the Ahava River to return to Jerusalem from Babylon (Ezra 8:19).
6 A descendant of Benjamin who moved to Jerusalem during the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 11:7).
D.R.B.
Jeshanah (jesh′uh-nuh; Heb., “old”), a city on the border of Judah and Israel, probably modern Burj el-Isaneh about six miles southeast of Shiloh. Its capture by Abijah in his war with Jeroboam I is related in 2 Chron. 13:19.
Jeshimon (ji-shi′mon; Heb., “desert,” “barren waste”). The Hebrew word that is sometimes rendered as the proper name Jeshimon is also sometimes translated “a barren wilderness” (cf. Deut. 32:10; Ps. 107:4). Indeed, that seems to be the meaning in the majority of uses, but there are a few instances in the Bible where the word does appear to indicate a specific geographic location. Thus, the NRSV use Jeshimon as a place-name in 1 Sam. 23:19, 24; 26:1–3. It refers here to a region in the hill country of Judah into which David fled from Saul. Other locations mentioned in this account (Maon, Ziph, En-gedi) indicate that Jeshimon should be identified with the eastern section of the Judean hill country, an area between Hebron and the Dead Sea, elsewhere called the Wilderness of Judah (e.g., Josh. 1:16). The KJV also uses Jeshimon in Num. 21:20; 23:28 (NRSV: “the wasteland”) to refer to an area of the Jordan Valley northeast of the Dead Sea (the Plains of Moab) overlooked by Mount Pisgah (perhaps Nebo) and Mount Peor. There may be some connection between this latter area and the Moabite settlement of Beth-jeshimoth (Num. 33:49). See also Beth-jeshimoth; Maon.
Jeshua (jesh′yoo-uh; Heb., “the LORD is salvation”), the Aramaic form of Joshua.
1 A Levite, the head of the ninth division of priests (1 Chron. 24:11).
2 A priest who shared the responsibility for distributing the Levites’ portion of the offerings to the levitical cities during the reign of Hezekiah (2 Chron. 31:15).
3 The son of Jozadak (Jehozadak) and a priest and family leader who, along with Zerubbabel, led the return of a group of exiles from the Babylonian exile (ca. 521 BCE; Ezra 2:2; Neh. 7:7). He worked closely with Zerubbabel in reestablishing the worship of God in Jerusalem, first building an altar and reinstating sacrificial worship (Ezra 3:1–5) and then, with the encouragement of the prophet Haggai (1:1–11), helping to organize the rebuilding of the temple (3:8–9; 5:2). He is referred to as the high priest by Haggai (1:1) and Zechariah (6:11), both of whom call him Joshua. He was the father of Joiakim, who probably succeeded him as high priest (Neh. 12:10–12). In Zeh. 3:1–10, Jeshua (called Joshua) is the representative of Israel whose exchange of “filthy garments” for “rich apparel” symbolizes, not only the cleansing and reinstatement of the priesthood (3:7), but also atonement for the people’s sins through the suffering of the exile (3:4; cf. Jer. 32:36–44). To him was given the announcement of the coming of God’s servant, “the Branch,” and of God’s intention to remove the guilt from the land (3:8–9). In another vision (Zeh. 6:10–15), he is given a crown and is equated with the Branch; however, most scholars recognize a textual error here (in 6:11) and think that Zerubbabel should be read in place of Joshua (i.e., Jeshua).
4 The ancestor of a group known as the “house of Jeshua” to which belonged the family group of Jedaiah who returned from the exile with Zerubbabel (Ezra 2:36).
5 The ancestor of a family belonging to the Pahath-moab group who also returned from exile (Ezra 2:6).
6 The ancestor of a family of Levites who returned from exile (Ezra 2:40).
7 A Levite, the father of Jozabad, and one who helped inventory the valuables brought back by the returning exiles (Ezra 8:33).
8 An official of the district of Mizpah who helped rebuild the walls of postexilic Jerusalem (Neh. 3:19).
9 A Levite who helped explain the law read by Ezra to the people (Neh. 8:7); he is probably the same Levite who returned from the exile with Zerubbabel (12:8), took part in the covenant-renewal ceremonies (9:4–5), and signed the covenant (10:9). He is possibly also the same as the son of Kadmiel who was a levitical leader under the priest Joiakim (12:24).
10 A name occurring once for Joshua the son of Nun (Neh. 8:17).
11 A town settled by Judahites following the exile (Neh. 11:26). Its location is suggested by some as modern Tel es-Sawa, about nine miles east of Beer-sheba.
Jeshurun (jesh′uh-ruhn), a poetic title in Hebrew for the people of Israel (Deut. 32:15; 33:5, 26), with the symbolic meaning of “upright one” (Isa. 44:2).
Jesse (jes′ee), the father of King David. According to the tradition of the book of Ruth (4:17–22). Jesse was the grandson of Boaz and Ruth. He was a prosperous farmer who could afford to send gifts to Saul (1 Sam. 16:20). Jesse is also mentioned in the prophecies of Isaiah, which refer to the house of David (11:1, 10). He is listed in the NT as an ancestor of Jesus (Matt. 1:5–6; Luke 3:22).
JESUS CHRIST is the central figure of the NT: every book is written because of him and, in some sense, about him. Within the NT itself, he is spoken of in two distinct ways.
(1) The NT describes and reflects upon a man named Jesus who lived in Galilee and was eventually crucified in Jerusalem; although this person seems to have been called simply “Jesus” or “Jesus of Nazareth” during his life on earth, he came to be called Jesus Christ by Christians who placed their faith in him. He was revered by NT authors, not only because his life and teaching were thought to present a supreme revelation of God’s will (or indeed of God’s very being), but also because his death and resurrection were held to represent God’s saving act for sinful humanity. His name (Jesus) and his title (Christ) bear witness to that saving act. The name “Jesus” is derived from a Hebrew word that means “savior” (see Matt. 1:21), and the title “Christ” (Heb., “messiah”) means “anointed” and refers to one commissioned by God for a special task.
(2) The NT also speaks of Jesus Christ as an exalted, eternal figure who existed prior to creation and who now continues to reign from heaven, seated at the right hand of God and dwelling also in the hearts of those who believe in him. The NT authors would have maintained the unity of this figure with the earthly one; they would have insisted that the earthly and exalted figures were the same Jesus. Still, a distinction is often evident. In Matthew’s Gospel, Jesus tells his disciples in one passage that he will not always be with them (26:20) and in another passage tells these same disciples, “I will be with you always” (28:20). Scholars say that the author of Matthew’s Gospel believed the eternal, exalted Jesus (sometimes called the “post-Easter Jesus”) would remain present in a way that the earthly, historical figure (the “pre-Easter Jesus”) would not.
The Earthly (Pre-Easter) Jesus in the NT: The NT Gospels refer to Jesus consistently as being a Jew from Nazareth, a small village in the province of Galilee. He is also said, however, to have been born in Bethlehem, and his birth is described as a miraculous occurrence. His mother, Mary, conceived him in her womb while she was yet a virgin, betrothed or engaged to Joseph, who nevertheless took her as his wife. He was thus raised as the son of Joseph and Mary and is said to have had several brothers and sisters. Jesus is depicted as a Jewish peasant (or possibly an artisan) who worked as a tekt–on, some sort of carpenter, builder, or construction worker. Almost nothing is said about his early life, though some process of education is implied by the fact that, as an adult, he is described as being able to read and familiar with the scriptures. Nothing is said of his marital status, which probably means that he is to be regarded as a single adult, committed (possibly for religious reasons) to a life of celibacy (cf. Matt. 19:12).
The NT focuses primarily on the last year or years of Jesus’s life. He was baptized by John the Baptist, a preacher of repentance who is presented as someone who modeled his ministry after prophets like Elijah. Then Jesus began a public ministry of his own, traveling throughout the villages of Galilee, teaching, preaching, and healing. He called disciples to follow him and chose twelve of those disciples to constitute an inner circle of followers patterned after the twelve tribes of Israel. Certain facets of his ministry are especially noteworthy. (1) It was an itinerant ministry. Whereas John the Baptist preached in the wilderness, expecting the crowds to come out to hear him, Jesus preached on the road, taking his message to different groups as he and his disciples moved from place to place (cf. Matt. 8:20). (2) It was a rural ministry. Although there were large cities in Galilee (Caesarea, Sepphoris, Tiberias), Jesus is never said to visit any of these; the focus of his ministry was villages and market towns, places like Bethsaida and Capernaum. He is often pictured as ministering to people in outdoor settings (e.g., beside the Sea of Galilee). (3) It was a Jewish ministry. Despite occasional encounters with Gentiles or Samaritans, the ministry of Jesus was primarily directed to Jews and conducted in terms that would be meaningful to Jewish people. He frequently taught in synagogues, he quoted from the Jewish scriptures, and he discussed such topics as how the Torah might be best observed and how the writings of Hebrew prophets were fulfilled. Thus, the NT presents Jesus as a Jewish peasant who assumed the roles of rabbi and prophet on behalf of other Jewish peasants in Galilee during the rule of Herod Antipas. The most prominent phase of his ministry, furthermore, occurred just after Herod had John the Baptist arrested (see Mark 1:14).
With regard to content, the most prominent topic addressed by Jesus in the NT is the imminence and certainty of God’s rule. Jesus often uses the phrase “kingdom of God” to describe the sphere of God’s influence and power, a phenomenon that cannot be restricted by time and space. According to Jesus, the kingdom of God (which might also be translated “rule of God” or “reign of God”) is not just in heaven or in the future; it is a reality to be experienced here and now. When Jesus says, “the kingdom of God has come near” (Mark 1:15), he means something like, “God is ready and willing to rule people’s lives—right here, right now.” But that is not all there is to it; the kingdom also has a future dimension, and the NT presents Jesus as speaking of this as well. There will be a final judgment at which Jesus himself will preside and human beings will either be granted access to eternal bliss or condemned to everlasting punishment depending on their status relative to God and to Jesus himself. Jesus indicates that the blessings of the future kingdom are for those who believe in him and who are faithful to him in word and deed.
The overall emphasis on God’s presence and power has numerous implications. Thus, other prominent themes in Jesus’s teaching and preaching include: (1) a call to uncompromising allegiance to God and absolute trust in God; (2) a promise of forgiveness that leads to the reconciliation of sinners and the inclusion of those who are easily marginalized or rejected by society; (3) a reassessment of certain legal interpretations, particularly those deemed burdensome or viewed as fostering elitism; (4) a radical “love ethic” that declares love for God and neighbor to be a synopsis of all God’s demands and that urges people to love everyone, even their enemies; and (5) a reversal of conventional value judgments that insists God favors the poor over the rich and the meek over the powerful, with the obvious corollary that those who wish to please God should humble themselves through voluntary poverty and service.
The NT also presents Jesus as teaching about himself—about his identity as one who has a unique relationship with God—and as speaking proleptically about matters that would be of concern to Christians in the life of the early church (e.g., Matt. 18:15–18). He often refers to himself in the third person as the “Son of Man,” and he also wants to be identified (at least privately) as the Messiah and the Son of God. In general, he seems to indicate that the possibility and necessity of living under God’s rule is a new reality, one that is now available because of him: he is the mediator through whom people experience the power and presence of God’s rule.
The style or conduct of Jesus’s ministry is also noteworthy. He is especially fond of telling parables, though he also uses proverbs, aphorisms, and other memorable forms of speech associated with the Jewish wisdom tradition. In addition, he is depicted as performing what might be called “prophetic acts” (unconventional public displays intended to make a particular point). Isaiah walked about naked for three years to illustrate the shame that would come upon Israel when the nation was taken into exile (Isa. 20:3); Jeremiah wore a yoke (Jer. 27:1–7) and broke a pot (19:1–3). Prophetic acts attributed to Jesus include dining with tax collectors (Mark 2:15–17), riding into Jerusalem on a donkey (11:1–10), and overturning tables of money changers in the temple court (11:15–17).
Another prominent aspect of Jesus’s ministry in the NT is his regular practice of healing the sick. He cleanses lepers; he makes the mute speak, the deaf hear, and the blind see; he enables the lame or paralyzed to walk. Often these healings are performed through acts of exorcism. People suffer various afflictions because they are possessed by demons, but when Jesus forces the evil spirits to leave, the people are instantly cured. Jesus says that he is able to do this because the kingdom of God has come (Matt. 12:28); thus his healings and exorcisms also become prophetic acts, illustrating his central message about the presence and power of God’s rule. In a few cases, he even restores dead people to life. He also works what are sometimes called “nature miracles,” doing things that would typically be impossible for a human being: he walks on water, he multiplies a limited quantity of food, he changes water into wine, he controls the weather, he withers a fig tree. To the extent that these miracles are prophetic acts, they serve to illustrate the power of faith in God (see Matt. 14:28–31; Mark 11:21–24); sometimes they also seem to carry symbolic meaning (e.g., water being changed to wine symbolizes a transformation from mundane life to abundant life).
In any case, Jesus’s ministry brings him into conflict with the religious leaders of Israel. They are described as disagreeing with him over matters related to legal interpretation (e.g., sabbath regulations; criteria for divorce) and the appropriate practice of piety (e.g., fasting, ritual handwashings, almsgiving, the wearing of phylacteries). According to the NT, these leaders are jealous of Jesus’s popularity with the people, and they are scandalized by his public fellowship with sinners; they are also offended by his claim to speak with a divine authority that trumps their judgments. But Jesus finds them offensive as well: he regards them as casuistic fools, insincere hypocrites, or pompous paragons of self-righteousness—and he denounces them publicly in precisely those terms.
The career of the earthly Jesus comes to a climax when he is arrested in Jerusalem on what the NT presents as trumped-up charges. He seeks to prepare his disciples for this trauma by displaying foreknowledge of what is going to occur, predicting exactly what will happen, and observing a final meal with his followers replete with last words and advice for them to follow in the days to come. His death is presented in the NT as a result of collaborative evil: high-ranking Jewish opponents want him out of the way, and they manipulate a predictably unjust Roman ruler, Pontius Pilate, into commanding the torture and execution of a man he knows to be innocent. Even Jesus’s disciples contribute to his disgraceful demise, as one of them betrays him, all of them desert him, and his right-hand man (Peter) denies that he even knows who Jesus is. Nailed to a cross, Jesus suffers and dies; his body is placed in a tomb donated by a sympathetic member of the Jewish elite. Then, just as he predicted, he rises from the dead and appears to a number of his followers.
The Earthly (Pre-Easter) Jesus in Individual Books: No one book of the NT contains all of the data pertinent to Jesus provided in the foregoing sketch, and it is unlikely that any one NT author would have known or believed everything about Jesus that is offered there. Each individual author presents a distinctive portrait of the earthly Jesus; thus it is customary for NT scholars to speak of “Matthew’s Jesus” (or the “Matthean Jesus”), “Mark’s Jesus” or (the “Markan Jesus”), etc. For example, in the Gospel of Matthew, Jesus does not ask for information from his disciples or other people. In Mark’s Gospel, Jesus asks his disciples things like: “How many loaves have you?” (6:38) and “What are you arguing about?” (9:16). The stories in which these questions occur are found in Matthew’s Gospel also (see 14:16–18; 17:14–16), but in Matthew the stories are told in such a way that no questions are asked (Matthew also omits the questions that Jesus asks in Mark 5:9, 30; 8:23; 9:12, 21, 33; 10:3; 14:14). This is probably because the author of Matthew’s Gospel had an understanding of Jesus as a man so possessed with divine insight and knowledge that he would not need to ask such questions—but the author of Mark’s Gospel clearly did not think of Jesus in those terms. Likewise, the author of Mark’s Gospel often attributes emotions to Jesus (“pity” in 1:41; “anger” in 3:5; “sadness” in 3:5; “wonder” in 6:6; “indignation” in 10:14; “love” in 10:21), but these are characteristically absent from parallel stories in both Matthew and Luke. Mark has no problem portraying the earthly Jesus as unable to do certain things (6:5), but such statements are never made about Jesus in Matthew or Luke (cf. Matt. 13:58; Luke 4:16–30). Both Matthew and Luke avoid stories about Jesus in which his healings employ techniques associated with folk magic (cf. Mark 7:31–37; 8:22–26), and Luke seems to shy away from stories that depict Jesus as behaving in a capriciously angry or violent manner (cf. 19:45–46; Mark 11:12–25). Matthew portrays Jesus as defending the eternal validity of Torah (5:17–19), while Mark presents Jesus as abolishing dietary regulations by declaring all foods to be clean (7:19; cf. Matt. 15:17). In Matthew and Luke, Jesus is miraculously born to a virgin, but there is no hint of that in the Gospel of Mark.
The Gospel of John presents a portrait of the earthly Jesus noticeably different from that of all three Synoptic Gospels. Here there are no stories of Jesus’s birth or baptism, no mention of his being tempted by Satan, and no account of his transfiguration. He is not said to eat with tax collectors and sinners, nor does he offer any condemnations of the rich or words about helping the poor. He says nothing about loving one’s neighbor (or one’s enemy), nor does he call people to repent or instruct his disciples to deny themselves or renounce their possessions. He does not predict the downfall of Jerusalem (but cf. 2:19–22), and he almost never mentions the kingdom of God (only in 3:3–5; cf. 18:36) or his Second Coming (only once, in 21:22–23). He tells no parables and performs no exorcisms. There is no mention of him instituting the Lord’s Supper (but cf. 6:53–56). Instead, John’s Gospel portrays Jesus as the Word of God come to earth in human form (1:1, 18), as the divine Son sent by the Father to reveal God to humanity. His teaching takes the form of lengthy philosophical discourses, and the main topic of his speech is his own person and mission.
The Historical Jesus: It is generally recognized that the NT documents were written “from faith for faith”; i.e., these documents were written by people who believed in Jesus Christ and who wanted to promote the faith they had in him. Scholars, however, often want to use the NT documents (especially the Gospels) as historical resources for determining what can be affirmed about Jesus apart from any particular religious conviction. Such an enterprise involves patient analysis of the Gospel traditions that seeks to determine which portions of what is reported might be the earliest (and least developed) material and which might be the most free of theological bias. In addition, a historical understanding of Jesus involves comprehension of archaeological data and of nonbiblical writings that illuminate the world in which Jesus lived, the Jewish milieu within which he operated, and the culture of the early Christian movement that preserved traditions concerning him.
This historical approach to Jesus is by nature skeptical. Historians generally recognize that Jesus said and did many things (including matters that might be mentioned in the NT) that cannot be confirmed through historical science. For example, historians are not usually willing to accept allegations that people performed miracles or other supernatural feats that would defy known laws of science. In addition, they are cautious about accepting unsubstantiated reports from authors who are reporting things that would have helped to promote their particular cause. Thus, when the Gospels of Matthew and Luke both report that Jesus (who was usually said to be from Nazareth) was actually born in Bethlehem, this is regarded as historically suspect, because Christians would have wanted people to believe this about Jesus—a birth in Bethlehem would help to boost his credentials as the Jewish Messiah, who was expected to be born there (see Matt. 2:4–6; cf. Mic. 5:2).
The outcome of historical study on Jesus varies broadly from one scholar to another, but the most widely accepted version of a historically reasonable portrait of Jesus derives from the account of Jesus’s life and ministry as presented in the Gospel of Mark (stripped of supernatural elements), combined with the tradition of sayings attributed to Jesus in material assigned to the Q source (i.e., material that is almost identical in Matthew and Luke, but that is not found in Mark; on this, see Q; Synoptic Problem). Some scholars are much more generous than others in recognizing the historical plausibility of material found elsewhere (e.g., the Gospel of John), but even the portrait built from material in Mark and Q is subject to intense scrutiny. There are three often disputed aspects regarding the historicity of this “Mark- and Q-based Jesus.” The first is the question of Jesus’s self-understanding. Did he think he was the Messiah, Son of Man, or Son of God, or are his self-claims to such status retrojections of the early church? The second is the question of Jesus’s eschatology, or vision of the future. Did he believe the end of the world was imminent or that the kingdom of God was about to come in some dramatic, climactic fashion? Had he spiritualized this notion into an ethical recognition of God’s influence in the present? Do the seemingly contradictory NT texts on this matter derive from Jesus’s own inconsistent or paradoxical perspective, or does one set of texts (the “present kingdom” ones or the “future kingdom” ones) derive from Jesus and the other set from his later followers? And the third aspect is the question of Jesus’s political understanding and goals. What did he hope to accomplish for Israel, and what was his stance toward Roman imperialism?
| IMAGES AND TITLES FOR JESUS CHRIST |
| Advocate 1 John 2:1 |
| Alpha and Omega Rev. 21:6 |
| Apostle Heb. 3:1 |
| Author of Life Acts 3:15 |
| Bread of Life John 5:35 |
| Bridegroom Mark 2:19–20 |
| Brother Matt. 25:40 |
| Chief Cornerstone Eph. 2:20 |
| Chief Shepherd 1 Pet. 5:4 |
| Christ (Messiah) Mark 8:29 |
| Emmanuel Matt. 1:23 |
| Firstborn from Col. 1:18 the dead |
| Firstborn of Col. 1:15 creation |
| Friend John 15:13–15 |
| The Gate John 10:7 |
| God Titus 2:13 |
| Good Shepherd John 10:11 |
| Guarantee Heb. 7:22 |
| Head of the body Col. 1:18 |
| Heir Heb. 1:2 |
| High Priest Heb. 3:1 |
| Holy One of God Mark 1:24 |
| Image of God Col. 1:15 |
| Judge Acts 10:42 |
| King Matt. 25:40 |
| King of Kings Rev. 19:16 |
| Lamb of God John 1:29 |
| The Life John 14:6 |
| Light of the World John 9:5 |
| Lion of Judah Rev. 5:5 |
| Lord Rom. 10:9 |
| Lord of Glory 1 Cor. 2:8 |
| Lord of Lords Rev. 19:16 |
| Master Luke 17:13 |
| Mediator 1 Tim. 2:5 |
| Minister Heb. 8:2 |
| Morning Star Rev. 22:16 |
| Perfecter of faith Heb. 12:2 |
| Our peace Eph. 2:14 |
| Pioneer Heb. 12:2 |
| Prophet Luke 13:33 |
| Rabbi John 3:2 |
| The Resurrection John 11:25 |
| Root of David Rev. 5:5 |
| Root of Jesse Rom. 18:8–12 |
| Sanctifier Heb. 2:11 |
| Savior Luke 2:11 |
| Savior of the World John 4:42 |
| Second Adam Rom. 12:5–19 |
| Servant Mark 10:45 |
| Spirit Acts 16:7 |
| Son of Abraham Matt. 1:1 |
| Son of David Matt. 9:27 |
| Son of God John 20:31 |
| Son of Man Matt. 20:28 |
| Teacher John 13:13 |
| The Truth John 14:6 |
| The Vine John 15:5 |
| The Way John 14:6 |
| The Word John 1:1 |
| From Mark Allan Powell, Introducing the New Testament (courtesy, Baker Academic) |
The Exalted (Post-Easter) Jesus in the NT: All of the above is concerned with the earthly figure of Jesus, the man who lived in Galilee (and, so, is subject to historical investigation). But, as indicated at the outset of this entry, the NT also devotes a great deal of attention to Jesus as a figure who continues to be active in human lives, even though he is no longer physically present on earth. In fact, the NT generally presents “being a Christian” as a matter of being in a living relationship with Jesus Christ, a relationship that must be construed as different from the one that human beings once had with the earthly Jesus. Sometimes, Jesus is envisioned as dwelling within the individual believer (Gal. 2:19–20). More often, the metaphor is reversed, so that the believer is found in Christ (Phil. 3:9), i.e., as one part of the corporate entity that now makes up Christ’s body on earth (1 Cor. 12:27). In any event, the relationship is mutual: believers abide in Jesus Christ, and Jesus Christ abides in them (John 15:5). But there is considerable variation in such imagery. The exalted Jesus can be identified as the Bridegroom of the church (Mark 2:19) or as a great high priest who serves God in a heavenly sanctuary (Heb. 4:18). Indeed, the exalted Jesus is often located in heaven (Col. 3:1), though he remains active on earth, especially through the words and deeds of those who speak and act in his name (Acts 4:30). He is sometimes identified as a spirit that continues to inspire and direct affairs on earth (Acts 16:7). He communicates with people through visions (2 Cor. 12:1) and prophecies (1 Cor. 14:29–31). His presence is sometimes experienced by way of interaction with other people, especially the disadvantaged (Matt. 25:40), vulnerable (Mark 9:37), or persecuted (Acts 9:5). The realization or manifestation of his presence is sometimes linked to baptism (Gal. 3:27) or to participation in a ritual reenactment of his Last Supper (1 Cor. 11:23–26). He answers prayers (John 14:14) and also offers prayers for his followers (Rom. 8:34). Furthermore, the NT insists that Jesus Christ is coming again: he will return to the earth in a tangible way at the end of time, coming on the clouds of heaven to preside at the final judgment (Matt. 24:30; 25:31–32). Until then he remains an object of devotion: Christians can almost be defined as people “who call on the name of the Lord Jesus Christ” (1 Cor. 1:2), as people who believe in Jesus without physical evidence of his existence (John 20:29), or as people who love Jesus Christ even though they have not seen him (1 Pet. 1:8). Indeed, they are people who regard Jesus Christ as worthy of worship and praise (Rev. 5:6–14).
Biblical scholars seek to define the NT’s presentation of the exalted or eternal figure of Jesus Christ with specificity, distinguishing between the perspectives of individual authors or books. For some writers, the exalted Jesus is virtually equated with God (Titus 2:13; 2 Pet. 1:1); others strive to maintain some distinction between the exalted Jesus and God, who exalted him and to whom he remains subordinate or obedient (Phil. 2:6–9). Some books or writers emphasize certain aspects of the exalted Jesus’s identity or ministry and do not pay much attention to others. For example, the Letter to the Hebrews is largely constructed around an exposition of the exalted Jesus as high priest, an image that does not figure very prominently (if at all) in other NT books. The image of the exalted Jesus being manifest in a body of believers on earth is especially prominent in the Letters of Paul.
See also cross; healing; gospel; Gospels, the; John the Baptist; kingdom of God; messiah; miracles; parables; Q; son of God, Son of God; son of man, Son of Man; Synoptic Problem; trial of Jesus.
Bibliography
Powell, Mark Allan. Introducing the New Testament: A Historical, Literary, and Theological Survey. Baker Academic, 2009. Pp. 63–79.
———. Jesus as a Figure in History. 2nd ed. Westminster John Knox, 2010.
Tuckett, Christopher M. Christology and the New Testament: Jesus and His Earliest Followers Westminster John Knox, 2001.
M.A.P.
Jether (jee′thuhr; also Ithra).
1 The father of Amasa (1 Kings 2:5, 32; 1 Chron. 2:17; he is called Ithra in 2 Sam. 17:25).
2 The son of Jeder; he died childless (1 Chron. 2:32).
3 One of the four sons of Ezrah (1 Chron. 4:17).
4 A member of the tribe of Asher, and the father of Jephunneh, Pispa, and Ara (1 Chron. 7:38).
See also Ithra.
Jethro (jeth′roh), Moses’s father-in-law, “the priest of Midian” (Exod. 3:1). He is also called Jether (4:18 in the Hebrew Masoretic Text, which is not followed in the NRSV) and appears to be identified elsewhere as Reuel (2:18) and Hobab (Num. 10:9; Judg. 1:16; 4:11). Moses made his acquaintance when he was fleeing from Pharaoh after it became known that he had killed an Egyptian. While in Midian, Moses came to the defense of seven women when they were accosted by shepherds at a well. The father of those women (identified as Reuel) gave his daughter Zipporah to Moses in marriage (Exod. 2:15–22). Later, during the exodus, Moses’s father-in-law (called Jethro) cared for Zipporah and for the sons, Gershom and Eliezer, she had borne to Moses (18:1–6); then he suggested a more effective structure for Moses’s governance of the people (18:15–27).
The reason for the name confusion (Jethro, Reuel, Hobab) is unclear. Many scholars believe that the distinction between Jethro and Reuel may derive from different source traditions (Jethro may represent the E, or Elohist, source, and Reuel the J, or Yahwist, source). It is also possible that all three persons were relatives of Moses’s wife Zipporah (e.g., Reuel, her grandfather; Jethro, her father; Hobab, her uncle), but that their names became confused or the terms describing their relationship to her were misunderstood at some point in the text’s transmission. This theory receives partial support from Num. 10:29, which identifies Reuel as the father of Hobab.
K.G.O./M.A.P.
Jeush (jee′ush; Heb., “the LORD will come to help”).
1 The son of Esau and Oholibama; he was a chief of the Edomites (Gen. 36:5; 1 Chron. 1:35).
2 The son of Bilhan; he was a descendant of Benjamin (1 Chron. 7:10).
3 A Benjaminite, son of Eshek and descendant of Saul (1 Chron. 8:39).
4 A son of Shemei, of the Gershonite family of Levites (1 Chron. 23:10–11).
5 The son of King Rehoboam and David’s granddaughter Mahalath (2 Chron. 11:19).
jewels, jewelry. General references to jewelry in the Bible have both literal and figurative applications. The former often occur in constructions that indicate something else is more valuable: wisdom is “more precious than jewels” (Prov. 3:13–15); a capable wife is “far more precious than jewels” (31:10). Figurative references imply that something is valued or, occasionally, beautiful: “Lips informed by knowledge are a precious jewel” (20:15); a lover’s “rounded thighs” are “like jewels, the work of a master hand” (Song of Sol. 7:1).
Items of jewelry specifically mentioned include the necklace (Song of Sol. 4:9), ring (Hos. 2:13), strings of jewels (Song of Sol. 1:10), and gold and pearls (Rev. 17:4; 18:16). Specific materials from which jewelry was made include silver and gold (Gen. 24:53) and (emphatically) fine gold (Job 28:17).
Certain passages are especially helpful in identifying particular types of jewelry characteristic of the biblical period. One of these is Exod. 35:22, which describes gifts brought for the equipping of the shrine. Included here are brooches, earrings, signet rings, and pendants. In addition, Num. 31:50 mentions “articles of gold, armlets and bracelets, signet rings, earrings, and pendants.” Ezekiel’s description of the exquisitely garbed woman (metaphoric of Jerusalem) mentions bracelets on the arms, a chain on the neck, a ring in the nose, earrings, and a crown on the head (16:11–12). Ezekiel also describes some of the stones found on royal garb (28:13): “carnelian, chrysolite, and moonstone, beryl, onyx, and jasper, sapphire, turquoise, and emerald,” in addition to gold settings. Although this description gives his sense of the royal garb of the king of Tyre, the similarities to the stones used as jewels in the garb of the high priest are striking. In Exod. 28:17–21 twelve stones for Aaron’s breastpiece are specified: carnelian, chrysolite, and emerald (first row), turquoise, sapphire and moonstone (second row); jacinth, agate, and amethyst (third row); and beryl, onyx, and jasper (fourth row); all set in gold filigree. The difficulties in matching the ancient names for these precious stones with accurate modern equivalents are considerable, leading some to suggest that what the translations reflect are the stones precious to the translators. There is some of the same uncertainty about additional items considered precious in Job 28:12–19: glass, coral, and crystal are mentioned along with gold, silver, onyx, sapphire, and pearls. Eschatological visions see the holy city of Jerusalem embellished with precious metals and stones (Isa. 54:12; Rev. 21:19–21) and often involve highly imaginative speculations (a city gate made from a single pearl, Rev. 21:21).
Archaeological investigations have recovered samples of all forms of personal jewelry mentioned from a variety of periods in Near Eastern history. Furthermore, they are amply represented in the art of Egypt, Mesopotamia, Persia, Greece, and Rome, giving further evidence that they were commonly used throughout the biblical period. On the other hand, the finds pertaining to Israelite history are remarkably restrained. They include finger rings; seals and scarabs; bracelets of copper, bronze, silver, and gold; bracelets and necklaces of drilled beads in a dozen shapes; earrings of single- and multiple-pendant designs; inscribed and carved brooches; multilayered necklaces; leg bracelets and carved plaques; decorative pins of bone or ivory; amulets rigged for pendant use; and shell and carved bone pendants. But the level of craftsmanship, intricacy of designs, and volume of precious materials discovered at Israelite sites suggest modest economic means rather than extravagant wealth.
A glimpse of the jeweler’s craft is given in Exod. 28:9–11, where the names of the Israelite tribal ancestors are to be inscribed on two onyx stones. The phrase “as a gem-cutter engraves signets” describes one of the most distinctive achievements of the Near East: inscribing stones as stamp or cylinder-seal signature devices. The practice of using a small stone cylinder, drilled through the long axis to allow suspension on a cord from one’s arm or neck, was first developed into fine art in Mesopotamia. From the older, simpler models, the art developed some of the most exquisite miniature representations of figures, animals, trees, and action scenes (from hunting to votive offerings) ever crafted. Their small size and durability have allowed their survival in archaeological debris to a remarkable extent.
R.S.B.