thousand. In addition to being used in a literal sense, the number one thousand is sometimes employed figuratively to express “a large number.” This was especially true with multiples of a thousand. Whenever Moses set the ark of the covenant to rest after a day of traveling through the wilderness, he said, “Return, O Lord of the ten thousand thousands of Israel” (Num. 10:36). This tendency can also be observed in the NT (Mark 6:44; 8:9; Acts 2:41; 4:4; Rev. 7:4–8; 21:16). The number was also employed for military units (1 Sam. 8:12; 1 Chron. 13:1); in NT times, a Roman legion was hypothetically composed of 6,000 troops. Thus Jesus could have called 72,000 angels to assist him in Gethsemane if he had so wished (Matt. 26:53). In temporal expressions, “thousand” is often used to mean “a long time” (Pss. 84:10; 90:4; cf. 2 Pet 3:8; Rev. 20:3). In the NT, one thousand years are reckoned in God’s time as but a day (2 Pet. 3:8). See also legion; millennium; numbers.
J.A.D.
Thrace (thrays), the region east of Macedonia and west of the Black Sea, populated by independent tribes sometimes considered savage. The NT records no mission or church there, though Samothrace, Neapolis, and Philippi lay nearby.
three. See numbers.
Three Taverns, a way station on the Appian Way about thirty miles south of Rome and ten miles north of the Forum of Appius. Paul was met here by members of the Christian community of Rome when he traveled as a prisoner from Puteoli to Rome (Acts 28:15). See also Appius, Forum of.
threshing, the process by which the seed coverings of ripe cereals such as wheat and barley are removed. After the harvest, the cut grain was spread to dry on flat, open surfaces, or threshing floors (1 Chron. 21:20–23). The dried stalks were then either beaten with flails or crushed by a heavy board in which sharp stones have been imbedded. The board was dragged across the threshing floor by an ox or a donkey (Deut. 25:4; 1 Cor. 9:9). The husks were also loosened from the grain by slow heating, or parching, in an oven. The loosened husks, or chaff, were then separated from the grain by winnowing before the grain was ground into flour or stored in jars or granaries (see Matt. 3:12). See also granary; winnowing.
P.L.C.
threshold, the bottom part of a door frame, over which one steps in entering a building or the gateway to a city. Guards were posted at the threshold (i.e., the entrance) of the temple; these were priests (2 Kings 12:10) or Levites (2 Chron. 34:9). One of their duties was to receive donations from the people entering the temple (2 Kings 22:4). In Ezekiel’s visionary temple, the laity were not permitted to enter the gates to the temple; even the lay ruler was allowed to come only as far as the inner threshold of the gate to worship (46:2). Zephaniah condemns those who jump over the threshold of the temple (1:9), possibly because it was an idolatrous practice. The priests of Dagon in Ashdod would not tread on the threshold to Dagon’s temple, since the image of Dagon had fallen on it when the captured ark of God had been placed in that temple (see 1 Sam. 5:4–5).
S.R.
throne, a literal seat for a king or queen (Exod. 11:5) and, thus, a symbol of royal power (2 Sam. 3:10; cf. Luke 1:32) and sometimes of the authority to pass judgment (1 Kings 7:7). In a religious sense, the word “throne” may be used to describe the seat of God as king over the earth (Ps. 47:8; cf. Heb. 8:1; Rev. 3:21) and as the judge of the nations (Ps. 9:4; cf. Matt. 19:28; Rev. 20:11). Lesser thrones may be offered to those who sit with God in judgment (Dan. 7:9; cf. Matt. 19:28). In the book of Revelation, the word “throne” appears forty-seven times, far more than in any other book of the Bible, and this is reflective of the conflict of powers portrayed in that book’s apocalyptic scenario. Many of the references are to the throne of God in heaven, surrounded by worshiping saints and angels (e.g. 5:1, 6–7, 11, 13). But 2:13 refers to “Satan’s throne” in the city of Pergamum, a possible reference to the Roman governor’s seat of judgment or, perhaps, to a temple devoted to emperor worship. Likewise, an apocalyptic beast is given a “throne and great authority” by a dragon, which is the devil (13:2; 16:10; cf. 12:9). See also antichrist; judgment, day of; messiah; Pergamum; vision.
A.Y.C.
thumb. The right thumb was daubed with sacrificial blood during a priest’s ordination, as were the big toe and the right ear lobe (Exod. 29:20; Lev. 8:23, 24). A person healed of leprosy was likewise daubed with blood and then oil on the same members as part of a cleansing ritual (Lev. 14:14, 17, 25, 28). The purpose was primarily to provide protection from forces of evil on the most vulnerable parts of the body—its extremities. Loss of the toes and thumbs was humiliating and disabling. In the book of Judges, King Adonibezek thus mutilated some seventy defeated enemy rulers and was later treated in the same way himself by the conquering Israelites (1:6–7).
S.R.
Thummim. See breastpiece; Urim and Thummim.
thunder. In biblical perspectives thunder was often associated with heights (2 Sam. 22:14; Ps. 18:13; Job 36:29), storms (Exod. 9:23; 1 Sam. 12:17; Job 38:25), and other violent natural phenomena (Isa. 29:6; Rev. 11:19). Used metaphorically it describes the sound of the sea (Isa. 17:12) or roaring streams (Ps. 42:7) and the power and authority of the voice of God (Job 37:2, 5; Ps. 29:3; Exod. 19:19; John 12:28–29). Prophets refer to thunder to express the presence (Ezek. 1:24) and awesomeness of God (Isa. 33:3).
R.S.B.
thunder, sons of. See Boanerges.
Thutmose (thyoot′mohs; Gk. Tuthmosis; Egyptian, “Thoth [The moon god] is born”), the name held by four kings of the Egyptian Eighteenth Dynasty (1570–1293 BCE). The time when these four pharaohs ruled is sometimes referred to as the Thutmoside period. During this time, Egyptian power expanded considerably, especially in Syria and the Levant. Some of the kings and major events of their individual reigns are listed below.
1 Thutmose I (1524–1518 BCE), a military man of nonroyal birth who reached the throne by marrying the daughter of his predecessor (Amenhotep I). He conducted a raid deep into Syria, crossing the Euphrates River and setting up a victory stele on the riverbank near Carchemish.
2 Thutmose II (1518–1504 BCE), a son of Thutmose I, husband of Queen Hatshepsut. His only campaign into the Levant was a minor raid undertaken against a group of Bedouins.
3 Thutmose III (1504–1450 BCE), initially co-ruler of Egypt with his stepmother, Queen Hatshepsut, then sole ruler of Egypt from 1483 BCE on. In the twenty-second year of his reign he led an Egyptian army up to Megiddo, where the prince of the Syrian city of Kadesh had brought together a large army of Syrians and Canaanites under his leadership. Thutmose III’s capture of Megiddo in 1482 BCE resulted in the establishment of the great Egyptian empire in western Asia. This king conducted a total of seventeen campaigns in the Levant; his army reached the Euphrates River in the eighth campaign. Thutmose III is often considered the greatest military leader in Egyptian history. Egypt became wealthy and prosperous as a result of all the tribute and trade that reached the Nile Valley from its empire in western Asia and Nubia.
4 Thutmose IV (1419–1386 BCE), a son of Amenhotep II (who was a son of Thutmose III); he sealed Egypt’s diplomatic relations with the north Syrian kingdom of Mitanni by marrying the daughter of the Mitannian king. On a stele found in western Thebes, Thutmose IV claims to have conquered the city of Gezer.
See also Gezer; Megiddo.
J.M.W.
Thyatira (thi′uh-ti′ruh), a city (modern Akhisar), about fifty-five miles northeast of Izmir (Smyrna), Turkey. It lay on the road between Pergamum and Sardis in Lydia (or at times in Mysia) on the Lycus River. Founded as a Hellenistic city by Seleucus I Nicator in 300 BCE, it had developed many industrial and commercial guilds by the first century CE. According to Acts 16:14–15, Paul’s first convert at Philippi was Lydia, “a dealer in purple cloth” from Thyatira. By the late first century, a sufficiently significant Christian community existed in Thyatira to merit the fourth and longest of the seven letters of Revelation (2:18–29). That letter contains harsh condemnation of a local woman (possibly a Christian prophet) who is compared to Jezebel, who induced King Ahab to allow the worship of Canaanite deities (2:20; cf. 1 Kings 18–19; 2 Kings 9). She is said to have led church members into practicing fornication, committing adultery, and eating food sacrificed to altars. The accusations regarding sexual indiscretions could be metaphorical descriptions for idolatry, in which case the controversy at Thyatira may have involved Christian participation in pagan celebrations and banquets, at which foreign gods were routinely honored and food dedicated to them was consumed (cf. 1 Cor. 10:14–22). But it is also possible that the Thyatiran prophet was simultaneously involved with the Christian community and a local fertility cult, into which she hoped to draw members of the congregation. See also Lydia; Mysia.
C.H.M./M.A.P.
Tiamat (tee-ah′maht; from Akkadian tamtu, “sea”), the watery source of life and Marduk’s defeated opponent in the Enuma Elish, the Babylonian account of the emergence of the gods, the formation of the physical world, and the organization of the pantheon under the rulership of Marduk at Babylon. In the Enuma Elish, the goddess Tiamat is either identified with the sea (Persian Gulf, Mediterranean Sea) or subterranean waters. In any case, she is the mother who begot everything, and she is presented with both sympathy and hostility in the Enuma Elish. Her slayer, Marduk, divides her body and creates heaven and earth out of its two halves (cf. Gen. 1:6). Tiamat is not referred to as such in the Bible, but references to “the deep” (Heb. tehom) would have evoked her memory for any who knew the myth (cf. Gen. 1:2; 7:11; 8:2). See also Babylon.
I.T.A.
Tiberias (ti-bihr′ee-uhs), a city named for Tiberius Caesar on the west shore of the Sea of Galilee. Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee and Perea (Matt. 14:1–6; Luke 3:19), founded it (ca. 20 CE) to replace Sepphoris as the capital of Galilee. Administration, trade, and fishing became its major industries, while nearby hot springs made Tiberias a popular health resort. Herod Antipas built a palace there, the remains of which might have been uncovered by archaeologists. In addition, a Roman-style theater and a massive city gate have been found from the first century. From later periods, ancient synagogues have been discovered.
According to Josephus, the city was built upon a necropolis (possibly the cemetery for the ancient city of Hammoth; cf. Josh. 19:35) and, so, was ritually unclean according to Jewish law. Still, many were drawn to the site, and perhaps the promise of land and housing attracted the poorer classes. By the second century, it became known as a prominent place for rabbinic learning, and it continued as such for nearly a millennium, in spite of its inauspicious origins.
Tiberias is conspicuous by absence in the NT. John 6:23 records the only biblical reference to the city in a passage that simply mentions “some boats from Tiberias.” Jesus is not said to have ever visited the city, although much of his ministry was spent in smaller towns throughout the surrounding area. The Sea of Galilee was sometimes called the Sea of Tiberias (cf. John 6:1; 21:1).
D.R.E.
Tiberias, Sea of, better known as the Sea of Galilee (John 6:1; 21:1). See also Galilee, Sea of.
Tiberius (ti-bihr′ee-uhs), Claudius Caesar Augustus, Roman emperor from 14 CE, when he succeeded Augustus, until 37 CE, when he died in Capri, reportedly the victim of his many years of dissipation. He was the reigning emperor during Jesus’s public ministry and thus (except in Luke 2:1) is the “Caesar” of the NT Gospels. Luke 3:1 uses his name in fixing the date for John’s preaching and the baptism of Jesus (“in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar,” i.e., in 29 CE). Matthew, Mark, and Luke report the incident of the questioning of Jesus concerning the payment of taxes to Caesar (Matt. 22:15–23; Mark 12:13–17; Luke 20:20–26). Jesus’s answer centered on the display of a coin of Tiberius, bearing the emperor’s portrait. In about 18 CE, Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee, founded the city of Tiberias, named in honor of the emperor, as his capital on the western shore of Lake Chinnereth (the Sea of Galilee). See also Caesar; emperor; Roman Empire; Tiberias.
F.O.G.
Tibni (tib′ni), the son of Ginath and leader of a faction in the northern kingdom who struggled with Omri for control of the throne following the suicide of Zimri (ca. 876 BCE). He was unsuccessful, however, and died soon after. The reason for his death is unknown (1 Kings 16:21–22). See also Omri.
Tidal (ti′duhl), the king of Goiim who, in alliance with the kings of Shinar, Ellasar, and Elam, raided the area around the Dead Sea, including Sodom and the cities of the Plain, and took Lot prisoner. He and the other kings were defeated by Abram and his allies (Gen. 14:1–16). See also Siddim, Valley of; Sodom.
Tiglath-pileser (tig′lath-pi-lee′zuhr) III, the king of Assyria 745–727 BCE, also known as Pul (2 Kings 15:19; 1 Chron. 5:26) and referred to as Tilgath-pilneser (1 Chron. 5:6, 26; 2 Chron. 28:20). He reorganized and revitalized the Neo-Assyrian Empire after decades of internal disintegration. He campaigned vigorously in the west, reaching as far as the Wadi of Egypt in the northern Sinai Peninsula. The hegemony of Tiglath-pileser was recognized by the kings of Israel and Judah. Menahem of Israel bought the political support of Assyria for his illegitimate rule with “a thousand talents of silver” (2 Kings 15:19); in Tiglath-pileser’s annals at least two tribute payments by Menahem, in 740 and 738 BCE, are recorded. The rebellion of Tyre, Aram-Damascus, and Israel against Assyria was crushed during the three years of war, 734–732 BCE. Tiglath-pileser captured Galilee and Gilead, exiled its populace, and organized the areas as Assyrian provinces (2 Kings 15:29; 1 Chron. 5:26). He installed Hosea as vassal king of a greatly reduced Israel.
Ahaz of Judah came under attack for refusing to join the anti-Assyrian coalition; in order to save his kingdom, he turned to Tiglath-pileser and undertook the obligations of Assyrian vassaldom (2 Kings 16:5, 7–9). Ahaz is mentioned in an Assyrian list of tributaries dated to 734 BCE. His onerous tax payments required stripping the palace and the temple of their treasures (16:17–18). The victorious Tiglath-pileser held court in Damascus in 732 BCE; Ahaz was in attendance as befitting a loyal vassal (16:10). See also Assyria, Empire of.
M.C.
Tigris (ti′gris) River, one of the two major rivers (the other is the Euphrates) that nourished an extensive floodplain providing the physical basis for the rise of civilization in the ancient Near East. In Gen. 2:14 it is identified as the third river “which flows east of Assyria” running out of Eden. It was designated also as the location in which Daniel received a major vision (Dan. 10:4).
The headwaters of the river lie in the mountains of southern Armenia, modern eastern Turkey and northern Iraq, just west and south of Lake Van. It runs generally southeastward along the base of the western foothills of the Zagros Mountains. It is joined en route by three major tributaries and several minor ones draining the western slopes of the hills to the northeast. The main tributaries are the Upper Zab, the Lower Zab, and the Diyala.
Important ancient cities built on the Tigris include Assyria’s Nineveh (opposite modern Mosul) and Asshur (the original Assyrian capital), modern Qal‘at Shergat. Near modern Baghdad lay the Neo-Babylonian commercial center Opis, and farther south at modern Sulman Pak was the Parthian and Sassanian city named Ctesiphon. Its location is still marked by a brick vaulted arch. Across the river on the west bank at modern Tell Umar are the ruins of the Seleucid capital, Seleucia.
Physically the river is fast and rugged in the upper reaches, being navigable only from Mosul southward. Its 1,146-mile length was close enough to the Euphrates from Baghdad south to allow canals to run irrigation water across from the higher western riverbed toward the Tigris. This 10,000-square-mile basin provided the agricultural sustenance for the early city-state and empire. The lower reaches of the river were slow-flowing and meandering, and, in antiquity, they ended in salt marshes. See also Asshur; Euphrates River; Nineveh.
R.S.B.
Tilgath-pilneser (til′gath-pil-nee′zuhr). See Tiglath-pileser III.
Timaeus (ti-mee′uhs). See Bartimaeus.
timbrel (tim′brel). See tambourine.
time. There is no general word for “time” in the Hebrew Bible, nor are there specific words for the categories of “past,” “present,” or “future.” The Hebrew word most commonly translated as “time” is ‘et, which really refers to the instant or length of time during which something occurs (1 Sam. 9:16; Eccles. 3:1–8; Ezra 10:13; 2 Chron. 24:11). Another word, ‘olam, refers to immeasurable time, whether past (Eccles. 1:10) or future (Mic. 4:7). Although it does not mean “eternal” in the sense of “time without end,” it does point to a length of time beyond human comprehension. Another common word, mo‘ed, means “fixed time,” i.e., a time designated for a specific occurrence, such as a festival (Lev. 23:2, 4). In other words, time in ancient Israel was not perceived as an abstract dimension, but primarily as related to specific happenings, whether of short or long duration.
God is the creator and master of time (Gen. 1:14) and time begins at creation (1:5). There are no clear references to time having an end point, but there are references to the broad sweep of time, as implied by references to things that will always be true or that will never come to pass (9:15–16; Isa. 34:10). The smallest amount of time is called a “moment” (Exod. 33:5; Isa. 54:7–8; Jer. 4:20).
The Hebrew Bible also uses the terms “day,” “week,” “month,” and “year.” A “day” was measured as either the time between sunrise and sunset or from sunset to sunset (Gen. 1:5). Ps. 55:17 speaks of three divisions of daylight, “evening, morning, and noon,” while Neh. 9:3 refers to four parts of the daylight. The night was divided into three “watches” (Exod. 14:24; Judg. 7:19; Lam. 2:19). That the day started with sunset is probably due to Israel’s calendrical system, which was based on the moon. The word “week” in Hebrew comes from the word for “seven” (shabua‘). Ancient Israel is the first society known to have a seven-day week (Gen. 1:1–2:3). The days are not named, but they are numbered one through six, except for the seventh day, which is called the “sabbath”—from the Hebrew meaning “rest,” in reference to God’s rest after creation (Gen. 2:2–3; Exod. 20:10–11). As in English, the Hebrew word for “month” is related to the word for moon, yereakh, or the “new (moon),” khodesh.
In the NT, three words refer to time in its various dimensions. Two words, sometimes translated “times” (Gk. chronos) and “seasons” (kairos; Acts 1:7; 1 Thess. 5:1), can refer to time under two different aspects. The word chronos is typically used when time is thought of as a quantity (e.g., “a little time,” John 7:33; cf. 1 Cor. 7:39); the word kairos tends to be used when time is conceived in terms of quality (e.g., as “time for” something, Mark 1:15; John 7:8). That distinction, however, is not always maintained (chronos can mean a specific time, Luke 1:57; Acts 7:17; Gal. 4:4; kairos can refer broadly to “the present,” Rom. 11:5). A third Greek word, ai–on, can refer to a broad sweep of time (an era or an age); its usage reflects apocalyptic speculation that divided the world into the present evil age and a coming future age when God would redeem the faithful and transform creation (cf. Matt. 12:32; Eph. 1:21; cf. Luke 20:34; Rom. 12:2; 1 Cor. 2:6 for “present age”; Mark 10:30; Eph. 2:7; Heb. 6:2 for “coming age”). Aion–os, the plural of ai–on (lit., “ages”), is often translated “forever,” although as in the Hebrew Bible, it is questionable whether the implied meaning was “unending time” or simply “time of unimaginable duration” (e.g., Matt. 21:19; John 12:34; Rom. 16:27; Heb. 1:8).
The Gospels presume the Jewish reckoning of a seven-day week, although Christians came to revere the first day in the week (modern Sunday), because it was the day of Christ’s resurrection (Acts 20:7; 1 Cor. 16:2; cf. Matt. 28:1; Mark 16:2), rather than the last day of the week (sabbath), when God rested from creation (Gen. 2:2–3; cf. Exod. 20:8–11). It is not certain when this shift in focus occurred, but reference to “the Lord’s Day” in Rev. 1:10 indicates the change had probably been made by the end of the first century (cf. Did. 14:1).
The Jewish practice of reckoning days as beginning with sunset is presumed in some places (e.g., Mark 1:32, where people waited until the sabbath mentioned in 1:21 came to an end), but in other places the Roman method of dividing the night into four rather than three watches is assumed (e.g., in 6:48, the text literally says, “about the fourth watch of the night”; NRSV: “early in the morning”). See also farming; festivals, feasts, and fasts; New Year Festival; sabbath.
J.U./P.J.A.
Timna (tim′nuh).
1 A sister of the Horite chief Lotan (Gen. 36:22; 1 Chron. 1:39); she was given as concubine to Eliphaz (the son of Esau) and became the mother of Amalek (Gen. 36:12).
2 A chief of Edom (Gen. 36:40). He is designated as a son of Eliphaz in 1 Chron. 1:36.
Timnah (tim′nuh; also Timnath, Timnatha; Gk. Thamnath).
1 A town in the southern hill country where Judah pastured sheep (Gen. 38:12–14); perhaps to be identified with the Timnah in the seventh district of Judah (Josh. 15:57).
2 A town on the northern border of Judah, between Beth-shemesh and Ekron (Josh. 15:10), now generally identified with modern Tell-el-Batashi in the Sorek Valley in the western part of south-central Israel. Once assigned to Dan (19:43), it was Philistine territory at the time Samson married a woman from Timnah (Judg. 14:1–5). It fell again to the Philistines in the time of Ahaz (2 Chron. 28:18) and was captured by Sennacherib in 701 BCE.
3 A town in the hill country of Ephraim, fortified in 160 BCE by the Seleucid general Bacchides (1 Macc. 9:50).
P.A.B.
Timnath-serah (tim′nuhth-sihr′uh), Joshua’s inherited city (Josh. 19:50) in which he was buried (24:30). It is probably modern Khirbet Tibneh, about eleven miles southwest of Shiloh.
Timon (ti′muhn), one of the seven Hellenists appointed by the apostles to help in the distribution of food to widows in the early Jerusalem church (Acts 6:1–6). See also deacon; Hellenists.
Timothy (tim′uh-thee).
1 A military officer of the Ammonites who joined forces with the Syrians to oppose Judas Maccabeus in the Judean rebellion (ca. 164 BCE); the Ammonites were crushed in several battles and Timothy was slain (1 Macc. 5:6–8; 2 Macc. 8:30–33; 9:1–4; 10:24–38; 12:1–25).
2 Paul’s “beloved and faithful child in the Lord” (1 Cor. 4:17; cf. 1 Tim. 1:2). Timothy is associated with Paul in the prescripts of several letters (2 Cor. 1:1; Phil. 1:1; Col. 1:1; 1 Thess. 1:1; 2 Thess. 1:1; Philem. 1; cf. Rom. 16:21), an indication of the extent of their joint endeavors. He is otherwise mentioned as an associate and helper of Paul in four letters (1 Thess. 3:2, 6; 1 Cor. 4:17; 16:10; 2 Cor. 1:19; Phil. 2:19) and appears in Acts in a similar role (16:1–3; 17:14–15; 18:5; 19:22; 20:4). Finally, he is the named addressee of two of the Pastoral Letters, 1 and 2 Timothy (1 Tim. 1:2, 18; 6:20; 2 Tim. 1:2).
In Acts: According to Acts 16:1–3, Timothy was the son of a Gentile man and a Jewish woman who lived in the town of Lystra in southeastern Asia Minor; his mother was a believer (i.e., a Christian), but his father was not. Timothy was also a Christian and was “well spoken of by all of the believers in Lystra and Iconium.” Paul recruited him as a companion for his second missionary journey, circumcising him so as not to offend the Jews. When the team encountered trouble in Thessalonica, Timothy and Silas stayed behind, while Paul went on to Athens (17:14–15); they later joined him in Corinth (18:5). Timothy accompanied Paul on his third missionary journey and, so, was with him during his lengthy stay in Ephesus (Acts 19). Paul sent him to Macedonia (19:22), but he later joined up with Paul again and went ahead of him to Troas, where Paul spent a week with him on his way to Jerusalem (20:4–5).
This brief biography seems generally compatible with information about Timothy in Paul’s letters, which sometimes supply information that helps to fill in some of the gaps. Some scholars have questioned the claim that Timothy was already a Christian when Paul met him, since Paul refers to Timothy as his “child in the Lord” (1 Cor. 4:17; cf. 1 Tim. 1:2; 2 Tim. 2:2), but others note that the latter reference would not have to imply that Paul had converted him. The accuracy of the report that Paul circumcised Timothy is also challenged, given Paul’s strong resistance to those who require circumcision in Gal. 5:2–4. The usual explanation for such an action is that the circumcision of Timothy was appropriate, because he was Jewish (unlike Titus, Gal. 2:1–5), and Paul was not opposed to circumcision as such (1 Cor. 7:19; Gal. 5:6; 6:15); what he resisted was the claim that circumcision was necessary for justification (Gal. 2:15–16, 21). Further, scholars who accept the report that Paul circumcised Timothy sometimes note that he did this early in his career before his understanding that Christ had done away with distinctions between Jews and Greeks was fully developed (cf. 3:28).
In the NT Letters: According to Paul’s earlier letters, Timothy was a colleague of Paul and Silvanus (Silas) in missions to the Thessalonians and the Corinthians (1 Thess. 1:1; 3:2, 6; 1 Cor. 4:17; 16:10; 2 Cor. 1:1, 19; cf. Acts 17:14–15; 18:5; 19:22). Shortly after leaving Thessalonica Paul’s anxiety about the effects of persecution led him to send emissaries to encourage the Macedonian church in its faith. Paul was then left alone in Athens (1 Thess. 3:1–5; cf. Acts 17:13–16). From 1 Thess. 3:2–3 we learn that a special responsibility for ministry to the beleaguered Thessalonians was entrusted to Timothy, “our brother and co-worker for God in proclaiming the gospel of Christ.” Paul sent Timothy to the Thessalonians to “strengthen and encourage” them, and when Timothy rejoined Paul in Corinth, he was the bearer of good news: the Thessalonians remained steadfast in “faith and love,” they remembered Paul kindly, and they longed to see him (1 Thess. 3:6). Later, Paul’s dealings with the Corinthian church led him to send colleagues there to act on his behalf. It is not clear that Timothy was the bearer of 1 Cor. or that a firm decision had been reached to send him to Corinth, but disturbances there made such a trip likely (1 Cor. 16:10, “if Timothy comes”; cf. 4:17). His inclusion in the prescript to 2 Cor. (1:1) further indicates that he did play a role in dealing with the unruly Corinthians (even though it was Titus, not Timothy, who served as Paul’s emissary to the church when one particular crisis arose, 1:23–2:13; 7:5–16).
The later letters of Paul continue to portray Timothy as a trusted associate and useful emissary of the apostle (see Phil. 1:1; Philem. 1; cf. Col. 1:1). According to Phil. 2:19–24, Paul plans to send Timothy to Philippi and writes, “I have no one like him who will be genuinely concerned for your welfare. All of (the others) are seeking their own interests, not those of Jesus Christ. But Timothy’s worth you know, how like a son with a father he has served with me in the work of the gospel.”
Two problems arise in constructing Timothy’s biography from NT letters. First, it is not known for certain whether Paul’s “prison letters” to the Philippians and to Philemon (both of which mention Timothy) were written from Ephesus, Rome, or some other location. If they were written from Ephesus, then Timothy would have simply been present with Paul during this phase of his missionary work, as is also attested by Acts. But if either of the letters was written from Rome, then there would be evidence that Timothy was in Rome with Paul during what was probably the final year of his life.
A second problem concerns the two Pastoral Letters that are actually addressed to Timothy. Many (though certainly not all) scholars believe that these letters are pseudepigraphical and, if they are, it is not clear whether the biographical information should be regarded as well-grounded or legendary. If the information they provide is accepted, then 1 Timothy would indicate that Paul left Timothy in charge of the church in Ephesus, while he was in Macedonia (1:3; a scenario never mentioned elsewhere in the NT). Further, 2 Timothy would indicate that Timothy was not in Rome with Paul during the final year of his life, although Paul, believing his execution to be near, summoned Timothy to come to him (4:6, 9, 13). Of course, Timothy may very well have gone to Paul in response to this invitation, but it seems unlikely that he would then have been in Rome with Paul for an extended period, during which other letters from prison were written.
Otherwise, the Pastoral Letters add only minor details to Timothy’s biography. Timothy’s mother’s name was Eunice and his grandmother, also a believer, was named Lois (2 Tim. 1:5); he was young in comparison to Paul (1 Tim. 4:12; 5:1), he suffered from frequent illnesses (5:23), and he had received a spiritual gift through prophecy and the laying on of hands (4:14; 2 Tim. 1:6).
Someone named Timothy is also mentioned as having been “set free” in the anonymous Letter to the Hebrews (13:23). If this is a reference to the same Timothy mentioned in Acts and the Letters of Paul, it would indicate that Timothy himself was a prisoner at some point during his career, but we have no information as to when or where that would have been. See also Timothy, First Letter of Paul to; Timothy, Second Letter of Paul to.
J.L.P./M.A.P.
Timothy, First Letter of Paul to, one of thirteen NT letters attributed to Paul and one of three that are collectively known as the Pastoral Letters (cf. 2 Tim.; Titus). Many scholars regard these letters as pseudepigraphical.
Contents: After an opening salutation and greeting (1:1–2), the author (identified as Paul) urges Timothy to curtail those who teach false doctrines and to promote faithful instruction that recognizes the proper role of the law (1:3–11). Paul’s own story as a former blasphemer saved by Christ Jesus is a testimony to the extent of divine mercy (1:12–17). Other persons who have suffered “shipwreck in the faith” exemplify the judgment that comes upon those who reject conscience and continue to blaspheme (1:18–20). The letter encourages fervent prayer, especially for those in authority (2:1–4), and quotes a confession that describes Christ as the “mediator” whose herald and apostle Paul is (2:5–7). It offers gender-specific instructions regarding the roles of men and women, emphasizing that the latter should dress modestly and learn “in silence with full submission” (2:8–15). It then provides summary qualifications for church leaders (3:1–15), including bishops (3:1–7) and deacons (3:8–13).
After another quote from a Christian confession or hymn (3:16), the letter issues additional warnings about false teachers (4:1–5) along with positive exhortations for Timothy’s behavior and ministry (4:6–5:2). This leads to specific advice concerning widows (5:3–16), elders (5:17–20), and slaves (6:1–2), along with more personal exhortations to Timothy (5:21–25). The topic of false teaching is taken up again, with specific attention to the corrupting influence of money (6:3–10). The letter then concludes with charges for Timothy to be faithful (6:11–16), some advice for the wealthy (6:17–19), and a final charge for Timothy to guard what has been entrusted him against what is “falsely called knowledge” (6:20–21).
OUTLINE OF CONTENTS
1 Timothy
I. Introduction (1:1–20)
A. Prescript (1:1–2)
B. Purpose of Timothy’s present ministry in Ephesus: to combat heretical teaching (1:3–11)
C. Thanksgiving for God’s mercy to Paul; an example (1:12–17)
D. Timothy to maintain a good conscience, something rejected by others (1:18–20)
II. Charge to Timothy (2:1–6:19)
A. Prayers for all, especially rulers (2:1–7)
B. Man’s worship and woman’s (relating to her praiseworthy public image; 2:8–15)
C. Qualifications for office of bishop (3:1–7)
D. Qualifications for deacons (and perhaps deaconesses; 3:8–13)
E. Word to Timothy concerning church (3:14–16)
F. Asceticism of heretics to be counteracted by Timothy’s instruction, example, and care of special persons (4:1–5:2)
G.Procedures for enrolling widows; how to deal with too many (5:3–16)
H.Maintaining integrity of office of elder (5:17–25)
I. Behavior of Christian slaves (6:1–2)
J. Deplorable conduct of heretics; special warning against avarice (6:3–10)
K. Exhortations to Timothy (6:11–16; see also 5:21–25)
L. Word to the wealthy (6:17–19)
III. Conclusion: final warning against teachers of “false knowledge” (6:20–21)
W.W.
Authorship: Many scholars believe that the three Pastoral Letters have a common origin (probably written by the same person) and that, when considered together, they must be regarded as pseudepigraphical. The following points are offered to support this contention. (1) The language and style are not typical of Paul’s letters. For example, 1 Timothy and Titus lack both a thanksgiving and a formal closing, and the vocabulary of all three letters is strikingly different from that of other letters ascribed to Paul. (2) Certain theological ideas are different. For example, salvation is linked to the epiphany (or appearance) of Christ (1 Tim. 3:16; 2 Tim. 2:9–10; Titus 2:11; 3:4), while the cross and resurrection of Christ are virtually ignored (except for 2 Tim. 2:8), and words like “righteousness” and “faith” are used in a way that accents the human dynamic (“right behavior” or “correct belief”) rather than the activity of God. (3) The description of church government seems too developed for Paul’s lifetime (1 Tim. 3:1–13; 5:3–22; 2 Tim. 2:2; Titus 1:5–7). (4) The nature of the false teaching that is opposed is distinctive (1 Tim. 1:3–7; 6:3–5; 2 Tim. 2:17–18; 3:6–9; 4:3–4; Titus 1:9–16). The exact nature of this teaching is unclear, but it seems to have certain points in common with Gnosticism, a religious system that posed a serious challenge to Christianity in the second century—but not much before then. (5) The manner of dealing with false teaching is not characteristic of Paul. Rather than seeking to refute the objectionable ideas with cogent arguments, the author of the Pastoral Letters is inclined to call upon church leaders to exercise their authority in promoting what is regarded as sound doctrine and forbidding what is not (1 Tim. 4:1; 6:20; 2 Tim. 1:13–14; 2:2; Titus 2:1; 3:9–11).
In addition to these arguments, which might apply to all of the Pastoral Letters, 1 Timothy seems to presume a situation in which Paul has left Ephesus for Macedonia and is writing back to Timothy, who is now in charge of the Ephesian church (1 Tim. 1:3). According to Acts, however, Timothy had already left Ephesus by the time Paul went to Macedonia (19:21–22).
A growing minority of scholars regard 1 Timothy (and the other Pastoral Letters) as authentic. They usually argue that linguistic differences count for little, if Paul is presumed to have employed an amanuensis for the task of putting his thoughts into words. Other anomalies might be explained by a presumption that both the style and substance of Paul’s writing would be different in personal correspondence than in letters to congregations. Scholars who favor authenticity also maintain that current knowledge of first-century Christianity is insufficient for forming strong opinions regarding the development of church polity or for determining when and where certain unorthodox ideas might have flourished. Likewise, they indicate that there are significant gaps in all reconstructions of Paul’s biography—the apostle could have left Timothy in charge of Ephesus at some time not otherwise mentioned in the NT. A popular suggestion among some scholars favoring authenticity has been that Paul was not executed ca. 62–64 CE (as is usually thought) but was released from prison to have a “second career” as a missionary, during which time he wrote the Pastoral Letters. This view receives some support from 1 Clement, a late first-century writing that seems to suggest Paul traveled to Spain (lit., “to the extreme west,” 1 Clem. 5:6–7), a journey not recounted in the NT (cf. Rom. 15:22–24)
Historical Situation: If Paul is thought to be the author of 1 Timothy, then the historical situation presumed by the letter’s contents may be taken at face value: the apostle is writing to his colleague to provide advice for appointing leaders and refuting heresy in Ephesus. If one allows that there may be gaps in our record of Paul’s life, then the letter to Timothy might be dated sometime around 52–56 CE. As indicated, however, a common assumption by many who argue for authenticity is that Paul wrote the later in the mid-late 60s CE, after the time when he is traditionally (but, according to this view, erroneously) thought to have been executed.
If the letter is considered to be pseudepigraphical (the majority view), then the situation presumed by the letter’s contents is regarded as a literary fiction. In reality, the letter was composed by someone who stood within the Pauline tradition in an effort to ensure that this tradition would be carried forward in the face of competing ideas. The date and place of writing would then be unknown. Most interpreters would place it in the late first century (80–100), though some would put the work in the first quarter of the second century.
Major Themes: First Timothy is especially concerned with the appointment of church officers and leaders: bishops, deacons, and widows seem to represent three distinct leadership roles. Qualifications for the first two of these emphasize moral responsibility and social respectability (3:1–13); the third office (mentioned only in this letter in the NT) may have represented an outgrowth of charitable ministry (providing for indigent widows, who in turn support the church with prayer and good works), but enrollment in the program must now be limited (5:3–16). As indicated above, 1 Timothy is also concerned with the correction of false teaching in the church; restrictions must be placed on who is allowed to teach and on what they are allowed to teach (1:3; 2:12). See also bishop; church; deacon; elders; Ephesus; letter; Paul; pseudepigraphy; pseudonym; Timothy; Timothy, Second Letter of Paul to; Titus, Letter of Paul to.
OUTLINE OF CONTENTS
2 Timothy
I. Introduction (1:1–7)
A. Prescript (1:1–2)
B. Thankful remembrance for Christian heritage of Paul and Timothy (1:3–7)
II. Exhortations (1:8–4:5)
A. Experience of suffering as authentication of elect (1:8–2:26)
B. Presence of heresy as authentication of prophecy; great value of tradition (3:1–4:5)
III. Conclusion (4:6–22)
A. Personal notes concerning Paul’s situation; final instructions (4:6–18)
B. Greetings (4:19–21)
C. Grace, offered on behalf of church (4:22).
W.W.
Bibliography
Collins, Raymond F. 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus: A Commentary. Westminster John Knox, 2002.
Harding, Mark. What Are They Saying About the Pastoral Epistles? Paulist, 2001.
Johnson, Luke Timothy. The First and Second Letters to Timothy. Doubleday, 2000.
Knight, George W., III. The Pastoral Epistles: A Commentary on the Greek Text. Eerdmans, 1992.
Marshall, I. Howard. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles. Clark, 1999.
Mounce, William D. Pastoral Epistles. Thomas Nelson, 2000.
Powell, Mark Allan. Introducing the New Testament: A Historical, Literary, and Theological Survey. Baker Academic, 2009. Pp. 397–413.
M.A.P.
Timothy, Second Letter of Paul to, one of thirteen NT letters attributed to Paul and one of three that are collectively known as the Pastoral Letters (cf. 1 Tim.; Titus). Many scholars regard these letters as pseudepigraphical, though 2 Tim. is generally viewed as having a greater claim to authenticity than the other two.
Contents: The letter opens with a salutation and greeting (1:1–2). The author (identified as Paul) gives thanks for the faith of Timothy (1:3–5) and offers words of encouragement for his continued zeal (1:6–7). Timothy is told not to be ashamed of Paul’s gospel or of the suffering it brings (1:8–14). Paul’s status as a prisoner has caused many to turn away, but Timothy should follow the positive examples of Paul and a certain Onesiphorus (1:15–18). Indeed, Timothy is charged with seeing that Paul’s teaching gets passed on (2:1–2). He is urged to faithfulness with analogies from daily life (a soldier, an athlete, a farmer) and with lines quoted from a Christian confession or hymn (2:3–13). Timothy is to avoid those things that have been the downfall of false teachers, and he is to strive for the qualities that will allow God to use him as a favored vessel (2:14–26). He is warned about distressing times to come and false teachers who will take advantage of others during those times (3:1–9). As things go from bad to worse, he must remember Paul’s life and ministry and commit himself wholeheartedly to learning and teaching the scriptures (3:10–17). The need for Timothy’s diligence and persistence in such faithful ministry is made more urgent by the certainty of God’s judgment (4:1–5) and by the fact that Paul’s days on earth are coming to an end (4:6–8). As the letter winds to a close, it offers some personal instructions and provides updated information on various individuals and circumstances (4:9–18). It concludes with greetings and a benediction (4:19–22).
Authorship: Many scholars believe that the three Pastoral Letters have a common origin (probably written by the same person) and that, when considered together, they must be regarded as pseudepigraphical. The reasons offered in support of this conclusion—and the counterarguments of those who oppose it—are provided in the section on authorship in the entry “Timothy, First Letter of Paul to.” Most scholars, however, grant that the arguments for pseudepigraphy carry more force with regard to 1 Timothy and Titus than they do with regard to 2 Timothy. Still, logic deems that 2 Timothy must be pseudepigraphical if the other two Pastoral Letters are so regarded and 2 Timothy is thought to have been written by the same person who wrote those two letters. A mediating position held by some scholars suggests that 2 Timothy was written by Paul (as his only extant letter to Timothy) and then, years later, an unknown author used 2 Timothy as a template for constructing the superficially similar pseudepigraphical letters that are now known as 1 Timothy and Titus.
Historical Setting: If Paul is regarded as the author of 2 Timothy (regardless of whether he wrote 1 Timothy and Titus), then the letter will be dated to the final years of his life, shortly before his execution ca. 62–64 CE. Scholars who think Paul was released from his first imprisonment for a few more years of ministry before being arrested again might date the letter ca. 65–67 CE. The majority of scholars, however, continue to regard 2 Timothy as pseudepigraphical and regard the “letter from prison” scenario as a literary fiction. The actual composition of the letter is then deemed to be later, some years after Paul’s death (80–100 CE or even in the early second century).
| PROPOSED HISTORICAL SITUATIONS FOR THE PASTORAL LETTERS | |||
| Titus | 1 Timothy | 2 Timothy | |
| If there are gaps in our record of Paul’s career | by Paul from Ephesus? to Titus in Crete ca. 52–56 CE | by Paul from Macedonia to Timothy in Ephesus ca. 52–56 CE | by Paul from prison in Rome to Timothy ca. 60–62 CE |
| If Paul had a “second career” | same as above, but ca. 63–66 CE | same as above, but ca. 63–66 CE | same as above, but ca. 65–67 CE |
| If all three letters are by the same pseudonymous author | by an unknown admirer of Paul from an unknown location to Christians in general late first or early second century | ||
| If expansions of Pauline notes | brief personal references in all three letters: same as “if there are gaps in our record of Paul’s career” bulk of all three letters: same as “if all three letters are by the same pseudonymous author” |
||
| If 2 Timothy was written first and by a different author | by admirer of Paul with copy of 2 Timothy from an unknown location to Christians in general late first or early second century | same as “if there are gaps in our record of Paul’s career”—or written by Pauline admirer shortly after Paul’s death | |
| From Mark Allan Powell, Introducing the New Testament (courtesy, Baker Academic) | |||
Major Themes: Although 2 Timothy is less concerned with the appointment of church leaders than the other two Pastoral Letters, it does evince the same concern for sound doctrine expressed in those writings (4:3); significant attention is given to knowledge of the truth (2:25; 3:7), preservation of orthodox ideas (1:13), and the correction of false teaching (2:14, 16–18, 25–26; 3:6–9; 4:3–4). In addition, 2 Timothy calls for fortitude in the face of suffering and shame. Paul’s humiliation of being “chained like a criminal” (2:9) is presented as an example of the sort of disgrace that causes some believers to turn away (4:10, 16), but Paul (1:12; 3:10–11) and Onesiphorus (1:16) provide positive examples of those who recognize the inevitability of persecution (3:12) and accept the invitation to suffer “for the gospel” (1:8). See also church; letter; Paul; pseudepigraphy; pseudonym; Timothy; Timothy, First Letter of Paul to; Titus, Letter of Paul to.
Bibliography
Collins, Raymond F. 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus: A Commentary. Westminster John Knox, 2002.
Harding, Mark. What Are They Saying About the Pastoral Epistles? Paulist, 2001.
Johnson, Luke Timothy. The First and Second Letters to Timothy. Doubleday, 2000.
Knight, George W., III. The Pastoral Epistles: A Commentary on the Greek Text. Eerdmans, 1992.
Marshall, I. Howard. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles. Clark, 1999.
Mounce, William D. Pastoral Epistles. Thomas Nelson, 2000.
Powell, Mark Allan. Introducing the New Testament: A Historical, Literary, and Theological Survey. Baker Academic, 2009. Pp. 397–413.
M.A.P.
Tiphsah (tif′suh).
1 A city that marked a northern extremity of Solomon’s kingdom (1 Kings 4:24). It is probably modern Dibseh, on the west bank of the Euphrates River where it turns east after coming south from Carchemish. It was called Thapsacus by the fifth- and fourth-century BCE Greek historian Xenophon (1.4.11) and was known as Amphipolis in the third century BCE.
2 The site of a brutal destruction by Menahem (2 Kings 15:16). It is to be identified with modern Sheikh Abu Zarad, about eight miles northwest of Shiloh.
Tiras (ti′ruhs), a son of Japheth who was the ancestor of a family group (Gen. 10:2; 1 Chron. 1:5). His name may be akin to Egyptian (Turusa) and Greek (Tyrsenoi) terms for a group of Aegean sea raiders sometimes called the Sea Peoples. See also Sea Peoples.
Tirhakah (tuhr-hay′kuh; Taharka in the Egyptian records), a pharaoh of Egypt’s Twenty-Fifth (“Ethiopian”) Dynasty who reigned ca. 690–664 BCE. According to 2 Kings 19:9 (Isa. 37:9), Sennacherib received a report that King Tirhakah of Ethiopia was marching out against him. At that moment the Assyrian army was engaged in a military campaign against Judah and was attacking Libnah in the Judean Shephelah (lowlands). According to the Assyrian annals Sennacherib met and defeated the Egyptian force in the Plain of Eltekeh (perhaps modern Tell esh-Shallaf). See also Egypt.
D.A.D.
Tirzah (tihr′zuh; Heb., “pleasantness”).
1 One of the five daughters of Zelophehad, descendants through Hepher of Manasseh, who appealed to Moses for adjustment of the inheritance custom. This incident gives a glimpse of Israelite attention to issues of justice and land tenure (Num. 26:33; 27:1–11; 36:5–12; cf. Josh. 17:3–6). See also law; Mahlah; Zelophehad.
2 The region belonging to the family group of Tirzah, considered to be descendants of 1. That the names of Zelophehad’s five daughters designated territories has been suggested by Samaria ostraca ca. 775–750 BCE. Tirzah is not named on these ostraca, but Noah and Hoglah, the names of two other daughters of Zelophehad, are. Taking all the evidence together, the general region of Tirzah would have been north and east of Samaria.
3 A city in Israel about seven miles northeast of Shechem. It is first listed as a city whose king was defeated by Joshua (Josh. 12:24), so in the thirteenth century BCE Tirzah was probably a Canaanite city-state. Three hundred years later, it emerged as Jeroboam’s capital of the northern kingdom. The name of the city, however, is not initially given in the account of Jeroboam. When he first becomes king, he rebuilds Shechem and Penuel, presumably because one of these would serve as his capital city (1 Kings 12:25). In 1 Kings 14, however, a story is related concerning the illness of Jeroboam’s son Abijah. His wife takes the boy to Shiloh and is told by the prophet Ahijah that when she crosses the threshold of her home, the child will die (14:12). Jeroboam’s wife then returns home to Tirzah (which has not been mentioned previously) and the boy dies (14:17). Thus, Jeroboam has apparently made his home in Tirzah. Later, Baasha, who usurps control from Jeroboam’s family, is explicitly said to reign over Israel from Tirzah (15:21, 33; 16:6). When Zimri displaces Baasha’s family, the coup occurs at Tirzah (16:8–9). Then Omri lays siege to Zimri at Tirzah and Zimri burns the city’s citadel and palace down upon himself. Omri consolidates his reign at Tirzah, but then moves the capital of the northern kingdom to Samaria (16:15–23). All of this takes place within a half century (ca. 922–870 BCE), but Tirzah’s brief life as Israel’s capital was sufficient for it to be paired with Jerusalem in Song of Sol. 6:4. Around 745 BCE Tirzah reappeared as the base of operations for Menahem, still another usurper of the throne (2 Kings 15:14, 16).
The extensive mound today called Tell el-Far‘ah, seven miles northeast of Shechem, is almost certainly the site of Tirzah. It oversees the head of the Wadi Far‘ah, a direct route to the Jordan. Travelers going east to west in the central hills would come north-northeast from the Shechem pass around Mount Ebal and turn southeast below Tell el-Far‘ah. Excavations reveal that the city was at its largest dimensions in Early Bronze I–II (ca. 3150–2600 BCE); its fortifications on the western, unprotected side became the foundations for all subsequent defenses, though succeeding towns were smaller in extent eastward and northward. Occupation resumed in Middle Bronze II (ca. 1900–1550 BCE), continuing into Late Bronze until roughly 1300 BCE. Evidence of destruction ending this period of the city’s life is skimpy and of inconclusive date; correlation with a presumed destruction by Joshua is far from certain.
Correlation with biblical information is much firmer for the period 1000–600 BCE. There are four phases: the tenth century, ending with a destruction, probably that of Zimri; a partial rebuild, early ninth century; the eighth century, ending with destruction, probably by the Assyrians in 724–721 BCE; and a recovery, down to 600 BCE. Sturdy, roomy tenth-century housing of a uniform character is spread throughout a well-planned city layout. By contrast, the eighth-century town had excellently constructed, spacious houses in one sector, but makeshift homes in another, across a dividing wall. It suggests increasing social and economic stratification (cf. Amos 5:11). In the phase between these two well-preserved towns, walls of unfinished buildings were set into the destruction debris of the tenth century. This interim phase may have represented Omri’s short stay at Tirzah. Basins and a memorial stone, along with other evidence, suggest that there was a gateside sanctuary in continual use from Middle Bronze to the site’s final destruction, perhaps attesting Israelite adoption of Canaanite religious equipment and practices.
The uppermost stratum reflects recovery after the Assyrian destruction. Distinctive Assyrian-style pottery indicates strong influence, perhaps even the presence of an Assyrian garrison. See also Baasha; Jeroboam I; Menahem; Omri; Samaria, city of; Samaria, district of; Zimri.
Bibliography
De Vaux, Roland. “Tirzah.” In Archaeology and Old Testament Study. Oxford University Press: 1967. Pp. 371–83.
———. “El-far‘a, Tel, North.” In Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land. Prentice-Hall, 1976. Pp. 395–404.
E.F.C.
Tishbe (tish′bee), Tishbite (tish′bit), the place of origin for the prophet Elijah and the adjective indicating this. Elijah is called a Tishbite six times in the Bible (1 Kings 17:1; 21:17, 28; 2 Kings 1:3, 8; 9:36). The LXX translators understood this as a geographical reference and translated an uncertain Hebrew word in 1 Kings 17:1 as meaning “of Tishbe in Gilead.” This reading is followed by the NRSV, although no town by that name is otherwise known to have existed. Alternative proposals have suggested that the Hebrew may have originally identified Elijah as “a Jabeshite from Jabesh-gilead” or as “a settler of Gilead.” The dominant theory, however, seems to be that Tishbe was a small and otherwise insignificant village that would never have been mentioned at all, if it had not been the hometown of Elijah. See also Elijah.
M.A.S.
Tishri (tish′ree), the postexilic name for the seventh Hebrew month, also called Ethanim (1 Kings 8:2), a thirty-day period from mid-September to mid-October. It marked the beginning of the religious year with the New Year Festival (Heb. rosh hashanah) celebrated on the first day of the month (originally on the tenth day; Lev. 23:23–25; Num. 29:1–6) followed by the Day of Atonement (Heb. yom kippur) on the tenth day (Lev. 16; 23:26–32; Num. 29:7–11) and the eight-day Festival of Tabernacles (or Booths; Heb. sukkot) beginning on the fifteenth day of Tishri (Lev. 23:33–44). See also Atonement, Day of; calendar; festivals, feasts, and fasts; New Year Festival; Tabernacles, Festival of.
D.R.B.
tithe, a tenth part of one’s income set aside for special purposes. Tithing was very common throughout the ancient Near East, either for the support of a sanctuary or for nonsacral purposes. Fourteenth-century BCE tablets from Ugarit portray the tithe as a royal tax the king collected and distributed to his officials. The Seleucid kings of Syria likewise viewed the tithe as a source for royal income (1 Macc. 10:31; 11:35), whereas Jews at that time viewed it as a religious tax to be offered in support of the temple (3:49).
Nature and Function: Reconstructing a clear picture of the nature and function of tithing in biblical times is extremely difficult due to the conflicting accounts in the biblical traditions and the problems in identifying the dates and provenance of the texts. Apparently, tithing was understood and practiced differently at different times and localities throughout the biblical period. Most biblical texts concerning the tithe agree that it served some religious purpose and presuppose that it was mandatory, but they differ with regard to how it was expended and by whom.
In the time of Ezra and Nehemiah, the tithe was a tax collected at the temple to support the priests and Levites (Neh. 10:37–38; 12:44; 13:5, 12). Paying the tithe was clearly an expectation, but if it was a legal requirement, then it does not appear to have always been observed or enforced (Mal. 3:8, 10).
Pentateuchal regulations likewise present tithing as a sacral and presumably mandatory practice. Lev. 27:30–33 states that all the tithe of the land, whether of the seed of the land or of the fruit of the trees, belongs to God and that one-tenth of all that passes under the shepherd’s staff is also included. Num. 18:21–32 assigns the tithe offerings of the people as the inheritance of the Levites, and they in turn must give one-tenth of what they receive to the priests. Deut. 14:22–29 states that the people shall tithe their grain, wine, and oil together with the firstlings of their herds and flocks and that they shall eat their tithe in the temple. But every third year, the tithe shall go to the Levites, sojourners, orphans, and widows, as these people have little means of support. In the case of the Levites, their poverty was due to Deuteronomy’s requirement that all sanctuaries but one be closed, leaving the Levites who served in those sanctuaries unemployed (cf. Deut. 12). If one lived far from the temple so that transporting the actual tithe was impractical, then it could be converted to cash and replacement food could be bought for consumption at the temple, but the requirement to eat the tithe in the temple still stood. Lev. 27:31 states, however, that those who redeemed their tithe with cash should add one-fifth of the actual cash value of the tithe.
Tax or Offering: Other texts raise questions about the sacral or obligatory nature of the tithe. When the prophet Samuel warns the people about the dangers of appointing a king, he mentions that the king will exact a tithe from their grain, vineyards, and flocks to give to his officers and servants (1 Sam. 8:15, 17). Here, the tithe is a mandatory royal tax, without any mention of religious use. A blending of religious and royal functions may also be observed in that kings had responsibility for maintaining the temple (Ezek. 45:17) and, so, controlled its treasury. According to 2 Chron. 31:5, 6, 12, King Hezekiah collected and stored offerings for the temple, including the tithe.
The traditions of Israel’s ancestors record narratives in which a tithe is freely given at the site of a sanctuary. Abraham gives a tenth of his war booty to Melchizedek, the priest-king of Salem (i.e., Jerusalem) after receiving his blessing (Gen. 14:20; cf. Heb. 7:1–10). Jacob vows to offer a tithe of all his income to God at Bethel after his dream of the ladder to heaven (Gen. 28:22). An interesting attempt to reconcile the conception of the tithe as a royal tax with that of a sacral offering notes that both Jerusalem and Bethel were the sites of royal sanctuaries founded by kings (2 Sam. 6; 1 Kings 6–8, 12:25–33; Amos 7:13). In this view, the ancestral stories may be read as etiological narratives justifying the later practice of channeling tithes for the sanctuary through the king.
In the NT, Jesus mentions tithing in two contexts that presume the righteousness of the practice while critiquing those who perform it. In his parable of the Pharisee and the Tax Collector, he depicts the Pharisee as a self-righteous man who brags to God that he gives a tenth of his income (Luke 18:12); the tithing itself would be commendable but, Jesus notes, “all who exalt themselves will be humbled” (8:14). Also, he notes with irony that some devoutly religious people are scrupulous about tithing (paying a tithe not only on their crops, but also on spices that they grow in small amounts) and yet neglect the “weightier matters” of Torah—things like justice, mercy, and faith (Matt. 23:23; cf. Luke 11:42, “justice and the love of God”). Jesus does not, however, condemn the practice of tithing as such, but indeed indicates it is something one should do.
Paul never mentions tithing, even in sections of his letters devoted to the topic of financial giving (2 Cor. 8–9). Although the data is not sufficient to warrant a certain conclusion, it seems likely that he would have regarded mandatory tithing as one of the “works of the law” from which believers had been set free in Christ (Gal. 3:23–26). Paul does speak of proportionate giving (2 Cor. 8:3, 12–13), but he seems inclined to let the percentage be determined by the giver (9:7). He also says that giving should be voluntary and insists that “if the eagerness is there, the gift is acceptable according to what one has” (8:12). These comments, however, are made with regard to a special offering he is collecting for Jerusalem and would not necessarily represent his comprehensive view on giving to support the local congregation. Overall, Paul emphasizes cheerful giving (9:7) and generosity (Rom. 12:8; 2 Cor. 8:2, 6–7, 19–20; 9:11, 13), which is a fruit of the Holy Spirit (Gal. 5:22). Sirach, however, does the same within a context that assumes tithing: “Be generous when you worship the Lord, and do not stint the first fruits of your hands. With every gift show a cheerful face, and dedicate your tithe with gladness” (35:10–11). See also Levites; temple, the; worship in the Hebrew Bible; worship in the New Testament.
Bibliography
De Vaux, Roland. Ancient Israel. McGraw-Hill, 1965. Pp. 140–41, 380–82, 403–5.
Kaufman, Yehezkel. The Religion of Israel. University of Chicago Press, 1960. Pp. 189–93.
Weinfeld, Moshe. “Tithe.” Encyclopedia Judaica. Vol. 14. Macmillan, 1971. Cols. 1156–62.
M.A.S./M.A.P.
Titius Justus. See Justus.
Titus (ti′tuhs).
1 Titus Flavius Sabinus Vespasianus (39–81 CE), the son of Vespasian, and Roman emperor from 79 to 81 CE. After serving in the army in Germany and Britain, he became the commander of a legion under his father in the Jewish war (66–70 CE). When Vespasian was proclaimed emperor, Titus led the forces that captured Jerusalem and destroyed the temple. The Arch of Titus, which still stands at the Roman Forum, commemorates this victory and displays treasures taken from the temple. Titus shared Vespasian’s rule until his father’s death, whereupon Titus was declared emperor. The aid he provided to victims of the eruption of Mount Vesuvius (79) and of a fire and plague that devastated part of Rome (80) contributed to his popularity. His long-standing affair with the Jewish princess Bernice (mentioned in Acts 25:13) was unpopular in Rome. Upon his death the Senate immediately deified him. See also Caesar; emperor; Roman Empire.
D.R.E.
2 A Gentile “partner and co-worker” with Paul (2 Cor. 8:23) and the named addressee of a short letter in the NT. Titus is never mentioned in the book of Acts. Information concerning him is drawn principally from Paul’s letters, Galatians and 2 Corinthians. References from the Pastoral Letters (including the letter ostensibly addressed to Titus) are often used to supplement this information, though some scholars think these letters are pseudepigraphical, using the literary fiction of a letter from Paul to Titus as a rhetorical device for a work composed some time after Paul’s death.
According to Galatians, Paul was accompanied by Barnabas and a Greek named Titus when he visited Jerusalem for the second time after his call to be an apostle to the Gentiles (1:15–18; 2:1–10). Some Jewish Christians insisted that Titus be circumcised, but Paul objected and met in private with acknowledged leaders of the church (Peter, James, and probably other apostles). They agreed with Paul that Titus should not be compelled to be circumcised. Thus, Titus is presented as having provided a sort of test case for the church regarding the controversial question of whether circumcision would be required of Gentile converts to Christianity. In essence, the dispute seems to have concerned the question of whether Christianity was to be viewed as a subset of Judaism. According to one view, Jesus was the Jewish Messiah and the Savior of Israel; Gentiles could participate in the salvation he brought provided they first became Jews. Paul cited the decision regarding Titus as setting a definitive precedent for another understanding; Jesus was Lord and Savior of all, and through faith in him people could be put right with God apart from circumcision or other works of the law (Gal. 2:16).
Titus also figured prominently as a representative of Paul in his dealings with the troubled Corinthian church. At this point, Paul was in Ephesus, and it seems likely that Titus was his associate there. He may have been the one who delivered the letter known as 1 Corinthians to the church for, in 2 Cor. 8:6, Paul notes that Titus is resuming work that he began at Corinth, namely, the collection for the saints in Jerusalem (cf. 1 Cor. 16: 1–4). In any case, Titus delivered another letter to the Corinthians, the “severe letter” or “tearful letter” that Paul wrote to the church in anger (cf. 2 Cor. 2:3–9). Personal attacks against Paul had threatened his leadership in the community and, wishing to avoid “another painful visit” (2 Cor. 2:1), Paul essentially placed his fate in the hands of Titus. Paul indicates that he experienced great anxiety while waiting to hear back. He traveled from Ephesus to Troas, where he says his mind could not rest, because he could not find Titus there (indicating, apparently, that a planned connection was missed). He then went on to Macedonia and there, at last, Titus caught up with him, bringing incredibly good news—the Corinthians were repentant and desired reconciliation with Paul (2 Cor. 2:13; 7:5–16). Taking advantage of the improved situation, Paul sent Titus back to Corinth, along with two unnamed companions (8:6, 16–24). Later in the same letter, Paul expresses his confidence that Titus will take no advantage of the Corinthians—like Paul, he has their best interests at heart (12:17–18).
The Letter to Titus assumes a scenario unrelated to anything mentioned above. According to this letter, Paul and Titus had been ministering together on the island of Crete, and Paul had left, entrusting Titus to continue the work (Titus 1:5). Paul is writing back to Titus from some undisclosed location (perhaps Ephesus), and he indicates that he hopes to see Titus soon in Nicopolis (3:12). Another one of the Pastoral Letters indicates that ca. 62–64 CE (the time of Paul’s Roman imprisonment) Titus went to Dalmatia to minister there (2 Tim. 4:10). See also circumcision; Titus, Letter of Paul to.
J.L.P.
Titus, Letter of Paul to, one of thirteen NT letters attributed to Paul and one of three that are collectively known as the Pastoral Letters (cf. 1 Tim.; 2 Tim.). Many scholars regard these letters as pseudepigraphical.
Contents: The letter opens with an unusually expansive salutation, which identifies the writer as Paul (1:1–4). The author indicates that Titus is to appoint elders in the towns of Crete and lists the qualifications for the office of bishop (1:5–9). These instructions segue into a description of the corrupt persons whom the bishops will need to refute (1:10–16), followed by specific advice regarding what Titus is to say to older men, older women, younger men, and slaves (2:1–10). The letter then provides a summary of the gospel and its consequences for human behavior (2:11–14). Titus is exhorted to declare these things in a manner that is both authoritative and tactful (2:15–3:2). This leads to a second summary of the gospel message, one that provides personal testimony to the salvation Paul and Titus share in Christ (3:3–7). Titus is to insist on this message and avoid “stupid controversies” and things that cause divisions (3:8–10). The letter concludes with some discussion of future plans, final greetings, and a benediction (3:12–15).
OUTLINE OF CONTENTS
Titus
I. Prescript, with summary of Paul’s calling “to further the faith of the elect” (1:1–4)
II. Instructions (1:5–3:8a)
A. Concerning elders and office of bishop (1:5–9)
B. Warning concerning “circumcision party”; comment on Cretans’ celebrated notoriety (1:10–16)
C. Rules for households: church members of both sexes and all ages, also slaves; example of Titus (2:1–10)
D. Sanctions for instructions: God’s grace manifested in salvation history; former lives of many believers (2:11–3:8a)
III. Conclusion (3:8b–15)
A. Titus to avoid “stupid controversies”; heretics to receive special treatment (3:8b–11)
B. Assignments; greetings; grace (3:12–15)
W.W.
Authorship: Many scholars believe that the three Pastoral Letters have a common origin (probably written by the same person) and that, when considered together, they must be regarded as pseudepigraphical. The reasons offered in support of this conclusion—and the counterarguments used by those who oppose it—are provided in the section on authorship in the entry “Timothy, First Letter of Paul to.” One point specific to the Letter of Titus may be noted here. The presumed situation for this letter is that Paul and Titus have been ministering together on the island of Crete, but that Paul has left, entrusting Titus to continue the work (1:5). Scholars who believe the letter is pseudepigraphical (the majority view) point out that no other NT document ever mentions a Pauline mission in Crete; such a mission does not fit easily into any reconstruction of Paul’s biography, so the reference to it must be regarded as anachronistic, reflecting post-Pauline spread of the gospel to new lands. Scholars who think the letter to Titus is authentic (a growing minority) may be more open to allowing a Cretan mission to fit into gaps in Pauline biographies, or they may resolve the problem by moving Paul’s presumed date of execution forward several years. If Paul was released from Roman imprisonment (as 1 Clem. 5:6–7 is said to imply), then he might have ministered in any number of unknown locales for a few years before he was again arrested and put to death.
Historical Setting: Scholars who think that Paul was the author of this letter take the historical situation presumed by the letter’s contents at face value. Paul is writing to Titus, who is now in charge of a mission in Crete that Paul initiated, advising him on the appointment of church leaders and the containment of unorthodox teaching. According to such a scenario, Paul might be presumed to have written the letter sometime around 52–56 CE, albeit under circumstances that are unattested elsewhere. More often, those who take the letter to be an authentic Pauline compositon usually assume that Paul wrote it from Ephesus in the mid-60s CE, after the traditional date for his execution. Scholars who believe the letter is pseudepigraphical (the majority view) think that Titus, 1 Timothy, and (possibly) 2 Timothy were all written by some unknown person decades after Paul’s death to ensure that the Pauline tradition would be carried forward in the face of competing ideas. Most of these interpreters would date the letter to the last part of the first century (80–100 CE), though some would place it even later (100–125 CE). See the chart “Proposed Historical Situations for the Pastoral Letters,” accompanying the entry for Timothy, First Letter of Paul to.
Major Themes: The Letter of Titus is primarily concerned with the appointment of church leaders, though in this letter (unlike 1 Tim.) terms such as “bishop” and “elder” seem to be used interchangeably for the same generic position. There is little attention to spelling out the responsibilities of such leaders, apart from teaching and preaching (1:9). Still, a bishop is to be regarded as “God’s steward” (1:7) who attends to various matters on God’s behalf. Greater emphasis is placed on explicating qualifications for leadership (1:5–9); moral responsibility and social respectability are given priority. The Letter of Titus is also eminently concerned with stemming the tide of false teaching in the church (1:11, 13; 2:15). See also bishop; church; Crete; elders; letter; Paul; pseudepigraphy; pseudonym; Timothy, First Letter of Paul to; Timothy, Second Letter of Paul to; Titus.
Bibliography
Collins, Raymond F. 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus: A Commentary. Westminster John Knox, 2002.
Harding, Mark. What Are They Saying About the Pastoral Epistles? Paulist, 2001.
Johnson, Luke Timothy. The First and Second Letters to Timothy. Doubleday, 2000.
Knight, George W., III. The Pastoral Epistles: A Commentary on the Greek Text. Eerdmans, 1992.
Marshall, I. Howard. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Pastoral Epistles. Clark, 1999.
Mounce, William D. Pastoral Epistles. Thomas Nelson, 2000.
Powell, Mark Allan. Introducing the New Testament: A Historical, Literary, and Theological Survey. Baker Academic, 2009. Pp. 397–413.
M.A.P.
Tob (tohb), an Aramean city in the territory of Hauran. Jephthah fled to the land of Tob when his half brothers sought to kill him. He then collected outlaws from the region to join him in raiding parties. The elders of Gilead eventually came to Tob to recruit Jephthah as a commander in their war against the Ammonites (Judg. 11:3–5). Later, the town supplied mercenaries to the Ammonites in their wars with David (2 Sam. 10:6–13). Jews who had settled there were rescued from neighbors’ attacks by Judas Maccabeus (1 Macc. 5:13; 2 Macc. 12:17). The location is probably modern et-Taiyibeh, about twelve miles east and slightly north of Ramoth-gilead.
Tobiah (toh-bi′uh; Heb., “the LORD is good”).
1 The head of a family who returned to Judah with Zerubbabel, but who were excluded from the priesthood, because their names were not found in the appropriate genealogical records (Ezra 2:60–62; Neh. 7:62).
2 An opponent of Nehemiah, with Sanballat and Geshem (Neh. 2:10, 19; 4:3, 7; 6:1–19; 13:4–8). Tobiah is described as “the Ammonite official” (2:10, 19). The word “Ammonite” could indicate his origin or be a nickname; more probably it indicates his responsibility for that area, placing him alongside Sanballat, who was governor of Samaria, and Geshem, who could have been the Arabic ruler of Qedar. All three would then occupy important positions under Persian authority. They appear together (2:19; 4:7) and show general opposition to the restoration of Jerusalem in the late sixth and early fifth centuries BCE (2:10–20; 4:19). Tobiah and Sanballat are associated with an attempt to get Nehemiah to act sacrilegiously (6:10–14); Tobiah had considerable influence among leading men in Jerusalem who were bound to him by marriage relationships (6:15–19). During Nehemiah’s absence in Babylon, Eliashib the priest gave Tobiah a special room in the temple, from which Nehemiah later ejected him (13:4–9). This Tobiah is probably to be regarded as the ancestor of the later Tobiads, who were prominent in the second century BCE (cf. 2 Macc. 5:10–13). See also Ezra and Nehemiah, books of; Sanballat.
P.R.A.
Tobias (toh-bi′uhs; Heb., “the LORD is good”), a major character in the book of Tobit. Tobias is the son of Tobit and Anna. He is guided by the angel Raphael to heal his father of a serious eye problem and to exorcize the demon Asmodeus from his bride, Sarah. See also Sarah; Tobit; Tobit, book of.
Tobijah (toh-bi′juh; Heb., “the LORD is good”).
1 A Levite sent by the pious and prosperous Judean king Jehoshaphat (873–849 BCE) to teach the people of Judah from the “book of the law of the LORD” (2 Chron. 17:8–9).
2 One of the men who was memorialized for bringing back gifts of gold from Babylon to Jerusalem (Zech. 6:10, 14).
Tobit (toh′bit), a Naphtalite, the son of Tobiel, and the protagonist of the book of Tobit. He is married to Anna, and they have a son named Tobias. The story told in the book of Tobit is set in the eighth century BCE during the time when Israelites were deported from their homeland by the Assyrian Empire. Tobit has been exiled to Nineveh from his home in Thisbe of Galilee. He is more faithful and righteous than his compatriots, many of whom continue in the apostasy modeled by Jeroboam (Tob. 1:3–9). He rises to a position of prominence in Shalmaneser’s court, but is then persecuted for performing acts of charity (1:10–20). Although his fortunes are temporarily restored (1:21–22), he contracts a serious eye problem after sparrow droppings fall in his eyes while he is tending to the burial of murdered Israelites (2:1–10). Reduced to poverty, he has an argument with his wife, which leads him to pray for death (2:11–3:6). In response to Tobit’s prayer, God sends the angel Raphael (3:16–17), who aids Tobit’s son Tobias in a number of endeavors. Tobit offers testamentary instruction to his son (4:1–19) and sends him to recover money that has been left in trust (4:20–5:3). Eventually, the money is recovered (9:1–6) and Raphael helps Tobias to heal Tobit’s eyesight. The story of Tobit is interwoven with the tale of Sarah, a woman whom Tobias marries. See also Sarah; Tobit, book of.
M.A.P.
Tobit, book of, a Hellenistic writing produced during the Second Temple period and included among the Apocrypha/deuterocanonical literature. The book of Tobit presents a tale of the tribulation and hope intended for Jews who live outside their homeland in the Dispersion. The story is set in the city of Nineveh in the eighth century BCE, when Israelite exiles were deported to that pagan location following the Assyrian destruction of the northern kingdom, Israel. It revolves around Tobit, an exile of the tribe of Naphtali, his wife, Anna, their son, Tobias, and an unfortunate woman named Sarah.
In the first part of the story, Tobit is blinded and reduced to poverty as a consequence of his efforts to bury Jews killed by the oppressive Assyrian king. Sarah, meanwhile, is plagued by the demon Asmodeus, who has killed her previous seven grooms on their wedding nights before the marriages could be consummated. Both pray to God for death, but God responds by sending the angel Raphael (disguised as Tobit’s relative Azarias) to help. Raphael accompanies Tobias on the way to Rages in Media to recover funds Tobit has left in trust. In Ecbatana, they lodge with Sarah’s family, and Tobias meets Sarah. The two marry and defeat the demon with Raphael’s aid and return to Tobit and Anna in Nineveh, where the angel helps Tobias restore his father’s sight.
In addition to a good bit of sound moral instruction derived from the wisdom tradition, the tale advocates the marriage of relatives to preserve Jewish identity in the Dispersion, and it anticipates the end of the Dispersion and the restoration of the full Israelite community in Jerusalem. The book also contains liturgical materials, including prayers offered by both Tobit (3:1–6) and Sarah (3:11–15).
OUTLINE OF CONTENTS
Tobit
I. Tobit loses his eyesight in his concern for the burial of Jewish victims of Assyrian oppression (1:1–3:6)
II. The story of Sarah and the demon-lover (3:7–17)
III. Tobit’s moral instruction to his son, Tobias (4:1–21)
IV. Tobias and Raphael prepare to set out on a journey to recover Tobit’s funds (5:1–22)
V. The journey: Tobias catches a fish whose liver, heart, and gall will be used to help Sarah and heal Tobit (6:1–18)
VI. The wedding (7:1–16)
VII. The defeat of the demon (8:1–21)
VIII. Raphael recovers the funds (9:1–6)
IX. The anxiety of Tobit and Anna, and the departure of the young couple from Sarah’s home (10:1–13)
X. The return and restoration of Tobit’s sight (11:1–18)
XI. Raphael’s true identity revealed (12:1–22)
XII. Tobit’s prayer (13:1–17)
XIII. The testament of Tobit (14:1–15)
The book of Tobit may be contemporary with the stories in Dan. 1–6, which are also concerned with the problems of maintaining Jewish identity and integrity in the Dispersion. Prior to the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls it was known only in the Greek version included in the LXX and was assumed to have been written in Greek during the Second Temple period. However, both Aramaic and Hebrew versions of the book were found among the scrolls at Qumran. Thus, the LXX version of Tobit is now regarded as a translation of a Hebrew or Aramaic original.
Protestants include the book of Tobit among the Apocrypha, while Roman Catholic and Eastern Orthodox Christians classify it as one of the deuterocanonical books. See also angel; Apocrypha/deuterocanonical literature; demon; Dispersion; Sarah; Tobit.
D.W.S.
Togarmah (toh-gahr′muh), the third son of Gomer and the brother of Ashkenaz and Riphath (Gen. 10:3; 1 Chron. 1:6). His descendants may be associated with a city named Beth-togarmah (Heb., “house of Togarmah”) mentioned in Ezek. 27:14. See also Beth-togarmah.
Toi, the king of Hamath who negotiated with David after his defeat of the Ammonites and their allies, some of whom had been enemies of Toi (2 Sam. 8:9–10; 1 Chron. 18:9–10, “Tou”).
Tola (toh′luh; Heb., “crimson worm”).
1 The first of the four sons of Issachar (Gen. 46:13; Num. 26:23; 1 Chron. 7:1–2; Jub. 44:16) and the ancestral head of the people known as Tolaites. Nothing further is known of the six sons of Tola listed in 1 Chron. 7:2.
2 A judge (Judg. 10:1) described as a son of Puah, from the tribe of Issachar. He lived in the town of Shamir in the Ephraimite hill country and was a judge in Israel for twenty-three years.
tomb of Jesus. According to the Gospel accounts, the tomb in which the crucified body of Jesus was placed belonged to Joseph of Arimathea, who is variously identified as a rich man (Matt. 27:57), a respected member of the council (Mark 15:43), and a secret disciple of Jesus (John 19:38). It was a new tomb in which no one had ever been laid, and it was located in a garden in the same vicinity as the place where Jesus was crucified (19:41). The Gospel writers also mention a stone that needed to be rolled away from the opening before one could enter the tomb (Matt. 28:2; Mark 16:3; Luke 24:2; John 20:1). This scenario assumes that the tomb of Jesus was probably carved into a limestone hill with an opening that could be closed with a door that looked like a stone wheel. The wheel would have been placed into a groove or track to keep it in place. When the tomb was opened, the wheel could be rolled up a sloping track and held in place with some object. To close the door, it was necessary only to remove the block and let the wheel roll downhill in front of the opening of the tomb.
The traditional location of Jesus’s tomb is the site on which the Church of the Holy Sepulchre now stands. The identification of this site was made under Constantine in 335 CE, but at that time appeared to be based on ancient tradition (e.g., of Christians worshiping at the spot prior to the war with Rome in 66 CE, and of Hadrian building a temple to Aphrodite on the spot, an indication that some group regarded it as sacred, in 135 CE). There is no way of authenticating the tradition. G.W.B./P.P.
tombs. See architecture; burial; Mareshah; Nabatea, Nabateans; ossuaries; Sidon; Tadmor; tomb of Jesus.
1 The bodily organ of taste and speech. It is the latter function that accounts for most references in the Bible (but see Job 6:30). The tongue can produce words of praise (Pss. 51:14; 119:172), deceit (Pss. 10:7; 78:36; Prov. 21:6; Mic. 6:12; Jer. 9:3, 5, 8), boasting (Ps. 12:3); slander (Ps. 15:3), or mischief (Prov. 17:4). The book of Proverbs speaks of the “tongue of the wise” (12:18; 15:2) and also mentions the “gentle tongue” (15:4), the “perverse tongue” (10:31), the “lying tongue” (6:17; 12:19; 21:6; 26:28), the “soft tongue” (25:15), the “backbiting tongue” (25:23), and the “smooth tongue of the adulteress” (6:24). Prov. 18:21 claims that “death and life are in the power of the tongue.” The Letter of James condemns the tongue as unrighteous, untamable, and a fount of evil (3:6–12). An inability to speak is typically attributed to a problem with the tongue (e.g., Ps. 137:6; Ezek. 3:26). Moses complains that he is “slow of speech and slow of tongue,” meaning that he is not eloquent and needs his brother Aaron to help him (Exod. 4:10). Zechariah’s tongue must be “freed” in order for him to speak (Luke 1:64). Jesus touches the tongue of a man with a speech impediment so that it might be “released,” and then the man speaks freely (Mark 7:32–35). Paul looks forward to the day when every tongue will confess that Jesus Christ is Lord (Phil. 2:11).
2 A language (cf. Isa. 45:23; Phil. 2:11; Rom. 14:11), especially a foreign or incomprehensible language, as in the phrases “alien tongue” (Isa. 28:11; cf. 33:19) and “other tongues” (Acts 2:4).
J.B.T.
tongues, as of fire, a phrase used in Acts 2:3 to designate one of the dramatic events of the first Pentecost after Jesus’s death and resurrection. The author says that tongues as of fire appeared and rested on each of the apostles. As a result, the apostles began to speak in other tongues (2:4, 8; NRSV: “languages”). The description brings together the association of fire with divine power and the imagery of tongues as languages. See also Pentecost; tongue; tongues, speaking in.
tongues, speaking in (Gk. glossolalia), the act of speaking in a language that is either incomprehensible or at least unknown to the speaker. The phenomenon of speaking in tongues played a prominent role in the life of some early Christian communities.
Acts 2 contains a narrative about the events of the first Pentecost after Jesus’s resurrection. On that day, the apostles gathered together, and, after hearing a sound like wind and seeing tongues like fire, they “began to speak in other languages [lit., tongues], as the Spirit gave them ability” (2:4). The author of Acts goes on to list various nationalities of persons who heard the apostles speak, noting that everyone heard them speaking in their native languages.
The phenomenon of speaking in tongues is mentioned twice more in Acts. After Peter preaches in the house of Cornelius, the Gentiles there began “speaking in tongues and extolling God” (10:46). This is taken as a sign that the Holy Spirit has been poured out among Gentiles and that they should be baptized. In Acts 19, Paul meets some disciples of Apollos at Ephesus. These disciples, who have been brought “into John’s baptism” (19:3), say that they have never heard of the Holy Spirit. Paul instructs them, baptizes them in the name of Jesus, and lays his hands on them. Then the Holy Spirit comes upon them, and they speak in tongues and prophesy (19:6). The author of Acts probably thought of these two incidents as similar to the one described in chap. 2, although in the latter incidents there is no explicit mention of people recognizing the inspired speech as actual languages.
Paul addresses the matter of “speaking in tongues” as a possible problem in the church at Corinth. He acknowledges that the ability to speak in “various kinds of tongues” and the ability to interpret these tongues are “spiritual gifts” (1 Cor. 12:10), but he also advises his readers to seek the “higher gifts” (12:31), such as the ability to prophesy (14:1). In 1 Cor. 13, Paul exalts love as the ultimate aim for all believers and, in 1 Cor. 14, he gives a number of specific directions about speaking in tongues. Speaking in tongues is helpful to the community only when it is used in conjunction with the spiritual gift of “interpretation of tongues” (14:5; cf. 12:10). When the community convenes, no more than three should speak in tongues, each in turn, and there must be an interpretation (12:27). Paul feels that uncontrolled and uninterpreted speaking in tongues does not edify the community and that it gives outsiders the impression that believers are mad (12:23). Yet he allows this activity to take place, so long as it is done in an orderly fashion and is accompanied by interpretation. Paul also encourages the believers to speak in tongues in private; indeed, he claims that he does this himself more than any of them (14:15–18).
Interpreters generally note two differences between the portrayals of the phenomenon of speaking in tongues in Acts and 1 Corinthians. First, the persons who speak in tongues in Acts appear to be miraculously inspired to speak in actual foreign languages that they themselves have never learned. In 1 Corinthians, however, the people speak in incomprehensible languages without any expectation that anyone would recognize their words as an actual language spoken on earth. Indeed, 13:1 suggests that the Corinthians might have identified this incomprehensible speech with the language of angels. The interpretation of tongues demanded a spiritual gift, not mere recognition on the part of one who happened to know the language being spoken. Second, the people who speak in tongues in Acts are reported as doing so only once, on the occasion of being filled with the Holy Spirit; there is no indication that Peter, Cornelius, or anyone else who speaks in tongues on one occasion ever does so again. In 1 Corinthians, however, those who have the gift of speaking in tongues are able to exercise that gift anytime they choose (14:32). See also Acts of the Apostles; Pentecost; tongues, as of fire.
J.B.T./M.A.P.
tools, implements used by humans for crafting something. Use of this generic term in the Bible is sparse; writers prefer to designate specific tools, such as ax, pick, or saw (1 Chron. 20:3). According to Gen. 4:22, Tubal-cain (the son of Lamech and Zillah) was remembered as the first person to make “all kinds of bronze and iron tools.” When the Israelites constructed an altar for the worship of God, however, they were forbidden to use any tools on the stones, as this would profane them (Deut. 27:5; cf. Exod. 20:25). The same prohibition applied when Joshua built an altar on Mount Ebal, just north of Shechem (Josh. 8:31). Likewise, when the Jerusalem temple was constructed under Solomon, materials were to be prepared and finished at the quarry site, so that neither “hammer nor ax nor any tool of iron was heard in the temple” (1 Kings 6:7). Sirach indicates, however, that Hezekiah used iron tools to tunnel through rock when he fortified the city and built a tunnel (48:17).
Archaeological evidence shows that tool technology followed the course of improvement in material procurement and processing. Thus from prehistoric stone, bone, and shell tools one moves through the successive developments of copper, bronze, and iron, while earlier materials continued to be used where suited or more cheaply available. Each craft developed specialized tools for its work. Jewelers’ drills, farmers’ sickles, carpenters’ adzes, housewives’ saddle querns and hand grinders, stonecutters’ hammers and chisels, bronze workers’ molds, millers’ millstones, scholars’ inkwells, priests’ incense burners, and butchers’ knives are a sampling of tools found from the biblical period.
R.S.B.
Topheth (toh′fith), a location in the Valley of the Son of Hinnom (the Valley of Hinnom) south of Jerusalem. It was known as a site where children were sacrificed to Baal and Molech during the time of Isaiah and Jeremiah (Isa. 30:33; Jer. 7:31, 32; 19:6, 11–14; cf. 32:35). Kings Ahaz and Manasseh of Judah are reported to have offered their sons as sacrifices in the Valley of the Son of Hinnom (2 Chron. 28:3; 33:6; cf. 2 Kings 16:3; 21:6). King Josiah attempted to put a stop to the practice by defiling the altar at Topheth (2 Kings 23:10), but the practice was revived after his death. The word “Topheth” that appears in English Bibles is a simple transliteration of the word that appears in Hebrew Bibles. The consonants of this Hebrew word correspond to those of the word tephat, which means “hearth” or “fireplace,” and since the Hebrew text of the Bible was originally written in consonants only, the word that was actually used in the earliest biblical manuscripts would have been t-ph-t, which all readers would have known stood for tephat (“hearth”). However, when the Masoretes added vowels to the Hebrew text of the Bible (sometime after the fifth century CE), they substituted the vowels for the Hebrew word meaning “shame” for the vowels that would properly be used for this word, transforming tephat into a nonexistent word, tophet. In short, the original biblical text simply referred to a hearth or fireplace located in the Valley of the Son of Hinnom, but the text as we now possess it calls that hearth by a unique name: Topheth. The intention of the Masoretes was for every mention of that hearth to invoke the shame of what transpired there. See also Hinnom, Valley of; Masorah; Masoretic Text; Molech.
M.A.S.
Torah (toh′ruh; Heb., “instruction” or “teaching”), God’s instructions to Israel. The Hebrew word torah is often translated “law” in English Bibles, following the Greek translation of the word as nomos in the LXX. The word nomos does have a much stronger legal connotation than torah, but even nomos in the Hellenistic period (333–63 BCE) was used for divinely revealed precepts and ideas that transcended specifically legal contexts. The NRSV is inconsistent in how it translates torah—unless otherwise noted, in the biblical passages here the NRSV renders the word “law,” “teaching,” or “instruction.”
In the Hebrew Bible: In different sections and contexts of the Hebrew Bible, the word torah is used with different connotations. In Exodus and Genesis, the word refers to God’s instruction (Exod. 13:9; 16:4) and is employed in a manner parallel to “commandment” and “statute” (Gen. 26:5; Exod. 18:16). In Leviticus and Numbers, however, torah defines instructions for worship and other cultic matters (e.g., Num. 5:29–30). The NRSV often translates torah as “ritual” in these contexts (Lev. 6:14; 7:1, 37; 14:2, 54). The phrase “this is the statute of the Torah” emphasizes the reference to such cultic instruction (Num. 19:2; 31:21; cf. 35:29). In Lev. 10:11 the causal form of the verbal root yrh (“to instruct,” “to teach”) is used to define the main priestly duties, “to teach the people of Israel all the statutes which the Lord has spoken to them by Moses.” This teaching includes sacrificial laws, ethical behavior, holidays, and regulations concerning purity and impurity (10:10; 14:57; cf. 4–7, 11–15, 23). In Deuteronomy, the priestly teaching function of Torah is also underscored: “If a judicial decision is too difficult for you to make . . . you shall consult with the levitical priests and the judge. . . . You must carry out fully the torah [NRSV: “law”] that they interpret for you” (17:8–9, 11; cf. 33:8–10). In many occurrences in Deuteronomy, however, the expression “this torah” refers to the composite literary elements of the book—speeches, laws, blessings and curses, etc. (1:5; 4:44; 27:3, 26; 28:58; also “This book of the torah,” 28:61; 29:20; 30:10; 31:26). Torah in Deuteronomy is thus perceived as basic to Israel’s cultural and national identity (4:5, 6, 8).
The Former Prophets (Joshua–2 Kings), which are perceived by modern scholarship as having undergone a systematic editing by adherents to the school of Deuteronomy, follow the predominant usage of torah in Deuteronomy, using the word to refer to the comprehensive nature of that book (Josh. 1:7–8; 8:31–34; 22:5; 23:6; 1 Kings 2:3; 2 Kings 10:31; 14:6; 17:13, 34; 21:8). It appears that the book of torah found in the temple (2 Kings 22:8; 23:25) was a version of Deuteronomy.
In the Latter Prophets (Hosea, Amos, Isaiah son of Amoz, and Micah; eighth century BCE), torah is used in a variety of contexts. The word is used in the sense of cultic rules (Hos. 4:6), as parallel to covenant (8:1), and as written divine instructions known to the northern tribes (8:12). Amos and Isaiah see Torah as including God’s moral commands (Amos 2:4, 6–12; Isa. 5:24; 30:9). Isaiah also gives the sense of divine teachings through the prophet (1:10; 8:16). Further, both Isa. 2:3 and Mic. 4:2 indicate that the Torah will be taught by God to all nations in the final times. Hab. 1:4 uses torah in the context of ethics. Criticism of the teaching of the Torah by the priests appears in Mic. 3:11, Zeph. 3:4, Ezek. 22:26; and Mal. 2:6–9. Jeremiah uses torah in a comprehensive sense similar to Deuteronomy’s (6:19; 9:12; 16:11; 26:4). In the New Covenant to be given at the time of redemption (31:33), the Torah’s content remains intact (only the method of transmission changes), and all will be naturally obedient to it. Ezekiel shows the influence of the Priestly sections of the Pentateuch in his use of torah (43:11; 44:23–24), and he uses the word eschatologically in reference to the temple (43:12). In sum, the prophets use the word torah in a broad sense. Even the priestly instruction was not limited to cultic issues, as was illustrated by the example of a request for priestly torah given in Hag. 2:11–13.
In the book of Psalms, there is a tendency to praise the Torah and the righteous who cleave to it, so that it is viewed as the purpose and motivation of existence (1:2; 19:8; 37:31; 40:9; 94:12; 112:1; 119:97). These psalms seem to be influenced by the wisdom traditions, perhaps in conjunction with Deuteronomy (see also Ps. 78). Deuteronomistic influence may also be found in Ps. 89:31–33 (cf. 2 Sam. 7:14), while Ps. 105:45 may reflect Priestly writings (which elevate the Sinai covenant above that of Abraham).
Proverbs uses the word torah for the advice given by a parent (1:8; 3:1) or a sage (13:14); torah is also paralleled to reproof (1:8), command (3:1), and a good lesson (4:2). Although many of the occurrences of torah here are in the sense of general wisdom, the specific use of torah as religious instruction appears as well (28:9; 29:18).
The Chronicler depicts the kings as subservient to God’s Torah (1 Chron. 16:40; 22:12–13; 2 Chron. 14:3; 23:18; 30:16; 31:3–4, 21; 34:14–15, 19), which is perceived as a specific book (2 Chron. 12:1; 25:4; 33:2–9; but cf. the Priestly rule mentioned in 2 Chron. 15:3). In Ezra (3:2; 7:6, 10) and Nehemiah (8:1, 8, 18; 9:3; 10:30; 13:1, 3), a fixed written Torah is assumed.
Conclusions: The vast majority of the occurrences of the word torah in the Bible refer to God’s instructions to Moses at Sinai that were transmitted to Israel. These instructions or commandments (in a narrower or wider sense) became Israelite law and the stipulations of the covenant. They were all-important, since they were the specific manifestations of God’s will. Since they were God-given, they were obviously good, and obedience would result in long life, prosperity, health, and happiness. Disobedience would be punished with harm, barrenness, exile, destruction, and death. The Torah is the great democratizing influence on Israelite society—all had to obey, especially kings (Deut. 17:18–20). This teaching was permanent, even if the covenant were broken (Jer. 31:33). The teaching of the Torah was an essential priestly function, but the greatest joy was to have God answer one’s prayers and teach it directly to the individual (Pss. 94:12; 119:33–34, 72–73).
Proverbs, which uses torah in the sense of parental guidance for a child, may provide the reason why this term was used in the religious sphere. The Israelites are frequently portrayed as God’s children in the Bible (Exod. 4:22; Deut. 14:1; 32:10–12; Hos. 11:1; Jer. 31:9, 20; Isa. 66:13). Thus, torah in the religious sense may have originally connoted the teachings imparted by God the parent to Israel the child. See also covenant; Pentateuch.
Bibliography
Crüsemann, Frank. The Torah: Theology and Social History of Old Testament Law. Fortress, 1996.
J.U.
Tou (too). See Toi.
tower. Towers constructed for military purposes included freestanding outposts that were located in strategic positions (2 Chron. 20:24; 26:10; 2 Kings 17:9; 18:8) and projecting bastions that were part of a city’s defense system (2 Chron. 14:7; 26:9; 32:5; Neh. 3:25–27). The dimensions of towers varied in accord with their purpose and the available building materials. Towers provided elevated positions for sentries or soldiers repelling enemy attacks (2 Chron. 26:15); some towers were so massively built that they provided refuge for the population in time of attack (Judg. 9:46–52). Reference to the destruction of a city’s towers symbolized its fall (Ezek. 26:4, 9), and Isaiah depicted Babylon’s demise by predicting that hyenas would inhabit its towers (13:22; cf. 32:14). Siege towers were often used in attacks on cities (Isa. 23:13; 29:3; Ezek. 21:22).
In addition to the military function of towers, farmers built small watchtowers in fields and vineyards (Isa. 5:2; Matt. 21:33). These towers provided elevated positions from which fields could be guarded; the ground floor of such structures served as living quarters for fieldworkers or guards, since ripening crops had to be guarded day and night.
The Bible mentions a number of Jerusalem’s towers by name: the Tower of the Hundred (Neh. 3:1; 12:39), the Tower of Hananel (Neh. 3:1; 12:39; Jer. 31:38; Zech. 14:10), the Tower of the Ovens (Neh. 3:11; 12:38), and the Tower of David (Song of Sol. 4:4). The biblical writers also referred to other famous towers: the Tower of Babel (Gen. 11:4–5), the Tower of Eder (Gen. 35:21), the Tower of Penuel (Judg. 8:17), the Tower of Shechem (Judg. 9:46), a tower in Thebez (Judg. 9:50–51), the tower of the flock (Mic. 4:8), and a tower in Siloam (Luke 13:4).
Towers sometimes symbolized security (Pss. 48:12; 61:3; 122:7; Prov. 18:10), but the towers of God’s enemies could not protect them from judgment (Isa. 2:15; 30:25; cf. Prov. 12:12). In the Song of Solomon, the young woman’s neck is compared to the Tower of David (4:4) and to an ivory tower (7:4); her breasts are also compared to towers (8:10). See also fort, fortress; Migdol; watchtower.
G.L.M.
town clerk, an official in the Greco-Roman world who had significant authority and responsibility under the Roman system of government. These officials were responsible for the proper form and wording for decrees that were presented to assemblies of the people, and they appear to have been responsible for keeping order and preventing illegal assemblies. Such a person was one of the chief characters in an account of a riot at Ephesus in which Paul was involved (Acts 19:35–41). The Greek word translated “town clerk” in this passage is grammateus, the same term that is regularly translated “scribe” everywhere else in the NT. See also cities; Ephesus; scribe.
towns, settlements of small but indeterminate size. They could be walled with gates, as a city (1 Sam. 23:7; Prov. 8:3), but they are also spoken of in terms parallel with villages (Matt. 10:11). In the NT, the NRSV translates the Greek word polis as either “city” or “town” and it translates the Greek word k–om–e as either “village” or “town.” Thus, the word “town” seems to be the default mid-level term for a settlement that is regarded as either a relatively small city or a relatively large town. The same is true with comparable Hebrew terms in the Bible. Named towns include Tappuah (Josh. 17:8), Bethlehem (Judg. 17:8), Arimathea (Luke 23:51), and Ephraim (John 11:54). Cities were frequently identified as being surrounded by towns and villages (note Ashdod and Gaza, Josh. 15:47; and numerous references in 1 Chron. 7:28). The public ministry of Jesus was carried out in towns and villages (Luke 13:22) without recourse to the larger cities of Galilee (Caesarea, Sepphoris, and Tiberias).
R.S.B.
Trachonitis (trak′uh-ni′tis), a Greek name in the NT for a 370-square-mile rocky, yet potentially fertile, lava plateau located between Galilee and Damascus. It is referred to in the Hebrew Bible as the land of Bashan. Originally a part of Herod’s kingdom, Trachonitis became the territory of Philip (Luke 3:1) and later was governed by Herod Agrippa I. Two NT cities in the region were Caesarea Philippi and Bethsaida. See also Bashan; Herod; Philip.
trade, the movement and exchange of goods and services that make up commerce. Commercial trading, both foreign and domestic, is viewed as a normal part of domestic activity by citizens in pursuit of prosperity (Gen. 34:10, 21) Likewise, it is a normal pursuit of visitors to a land not formally their own (cf. 42:34, where Joseph invites his family to Egypt, and trading is encouraged). Trade could be a means of survival for desperate prisoners or refugees (Lam. 1:11). Successful trade brought wealth (Ezek. 28:5), but it could also breed violence and corruption (28:16) leading to destruction (28:18). In John’s Gospel, Jesus objects that business conducted in the temple courts (e.g., the selling of animals for sacrifice) has transformed the temple into a “marketplace” (2:16; see also Zech. 14:21). Trade could be planned in advance (James 4:13), but merchants could use dishonest devices for excessive profit (Hos. 12:7), and trade could also be conducted without satisfaction (Job. 20:18). Nevertheless, trade was ignored only at one’s peril (Luke 19:20–26).
Trade was an international matter, and biblical references mention a variety of trading partners for Israel in the biblical world, including Midianites (Gen. 37:28), Arabians (1 Kings 10:15), Tyre (Isa. 23:8), Chaldea (Babylon, Ezek. 1:29), Ophir (1 Kings 10:11), and the following places listed in Ezek. 27: Sheba, Raamah, Haran, Canneh, Eden, Asshur, Chilmad, Javan, Tarshish, Tubal, Meshech, Beth-togarmah, Rhodes, Edom, Judah, Israel, Damascus, Helbon, Uzal, Dedan, Arabia, Kedar, Cyprus, and Elishah. In addition, 1 Kings 10:28–29 mentions Egypt, Kue, Syria, and the Hittite royal house. At times trading was a royal enterprise for official purposes of diplomacy (10:1–13) or for profit (10:14–29), a matter in which Solomon was the traditional model for success (2 Chron. 1:16; 9:14). In the NT, the ship that was to carry Paul as a prisoner to Rome is also said to have had a cargo of wheat (Acts 27:38). This would be quite normal inasmuch as it was an Alexandrian ship (27:6) and Egypt served as the breadbasket for Rome.
Goods and Services Exchanged: Any sort of necessary good was subject to trade in circumstances where others were deprived of it, but had means of exchange. Furthermore, as any society becomes prosperous, it begins to look on certain goods as desirable, even if they are not necessary in the strict sense, and that society will develop means of acquiring such goods through trade if they are not easily accessible through some other means. This scenario is vividly evident both in the story of Solomon’s dealings for construction goods, services, and luxury materials (1 Kings 5–10) and in a vignette on trade in Ezekiel’s oracles against Tyre (27–28). Tyre is described as “merchant of the peoples on many coastlands” (27:3). In Tyre one found: fir from Senir; cedar from Lebanon; oaks from Bashan; pine from Cyprus; ivory; linen from Egypt; blue and purple cloth from Elishah; rowers from Sidon and Arvad; pilots from Zemer; caulkers from Gebal (Byblos); soldiers from Persia, Lud, Put, Arvad, Helech, and Gamad; silver, tin, iron, and lead from Tarshish; bronze vessels and slaves from Javan, Tubal, and Meshech; horses, warhorses (perhaps specially trained), and mules from Beth-togarmah; ivory tusks and ebony from Rhodes and other ports; emeralds, purple, embroidered work, fine linen, coral, and agate from Edom; wheat, olives, figs, honey, oil, and balm from Israel and Judah; unspecified goods from Damascus; wine from Helbon; white wool and wine from Uzal along with wrought iron, cassia, and calamus; saddlecloths from Dedan; lambs, goats, and rams from Arabia and Kedar; spices, precious stones, and gold from Sheba and Raamah; and choice garments, clothes of blue and embroidered work, and colored carpets from Haran, Canneh, Eden, Asshur, and Chilmad. Among the precious stones specified are carnelian, topaz, jasper, chrysolite, beryl, onyx, sapphire (probably lapis lazuli), carbuncle and emeralds, with worked gold settings.
Marketing: The steps from early individual bartering to the development of formal markets are not clear. What is obvious is that in the earliest city-states of Sumer in Mesopotamia the temple served as a major gathering point for goods, if not services. The huge ziggurat and temple constructions, to say nothing of the walls, palaces, canals, and dikes that marked these cities, required extensive acquisition of construction materials and workers. The democratic nature of earliest Sumerian society suggests that such arrangements required elaborate negotiations and records.
For most of the biblical period, marketing was done through small shops where each specialty product was available from the producer or processor. Even in NT times this style of marketing is reflected in rows of shops lining the edges of the more public Greek agora (as at Corinth) or streets (as at Ephesus). The arrangement of market shops was frequently by product; hence there were gold quarters and carpentry rows; shoe shops, bedding shops, metalsmiths, and others with identical or similar products were in close proximity to each other on a particular street or byway. This seems to have been a matter of convenience for producers; it gave them proximity to the competition and thus the capacity to adjust prices according to market changes as well as mutual assistance in production crises, e.g., quick access to borrow a replacement for a broken tool or the quickest access to a supply of materials in case one unexpectedly ran out of an item. It also served as a convenience for shoppers by putting all the competitors producing a given product within easy reach for comparison shopping.
In local markets, the “producers” were often the “sellers.” The manufacture of the goods proceeded as the basic occupation, while selling the product, taking special orders, and repairing previously sold items were all conducted by the shopkeeper as integrated parts of the production business. No neat lines separated producer, supplier, and seller in such situations.
Traveling merchants were also common in antiquity. Biblical references reinforce the cottage industry mode of marketing in such cases as Jeremiah’s visit to the house of the potter (Jer. 18:3) or the recruitment of a scribe by Paul to write his letters (1 Cor. 16:21).
Records: Most records of trade that have survived from antiquity have been parts of royal or temple archives. Thus, for instance, economic texts predominated in the finds at Ugarit, Mari, and Ebla; the Dead Sea Scrolls are an exception in that, at Qumran, ritual, theological, and other religious interests superseded attention to economic records. The vast spectrum of economic texts discovered throughout the ancient Near East includes orders and receipts for goods; records of shipments made and received; payment of levies and taxes; inventories of goods received and stored; records of goods required, procured, and consumed; and quantities or weights of materials received. That societies took such matters seriously is indicated by the fact that they were recorded on tablets fired for durability and stored in quarters considered secure. There seem not to have been major banking institutions outside the temple precincts or royal houses, but money changing and lending was a readily available street business. Trade agreements were a major component of diplomatic negotiations, whether in tribal or settled city or national life. The obligation of conquered people to supply both goods, quarters, and services was also assumed. Records concerning trade in humans included bills and receipts of slave purchases as well as manifests of freedom for slaves.
Means of Exchange: The frequent discovery of small ceramic disks, sometimes punctured in the center to allow stringing or hanging on a spindle of some sort, has led some archaeologists to suggest their probable use as local tokens of exchange, a sort of voucher system. The introduction of coinage, traditionally regarded as a sixth-century BCE invention of the Lydians, was made official government practice by the Persians. Coins were usually a government monopoly, with mints sometimes scattered throughout political holdings. Control of the metal value, coin size, design and decoration, and varieties of coins used were thus a means of both economic and political control. The propaganda value of coins should not be underrated. Greeks and Romans brought the art to a high state, and coins, when they are recovered in legible condition, are among the most helpful archaeological articles for dating sites. See also money; transportation, travel; weights and measures.
R.S.B.
transfiguration (trans-fig′yuh-ray′shuhn), the title given to an event in Jesus’s life in which his physical appearance is temporarily changed as he is “transfigured” (Gk. metamorpho–o) before three of his disciples on a mountaintop. The story is reported in all three of the Synoptic Gospels (Matt. 17:1–8; Mark 9:2–8; Luke 9:28–36). Jesus takes Peter, James, and John with him to the summit of an unnamed mountain. There his face begins shining like the sun and his clothing becomes dazzling white. Then, suddenly, Moses and Elijah appear with him. Peter offers to build three booths or dwellings for them, and then a voice speaks from heaven, saying “This is my Son, the Beloved; listen to him!” (Mark 9:7; cf. Matt. 17:5; Luke 9:35). The transfiguration has been understood as an instance of Jesus’s true form as the Son of God breaking through his humanity (cf. John 1:14) or as a proleptic glimpse of the glory of the Son of God that will be revealed at the Parousia (cf. 2 Pet. 1:16–18).
R.H.S.
transgression. See sin.
Transjordan (trans-jor′duhn), strictly speaking the area directly east of the Jordan River, but a term normally used today for the high plateau area from the Yarmuq River in the north to the head of the Gulf of Aqabah in the south. The present Kingdom of Jordan represents the first time in history that the area has formed a single united and independent state. Previously it was always either a group of separate states or part of a foreign empire.
The edge of the plateau, overlooking the north–south rift valley of the Ghor, is everywhere higher than its counterpart in the west and consequently receives heavier winter rainfall, which decreases rapidly as the plateau slopes downward toward the Wadi Sirhan and the great basalt barrier in the east. Throughout history, from the Pre-Pottery Neolithic period (ca. 7000 BCE) to the present, Transjordan has provided a relatively easy north–south route from Syria to the Red Sea and Midian in northwest Arabia, and vice versa. There have been two roads, the King’s Highway on the plateau edge and the Pilgrim Route along the edge of the desert. The first has the problem of crossing deep and steep-sided valleys, while the second is more level but less well supplied with food and water. Four major valleys cleave the plateau edge: the Yarmuq in the north, the Zerqa (biblical Jabbok), the Mojjib (Arnon), and the Hesa (Zered). These have often served as administrative boundaries, but only the Hesa is a true cultural division.
Culturally—as well as politically in the period prior to the Assyrian conquests (ninth–eighth centuries BCE)—the main areas of the Transjordan were as follows:
1. Havvoth-jair (Num. 32:41; Deut. 3:14; 1 Kings 4:13), an extension of the Bashan plateau (Josh. 13:30), and a disputed zone between Aram and Israel. In NT times it was part of the Decapolis, including Gadara (Umm Qeis) and Abila (Tell Abil).
2. Gilead, the uplifted highland region of Ajlun, divided by the Zerqa. This area was incorporated into the tribal lands of Manasseh, being the only area east of the Jordan where the three Israelite crops of grain (wheat or barley), grapes, and olives could be cultivated together. A medicinal balm from this region was proverbial (Jer. 8:22; 46:11) and was exported to Phoenicia (Ezek. 27:17) and to Egypt (Gen. 37:25). The plateau to the east, merging rapidly into semidesert, was Ammonite territory, centering on the upper Jabbok, which rises at Amman (Rabboth Ammon). Gerasa (Jerash) in Gilead and Philadelphia (Amman) were the southernmost Decapolis cities.
3. Moab, east of the Dead Sea. This area is divided into two parts by the canyon of the Mojjib. The level tableland of the Mishor to the north (Deut. 3:10; Josh. 13:9) was traditionally the territory of Reuben and Gad (Judg. 5:16; 1 Sam. 13:7). It was famous for its sheep and was essentially Moabite. The Moabite heartland between the Mojjib and Hesa is increasingly pastoral and rises steadily southward; this area was controlled from the great stronghold of Kir-hareseth (Kerak) on the King’s Highway (2 Kings 3:21–27).
4. Edom, the high plateau rim south of the Hesa, everywhere well above 4,000 feet and touching 5,704 feet a little north of Petra. Cultivation is confined to a narrow strip along the plateau edge, and the chief source of wealth was trade with Arabia, perhaps as early as 6000 BCE, and with Anatolia as early as 7000. The region reached its zenith under the Nabateans.
5. The Dissected Plateau in the extreme south, a complicated network of hills and gorges. As the entry to the Red Sea and to Midian and Arabia, this may have been the Teman of the Hebrew Bible, though the name (lit., “south”) may perhaps signify either southern Edom or northwestern Arabia.
See also Ammonites; Arabia; Arnon River; cities; Gadara, Gadarenes; Gilead; Jabbok; Midian, Midianites; Moab; Zered, Wadi.
D.B.
transportation, travel. References to travelers and travel are found throughout the Bible, in addition to mention of devices used for moving people or goods. Travel could occur either by day or night (Exod. 13:21), and there were advantages to each. Daytime travel over land reduced the dangers of being waylaid by bandits, but subjected one to the worst heat in summer. Night travel over land needed moonlight for the safest progress, but eliminated the heat problem both for humans and animals. Sea travel was limited to daytime voyaging within sight of land until use of celestial navigation allowed direct crossings. In the biblical period sea traffic consisted predominantly of coastal routes, and safe havens at intervals of a day’s sail were a hallmark of the Phoenician sea travel development. Land travel used what roads were available (Job 21:29), and the word of travelers was a major link in communications (21:29). In times of stress roads might be avoided, and travelers would take to roundabout routes for safety, while commercial transport might suspend operations (Judg. 5:6). International travel was commonplace, but was judiciously watched for danger (Job 6:19). Its nature could be trade (Ezek. 27:25), legal business (Acts 9:1–7), casual encounter (2 Sam. 12:4), a deliberate group activity (Acts 19:29; 2 Cor. 8:19), or the result of a crisis (Acts 11:19). For a person or place to be forgotten by travelers was a distinctive form of oblivion (Job. 28:4) and could symbolize an extreme form of future desolation (Ezek. 39:11) .
Rivers: There is little doubt that early settlement patterns reflect transportation by river craft in both Egypt and Mesopotamia. The central role of the Nile was its proximity to all cultivatable land, aided by a dominant northwest wind, which allowed early sailing craft to maneuver upstream as easily as the current allowed raft and barge traffic to move northward downstream. The long stretch below the cataract at Aswan gave an untrammeled waterway to the Mediterranean Sea that served the entire population of Egypt throughout antiquity.
The same importance of rivers is evident in the earliest settlement patterns of Sumer in lower Mesopotamia. The Tigris and Euphrates were far riskier flood hazards than the Nile, but the city-states of Lagash, Kish, Eridu, and Uruk all grew in proximity to river sources both for ease of moving people and goods and for the water available (as in Egypt) for agricultural development. The earliest literary materials from the region reflect a situation where life’s survival was dependent on the successful victory of the river’s freshwater over the salty demon of the sea (Enuma Elish, tablet 1). Travel on rivers required some sort of stable vehicles to move goods, however, and the history of water transport devices indicates developments from crude rafts to sailing vessels with sufficient cargo capacity to handle large quantities of timber, copper, and other heavy freight.
Seas: The use of open saltwater for transportation is documented at least by Old Kingdom times in Egypt (2700–2200 BCE) when transportation and trade were carried out with Byblos on the coast of modern Lebanon. Such travel involved craft called “Byblites” for moving both goods and passengers. The Phoenicians developed maritime trade into substantial proportions, colonizing for their purposes the entire north coast of Africa beyond the Strait of Gibraltar to the western coast of modern Morocco as well as Cyprus, Greece, Italy, Mediterranean islands such as Sardinia and even the Spanish coast, Malta, and Crete. Subsequent great sea powers like Persia, Greece, and Rome first absorbed and then followed and expanded the trading routes developed by Phoenicia’s maritime transportation network.
Solomon turned to the experts of Tyre, not only for his construction projects, but for his maritime development (1 Kings 9:26–28). Both shipbuilding and ship handling were new skills for the Israelites of the monarchy. Seaworthy craft allowed travel from the upper reaches of the Gulf of Aqabah (Solomon’s port there was Ezion-geber) into the Red Sea and from there either up the Gulf of Suez or down the coast of Arabia round the tip of the Arabian peninsula and across the east coast of Africa; or they could be sailed eastward along the south coast of Arabia to touch points east along the Persian Gulf of the centers of life in India on the Indus River.
Sail power was employable in all of this, although the Greeks and Persians, followed by the Romans, developed human-powered rowing ships that reached their maximum development in triremes (three tiers of rowers on each side of a vessel). Such ships were used by Persia in unsuccessful attempts to subdue Greece (as at the battle of Salamis, 480 BCE). Roman ships dominated the Mediterranean by NT times and also reached as far north as Britain.
It is in such a maritime network that the report of Paul’s journey by ship from Caesarea to Italy is set, giving some idea of both the normal routing and the hazards of such transportation. The route taken by the ship of Adramyttium (a port in Mysia, in what is modern northwest Turkey) was north up the coast to Sidon, then across the south coast of Cyprus to Myra in Lycia (in modern southwest Turkey). There, Paul and his guards transferred to a ship from Alexandria, Egypt, bound for Italy and headed west along the south shore of Crete. Despite seasonal hazards of storms in winter weather, they struck out from Phoenix on the southwest coast of Crete, running into stormy troubles when they hit the open water exposed to western windy seas. Managing only a temporary relief at an island called Cauda (Acts 27:16–17), they took drastic measures with cargo and gear and managed to drift to shore at Malta, remaining there for the duration of the winter. From Malta they set out for Syracuse on Sicily and Rhegium at the toe of Italy’s boot and made landfall at Puteoli two-thirds of the way up the Italian west coast, from which point the journey proceeded overland. Acts reports a roster of 276 people aboard that ship with a staff of soldiers under a centurion in charge of the prisoners.
Land Transport: Limited water supplies first prevented land travel across the major stretches of desert in the biblical world, the Sahara and the Arabian desert. The presence of these deserts funneled land travel around the quarter-moon-shaped arc of land from the Mesopotamian valley, across northern Syria south of the major mountain ranges of eastern Turkey, and down the Levant to the eastern Nile Delta in Egypt (the Fertile Crescent).
Foot travel was common in all biblical periods, walking being cheap, convenient, and not dependent on other people’s timetables. Walking was made easier with a staff or walking stick, especially when moving through hilly regions. Animals, after they had been domesticated, were used, especially the donkey. Oxen provided good draft strength for pulling carts, but required more water and forage than many of the zones afforded. Horses were faster and more maneuverable and were traded extensively by Solomon (1 Kings 10:28–29), together with chariots, making both civilian and military transport more efficient. Horses had been used for cavalry presumably since the time of the Hyksos, but they also required more extensive forage, water, and care than the ubiquitous donkey. Presumably the expense of purchase as well as maintenance of horses kept the donkey popular. A donkey could be fitted with a carrier saddle, and its capacity for carrying cargo was enormous for its size. Its sure-footedness added to its value when covering rocky terrain, and its capacity to survive on seemingly inedible plant life allowed it to thrive where other beasts could not. Only the domestication of the camel about 1200 BCE brought a serious challenge to the dominant role of the donkey. The capacity of the camel for cargo was also enormous for its size, and its ability to go without water for days opened up new routes of both freight and passenger traffic that had previously been impossible.
The use of wheeled vehicles is attested in lower Mesopotamia in the third millennium BCE. The early models were made with solid wheels rigidly attached to their axles, which were then mounted to turn under the bed of the cart. Such carts provided noisy, rough transport, but with the invention of a lighter wheel with spokes to a rim from a hub that would rotate on the axle, major improvement in load capacity, maneuverability, and consequent range was achieved. Pictorial representations in Egypt indicate that such chariots were used with teams of four horses for sport or military purposes. For efficiency of wheeled traffic, road development from the previous tracks of mounted animals or footpaths was essential.
Certain basic routes were developed prior to roads, some of which were followed when roads were built. In the Levant, there were three major north–south routes as well as commonly used transverse or east–west crossings. Because of the lay of the land and Canaan’s location in relation to the great powers of the time (Egypt, the Hittites, Mesopotamia) the north–south routes were used primarily for both commercial and military traffic over the centuries. Of first importance was the coastal route. Coming up from the eastern Nile Delta in Egypt, it followed the curve of the Mediterranean shore, branching inland at the Mount Carmel mountain range to cross the Esdraelon Plain at Megiddo. This “way of the sea” (Isa. 9:1) was fortified by the Egyptians when they had control of the area, thus discouraging the Israelite migrants from using it after the exodus. North of Megiddo the route went along the west side of the Sea of Galilee to Hazor and Damascus, from where connections north through Syria to both the Hittite and Ugaritic centers and, crossing the arc of the crescent, to Mesopotamia were available. From Megiddo there were also transverse connections north of the Carmel ridge to coastal towns like Acco and points north as well as eastward along the plain to Beth-shan and the Jordan Valley, from which routes continued eastward across the Jordan and southward to Jericho.
The other major north–south route ran from the port on the Gulf of Aqabah up the Transjordan hills of Edom, Moab, and Ammon, continuing northward to Damascus. It was part of the great overland route from Damascus to Arabia, but allowed land–sea connections from Damascus to points east as well. An intermediate north–south route serving Israel was in the hills running southward from Jerusalem to Bethlehem, Hebron, and points further south. North of Jerusalem it connected with Shechem and the Esdraelon Plain, allowing both north and transverse connections at Beth-shan.
Additional crossings from east to west were possible through the pass between Mount Ebal and Mount Gerizim at Shechem, the Valley of Achor and Jerusalem down to Jericho, and across the southern reaches of the Shephelah from Beer-sheba to the Edomite heights. This was especially prominent during Edomite domination of southern Judah and during the Nabatean ascendance. In Hellenistic and Roman times, travel across the eastern Syrian desert used Palmyra as a major center on the way to the Euphrates.
The Persians constructed a major new facility for travel with their development of the route from Susa (in western Persia) to Ephesus (on the southwest coast of Turkey). By means of carefully spaced stations for fresh mounts and overnight rest stops, Persia cut the travel time from Susa to Ephesus from three months to a week. Its couriers on royal business would carry messages day and night on a road that included bridges and ferries for hazardous terrain or river crossings.
It was Roman engineering, however, that would ultimately get the most credit for building enduring roads for public and military use. Rome built its roads straight and to last. Romans also marked their roads with milestones. Stone was the primary construction material in Roman road preparation as well as its paving. The parable of the Good Samaritan (Luke 10:29–37) indicates that travel on roads could be dangerous due to thieves, but also that inns were found on most routes. Some of these facilities were extensive in order to accommodate large caravans, both animals and drivers, or at major intersections, to handle groups of caravans, giving rise to the term caravanserai for such installations. R.S.B
travel. See transportation, travel.
treasures, wealth accumulated and kept primarily in palaces and temples in the ancient world. Treasures were acquired by royal conquest (e.g., 1 Kings 14:25–26; 2 Kings 14:13–14), by trade or taxes on trade (1 Kings 10:11, 15, 22; Ezek. 27:12–27; 28:4–5), or as gifts (e.g., 1 Kings 10:10, 13–15; cf. Matt. 2:2, 11) or tribute (10:14–15). A monarch’s treasures were used to adorn the palace and purchase military resources (1 Kings 10:16–21, 26–29). Some were dedicated to the deity for the adornment of the temple (Josh. 6:19). A monarch might use palace or temple treasures to buy off an invader (2 Kings 12:17–18; 18:13–16) or to purchase the assistance of a third party to harass an invader (1 Kings 15:17–21; 2 Kings 16:5, 7–9). A wealthy individual might buy special favors from a king by a contribution to his treasury (Esther 3:8–11; 4:7). Legendary wealth was attributed to Solomon (1 Kings 10; cf. Eccles. 2:8) and Hezekiah (2 Chron. 32:27–29); the latter, by showing his treasures to Babylonian envoys (2 Kings 20:13; Isa. 39:2), prompted Isaiah’s prophecy that they would be carried off to Babylon (2 Kings 20:17; Isa. 39:6). The regular contributions of worshipers also benefited the temple treasury and might be designated by the monarch for the materials and labor needed to repair and maintain the temple (2 Kings 12:4–14; 22:3–7, 9).
Nah. 2:9 describes the looting of the treasures of Nineveh: “Plunder the silver, plunder the gold! There is no end of treasure! An abundance of every precious thing!” But of much more consequence in the Bible is the despoiling of Jerusalem (Jer. 20:5). Nebuchadnezzar took the treasures of the Jerusalem temple (2 Kings 25:13–17) and palace (2 Kings 24:13; 2 Chron. 36:18; 1 Esd. 1:54) to Babylon, where he deposited them in his god’s temple treasury (Dan. 1:2). Later Cyrus returned them to the Jewish leaders to be taken back to Jerusalem (Ezra 1:8–11), where the leaders volunteered special contributions to fund the rebuilding of the temple (2:68–69). A model for such special contributions appears in the account in Chronicles of the building of the first temple (1 Chron. 29:2–8). Artaxerxes authorized Ezra to charge additional rebuilding expenses to the Persian imperial treasury (Ezra 7:20–21). Later the treasures of the second Jerusalem temple were plundered by Antiochus Epiphanes (1 Macc. 1:21–24).
Moral reflections on wealth are frequent in the Hebrew Bible and in subsequent wisdom literature. Treasures accumulate for the wise (Prov. 21:20) and the righteous (15:6), those who honor their mothers (Sir. 13:4) and those who give alms (Tob. 4:7–9). Wisdom is the source of treasures (Prov. 8:18–21). However, treasures do not last (27:24) and may be troublesome (15:16). Ill-gotten wealth makes one vulnerable (21:6; 10:2; Tob. 12:8–10). Hidden treasure is useless (Sir. 20:30; 41:14), but a treasure trove is better than an income (40:18). Treasure is a metaphor for wisdom (Prov. 2:4; Wis. 7:14), almsgiving (Sir. 29:12), a faithful friend (Sir. 6:14), and immortality (2 Esd. 8:54). Faithfulness and good works may be accumulated as a treasure deposited with God (6:5; 7:77).
In the NT, the magi open their treasures before the infant Jesus and worship him with gifts of gold and frankincense and myrrh (Matt. 2:11). In general, however, the NT recognizes the vanity of earthly treasures, the permanence of heavenly treasure, and the way one’s life and values are shaped by what one treasures (6:19–21; Luke 12:33–34, cf. 20–21). James 5:1–5 denounces those who live for earthly treasures, and Heb. 11:26 presents Moses, who preferred suffering to the treasures of Egypt, as a model of faith in God’s future reward. In the Gospels, almsgiving is presented as one way to convert earthly into heavenly treasure (Matt. 19:21–22; Mark 10:21–22; Luke 18:22–23). Buried treasure is an image of the kingdom of heaven (Matt. 13:44), and wisdom and knowledge are treasures hidden in Christ (Col. 2:3). Paul reflects on the fragility of the human condition by telling the Corinthians, “We have this treasure [i.e., life] in clay jars” (2 Cor. 4:7).
S.B.P.
tree of life, a well-known image deeply rooted in the traditions of the ancient Near East. Widely depicted on seals, reliefs, and other artistic forms, the sacred tree represented fertility, or ongoing life, as well as immortality, or eternal life (Gen. 3:9, 22, 24; cf. Ezek. 31:8). In the Bible, the phrase “tree of life” appears most prominently in Gen. 3. Proverbs also refers metaphorically to a tree of life (3:18; 11:30; 13:12; 15:4). The NT also takes up the image (Rev. 2:7; 22:2, 14, 19). It is possible that the form of the seven-branched lampstand (Heb. menorah) was modeled after the “tree of life” image. See also lampstand.
C.L.M.
trees. In the ancient Near East, scrub forests of oak and terebinth covered portions of the central hill country, Galilee, and Gilead, and solitary specimens or groves dotted the hills and valleys. Willows formed thickets along the Jordan (Jer. 12:5) and flourished by perennial streams. Tamarisks marked the Negev, and palms, the oases. The prized cedars and firs grew only in Lebanon.
Trees were valued for their shade, making them an attractive place to pitch a tent (Gen. 13:18), build a shrine (12:6–7), or judge disputes (Judg. 4:4). The ability of the deep-rooted tree to maintain its green foliage through summer heat and drought made it a symbol of life and endurance (Ps. 1:3; Isa. 65:22). The tree, especially the oak or cedar, was also a symbol of strength and might (Ezek. 31:3; Dan. 4:10–12).
Trees had sacred associations in both Israelite and Canaanite religion, serving as memorial objects (Gen. 21:33) and symbols of the Canaanite fertility goddess Asherah. They marked the high places (open-air sanctuaries) honored by Israel’s ancestors (12:6–7), but condemned by the prophets for the illegitimate rites held there (Jer. 3:6).
Trees were especially esteemed for their fruit (including olives). The garden of Eden was stocked with trees for food (Gen. 2:16), and only fruit-bearing trees are mentioned in Gen. 1:11 (cf. 1:29). Jesus taught that “the tree is known by its fruit” (Matt. 12:33; cf. 3:10).
Most trees in the Levant were not suitable for lumber, though they were used for roof beams, furniture, and implements. Large branches also served as gallows or for public display of executed criminals or enemies. Five NT passages use “tree” to designate the cross (Acts 5:30; 10:39; 13:29; Gal. 3:13; 1 Pet. 2:24). See also cedar; fig; fir tree; forest; olive; tamarisk; tree of life; willow; wood.
P.A.B.
trials. See temptation, testing.
trial of Jesus. All four NT Gospels report that Jesus appeared before the Roman prefect Pontius Pilate for a hearing that resulted in a sentence of death by crucifixion (Matt. 27:11–14; Mark 15:2–5; Luke 23:17–25; John 18:28–38).
Before Pilate: The basic outline of the trial before Pilate suits known Roman procedures for the trial of a noncitizen, although it is evident that the Gospel accounts are not intended to be court records. A private accuser could charge someone with a misdeed, and the Roman prefect then had considerable freedom in deciding how to treat the charge. In accord with this procedure, Jesus is brought before Pilate’s tribunal. Matt. 27:19 mentions the “judgment seat” (Gk. b–ema) on which an official sat when acting in an official capacity as judge. The accusers in this case are said to be members of the chief priests and elders (Matt. 27:12; Mark 15:3; Luke 23:1, 4).
All four Gospels suggest that the fundamental charge against Jesus may have been one of sedition, in that the trial focuses on the allegation that he has claimed to be “king of the Jews” (Matt. 27:15–26; Mark 15:6–15; Luke 23:17–25; John 18:38–19:16). The Synoptic Gospels suggest that Jesus refused to defend himself against this and other accusations. That motif fits well with the early Christian understanding of Jesus as the “suffering servant” of Isa. 53, since the servant in that passage remains silent before his accusers (53:7). In John’s account, however, Jesus does challenge his accusers. John 19:12 further suggests that Jesus’s accusers threatened to denounce Pilate to Rome under the law of treason (as not being a “friend of Caesar”), if he failed to condemn Jesus to death. Whatever the pressures brought to bear by those who handed Jesus over to Pilate to be tried, the final responsibility for the sentence in such a case belonged to the Roman governor alone.
Before the Council: The Gospels of Matthew and Mark, and to a lesser extent Luke, appear to conceive of Jesus’s appearance before a Jewish council as a formal trial, describing that event in parallel fashion to the trial before Pilate. Matt. 26:59–66 and Mark 15:55–64 present a night meeting of the council that culminates in a verdict that he is guilty of blasphemy and, so, deserves death (Matt. 27:1; Mark 14:64). Luke 22:66–71 has accusations against Jesus occurring during a morning meeting of the council (also mentioned in Mark 15:1), which preceded handing Jesus over to Pilate. John 11:45–53 presumes that the decision to have Jesus put to death was made for political reasons during an earlier meeting of the council sometime before Jesus was even arrested. Thus, in John 18:19–24, Jesus is interrogated only by the high priests Annas and Caiaphas after his arrest and prior to being turned over to Pilate.
The council referred to in these texts is probably to be equated with the Jewish body known as the Sanhedrin, but precise information about that entity is unavailable. Aside from what is found in the NT, the earliest sources of information regarding legal requirements of a Jewish trial are from second-century CE material and reflect post–70 CE understandings that may not have been in force at the time of Jesus. Many interpreters think that, before 70 CE, the Pharisees played only a minor role in the Sanhedrin, which was mainly composed of Sadducees and aristocratic elders from Jerusalem (the Gospels, in fact, do not assign a significant role to the Pharisees in council proceedings regarding Jesus; but cf. Acts 23:6).
Before Herod: Luke 23:6–16 contains a notice that Pilate sent Jesus’s case to Herod, since Jesus was a Galilean and Herod was the ruler of Galilee. The scene that unfolds there seems modeled on elements of the trial before Pilate, with a parallel mocking of the victim by soldiers. Historically, there would have been no legal justification for such a transfer of jurisdiction; offenders were tried where their crime occurred. Interpreters have tried to come up with explanations for such an occurrence or for Luke’s reasons for including such an episode in his narrative. Some scholars suggest that Pilate might have done this as a gesture of courtesy, so as not to offend further the Jewish ruler with whom his relationship was already strained. Others think that Luke’s account might have been prompted by memory of a historical idiosyncrasy of Herod mentioned in Josephus, namely, that he had requested and obtained the extraordinary privilege of being allowed to extradite offenders who had fled his realm for other parts of the empire (Jewish War 1.24.2). Another explanation is that Luke added the Herod episode, because he wanted to present the trial of Jesus in parallel fashion to his account of the multiple trials of Paul in Acts, where Festus refers Paul’s case to Agrippa (25:13–27). In any case, Luke’s account does not portray Herod as taking any action against Jesus; he simply interrogates Jesus and then sends him back to Pilate again. See also Barabbas; blasphemy; council, the; cross; crucifixion; Herod; Pilate, Pontius.
Bibliography
Bammel, Ernst, ed. The Trial of Jesus. SCM, 1970.
Blinzler, Josef. The Trial of Jesus. 2 vols. Doubleday, 1994.
Sherwin-White, A. N. Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament. Oxford University Press, 1963.
Winter, Paul. On the Trial of Jesus. 2nd ed. De Gruyter, 1974. P.P./D.S.
tribes, territorial groups and primary organizational units in Israel’s social structure before the establishment of the monarchy (before the late eleventh century BCE). The tribes can be viewed as distributive parts of one larger entity, Israel, whose identity is traced to an eponymous ancestor, Jacob (Israel; Gen. 33:28; 35:10). The tribe was a kind of corporate personality, a grouping of a varying number of protective associations or family groups. Members of such a group typically lived in the same or nearby villages, rural neighborhoods, or sections of a larger settlement, provided mutual aid to all the extended families constituting the group, and provided troop quotas to the tribal levy. The extended family (which in the Bible is called a “father’s house”) was the primary residential and productive unit in the social structure.
Although each tribe had its own proper name, it was a tribe, properly speaking, only by virtue of the fact that it was one of the tribes of Israel. By being a part of Israel, the individual tribe had a place as one of the primary segments of the whole people and shared in that status equally with all other tribes. Thus, tribes must be understood in terms of their structure and function within the larger whole. The particular identity of a tribe derived from such things as its migration experience, military struggles, and the ways in which it worked out a mixed agricultural and pastoral subsistence strategy dependent upon such things as rainfall, soil fertility, and other natural resources of its tribal territory, which itself was not fixed either in scope or location, but developed over time. A tribe was thus the part of the social structure that dealt with regional needs, provided for its own military self-defense through a tribal militia, and performed religious and legal functions.
The Lists of Tribes: The lists of tribes in the Bible, of which there are more than twenty, differ from one another in several respects, notably in the position of the names of tribes and their number.
The account that became fairly standard is provided in the narrative material of Genesis (29:30–30:24, 35:18), according to which Jacob had twelve sons by four wives (35:23–26). The sons of Jacob and Leah were Reuben, Simeon, Levi, Judah, Issachar, and Zebulun. The sons of Jacob and Rachel were Joseph and Benjamin. The sons of Jacob and Bilhah were Dan and Naphtali. And the sons of Jacob and Zilpah were Gad and Asher. This listing of the tribes corresponds to the one observed most frequently in the Bible (Gen. 35:22–26; Deut. 27:12–13; 1 Chron. 2:1–2; Ezek. 48:1–7). The most typical variance involves two simultaneous moves: the omission of Levi and the substitution of Ephraim and Manasseh for Joseph. The justification for the first move is that the Levites were to be priests and, so, were not to be given allotments of land. The justification for the second move is that Jacob chose to regard Ephraim and Manasseh (the two sons of Joseph) as his own sons rather than as his grandsons—thus the tribe of Joseph could be subdivided into the tribes of Ephraim and Manasseh. Notably, when both of these moves are made together, the number of tribes is retained as twelve. For examples of this twofold variance, see the census lists in Num. 1:20–43; 26:5–50.
The scenario just described, however, provides only an overview of what eventually became standard in Israel. A closer analysis of tribal lists reveals variety throughout eras and contexts. The Song of Deborah (Judg. 5), which is probably the oldest list (twelfth century BCE), mentions only ten tribes. Judah, Simeon, and Levi are omitted, and Gilead is included (5:17). No reference is made to Joseph, but instead of Ephraim and Manasseh in place of Joseph, it lists Ephraim and Machir (in Gen. 50:23, Machir is identified as the son of Manasseh, hence Joseph’s grandson).
The Blessing of Moses (Deut. 33) lists eleven tribes, omitting Simeon, but arrives at the number twelve by listing Ephraim and Manasseh as two separate tribes in addition to Joseph (rather than instead of Joseph, as would become standard). The Blessing of Jacob (Gen. 49) has the “standard list” of the twelve tribes given above. It also indicates, however, that, even though Reuben is to be listed as the firstborn of Jacob, Reuben loses preeminence among the tribes, because of an indiscretion committed with his father’s concubine (35:22); the place of preeminence is thus assigned to Judah. The Blessing of Jacob also links Simeon and Levi together in disgrace, because of the incident in connection with their sister Dinah (34).
The Ideal of Twelve: The notion of twelve tribes remained a prominent concept long after the tribal organization disappeared, even into the NT. Ezekiel, in his vision of an ideal state, redistributed the land among twelve tribes. Jesus seems to have intentionally chosen twelve disciples, perhaps to symbolize a renewal of Israel. He is also reported to have promised his disciples that they would judge the twelve tribes of Israel (Matt. 19:28; Luke 22:30), Paul refers to the twelve tribes (Acts 26:7), and the book of James is addressed to the “twelve tribes,” a probable reference to Jewish Christians who think of themselves as constituting the true Israel (1:1). Thus the number twelve seems to have been settled upon at some time in Israel’s history, probably early in the monarchy, and the tribal nomenclature deriving from the names of Jacob’s sons by his two wives, Leah and Rachel, and his two concubines, Zilpah and Bilhah, became a part of Jewish traditions. The tribes understood in this way can be charted according to the accompanying diagram. See also family; government.
| TRIBAL LISTS IN BIBLICAL TEXTS | |||
| Judges 5 | Deuteronomy 33 | Genesis 49 | Numbers 26 |
| Ephraim | Reuben | Reuben | Reuben |
| Benjamin | Judah | Simeon | Simeon |
| Machir | Levi | Levi | Gad |
| Zebulun | Benjamin | Judah | Judah |
| Issachar | Joseph | Zebulun | Issachar |
| Reuben | Ephraim | Issachar | Zebulun |
| Gilead | Manasseh | Dan | Manasseh |
| Dan | Zebulun | Gad | Ephraim |
| Asher | Gad | Asher | Benjamin |
| Naphtali | Dan | Naphtali | Dan |
| Naphtali | Joseph | Asher | |
| Asher | Benjamin | Naphtali | |
Bibliography
Gottwald, Norman K. The Tribes of Yahweh. Orbis Books, 1979.
Mendenhall, George E. The Tenth Generation. Johns Hopkins University Press, 1973.
F.S.F./M.A.P.
tribunal, the civil court rostrum or judge’s bench in cities of the Roman Empire. According to Acts 18:12–17, Paul was brought before the proconsul Gallio at the tribunal in Corinth. He was accused by Jews of “persuading people to worship God in ways that are contrary to the law” (18:13), but Gallio refused to render any judgment on the matter, since it concerned what he regarded as internal religious disputes rather than anything pertaining to Roman law. In protest, the Jews grabbed Sosthenes, an official of the synagogue (who must have been sympathetic to Paul), and beat him in front of the tribunal.
Excavations at the site of Corinth turned up a large platform in the center of the middle row of shops of the ancient forum or agora. Passages on either side connected the lower and upper areas of the forum. There are benches at the back and sides of the platform, which itself was originally faced with marble. Constructed ca. 44 CE, this was probably the tribunal to which Paul was brought.
According to Acts 25:6–21, Paul was also put on trial before the tribunal in Caesarea after Porcius Festus became governor. The site of that tribunal has not been found.
In Philippi, however, four steps at the north end of the forum have been discovered, which are thought to have led up to the local tribunal, perhaps where Paul and Silas were accused by the owners of a slave girl exorcised by Paul (Acts 16:16–24). Similar steps have been found at Veroia, ancient Beroea.
The Greek term translated “tribunal” in Acts 18 and 25 is b–ema. That word is also used elsewhere in the NT, but the NRSV translates it as “throne” (Acts 12:21) and as “judgment seat” (Matt. 27:19; John 19:13; Rom. 14:10; 2 Cor. 5:10; cf. also “platform,” 1 Esd. 9:42, “public platform,” 2 Macc. 13:26). See also Corinth; Festus, Porcius; Gallio; judgment seat; Paul; Philippi; throne.
C.H.M.
tribute, the payment of money from one nation to a dominating power. Throughout biblical history, people who had been conquered or who were noncitizens of the society in which they lived could be conscripted for purposes of labor (Exod. 5; Matt. 5:41; Josh. 16:10; 2 Chron. 8:7–8). Conquered peoples might also be compelled to pay tribute to the foreign ruler. Royal palaces are regularly decorated with reliefs showing the conquered peoples bringing their tribute to the king (1 Kings 20:1–7; 2 Kings 17:1–6; Neh. 5:4; Esther 10:1).
P.P.
trigon (tri′gon), a small three-cornered, four-stringed musical instrument mentioned only in the book of Daniel (3:5, 7, 10, 15).
triumphal arch, a stone monument constructed to commemorate a signal event or achievement. Their mastery of the arch enabled the Romans to construct large freestanding arches for ceremonial purposes. The triumphal arch was built to honor the emperor, and it carried a dedicatory inscription. It was built with one or three openings and decorated with statuary or bas-reliefs relating the victorious campaigns of the emperor.
The Arch of Titus stands near the entrance to the Forum in the city of Rome. It combines the traditional Italian style of arch with decorative columns of the post-and-lintel Greek style. The arch includes reliefs celebrating Titus’s sack of Jerusalem and destruction of its temple in 70 CE, an event that had enormous consequences for both Jews and early Christians.
P.P.
Troas (troh′az), Alexandria (al′ig-zan′dree-uh), an important seaport city in Mysia on the northwest coast of Asia Minor. Built in 310 BCE by Antigonus, it was first named Antigonia. The name was later changed to Alexandria Troas by Lysimachus. The latter part of the name was derived from the nearby ancient city of Troy and was intended to distinguish the city from numerous other cities named in honor of Alexander the Great. In the NT, the city is referred to as simply Troas. The city had become a Roman possession in 133 BCE, and Augustus later gave it the status of a Roman colony, probably because of its importance as the nearest seaport for travel to Europe from the northwestern area of the Roman province of Asia. In Troas, during his second missionary journey, Paul had a vision of a man from Macedonia inviting him to come to Europe (Acts 16:8–10). Paul and his companions revisited Troas on their final trip to Jerusalem, and Paul raised or revived Eutychus, who had been “taken up dead” after dozing and falling from a third-story window while Paul was speaking (20:5–12). See also Eutychus.
M.K.M.
Trophimus (trof′uh-muhs; Gk., “foster child”), a Christian from Ephesus who, with Tychicus, joined Paul and others for the apostle’s final visit to Jerusalem (Acts 20:4–5). Asian Jews mistakenly accused Paul of taking Trophimus, a Gentile, into the temple’s court of Israel (21:29), thus provoking a mob disturbance that led to Paul’s arrest. Another reference, in 2 Tim. 4:20, indicates that Trophimus (perhaps the same man) had been traveling with Paul, but had to be left behind in Miletus because of illness. See also temple, the; Tychicus.
trumpet. Although metal trumpets were known in Israel (cf. Sir. 50:16), the most common word for a trumpet in the Hebrew Bible is shophar, which refers to the shofar, or ram’s horn. In Exod. 19:16, the revelation at Mount Sinai, it is the loud blast of a shofar that causes the people to tremble in fear. The Israelites were commanded that when they entered the land God would give them, they were to proclaim the jubilee year with a blast of the shofar (Lev. 25:9). In military contexts, the shofar would often signify an important announcement or a call to arms (Judg. 3:27), and it was shofar trumpets that were blown by Joshua and his troops to bring about the collapse of the walls of Jericho (Josh. 6:4–5). The shofar was also used as part of musical ensembles (Ps. 98:6), and it featured in the worship rites of Israel. Num. 29:1 describes the first day of the seventh month as “a day for you to blow the shofar” (NRSV: “trumpets”). Lev. 35:9 says the shofar is to be blown to announce the start of the Day of Atonement. Jewish tradition, based on Isa. 27:13, maintains that the shofar will be sounded to usher in the final messianic redemption (cf. Rev. 8–9). The shofar also plays a prominent role in the eschatological battle described in the War Scroll from Qumran.
The Greek word for trumpet (salpinx) can refer to any number of instruments—the shofar, but also any sort of brass horn. In NT eschatology, a trumpet blast is strongly associated with the Parousia, or Second Coming of Christ (1 Thess. 4:16), the resurrection of the saints (1 Cor. 15:52), and the final judgment (Matt. 24:31). The book of Revelation depicts an end-time scenario according to which seven angels blow trumpets, each of which causes disaster to befall the earth and its inhabitants (8–9; 10:7; 11:15). In a very different context, Jesus tells his disciples, “Whenever you give alms, do not sound a trumpet before you, as the hypocrites do in the synagogues and in the streets, so that they may be praised by others” (Matt. 6:2). It is not known whether he was speaking metaphorically or whether trumpets literally were sounded to accompany the presentation of an extravagant gift. See music; Trumpets, Festival of.
L.H.S./M.A.P.
Trumpets, Festival of, a celebration on the first day of the seventh month (Tishri) of the Hebrew religious year. Its name comes from its designation as a “day of (horn-)blasts” (Num. 29:1; cf. Lev. 23:24; Num. 10:10). It was a day of rest. An extra set of new-moon offerings was brought (except for one bull as a burnt offering), because it was the foremost of the new-moon celebrations (Num. 29:2–6; cf. 28:11–15). See also festivals, feasts, and fasts.
trust. See faith.
truth. For Israel, truth (Heb. ’emet) was moral and relational, not intellectual. God above all is true, because God is reliable (Isa. 65:16; Jer. 10:10); people are to seek God’s truth (Pss. 25:5; 51:6; 86:11). People are admonished to judge truly, and the lack of truth is lamented (Zech. 8:16; Isa. 59:14–15). Reports and prophecies may be true or false (1 Kings 10:6–7). In all these instances, the emphasis is upon reliability, something or someone that stands up under testing.
The Greek word for truth (al–etheia) carries a more intellectual connotation. Truth is something that can be “known,” not just trusted or relied upon. The NT authors all employ the Greek word, but they are sufficiently steeped in knowledge of the Jewish scriptures to use the word in a sense heavily influenced by the Hebrew meaning. This is in part because the NT authors knew those scriptures primarily through the form of the LXX, where al–etheia translates ’emet. The word “truth” occurs mainly in the Pauline writings and, especially, in the Gospel and Letters of John.
Paul can use the word in the Greek sense (Rom. 1:18), but more often he uses it with the same connotation it has in the Hebrew Bible: truth is something to be obeyed (Rom. 2:8; Gal. 5:7); truth proves reliable (2 Cor. 7:14; 11:10); the opposite of truth is not falsehood, but malice and evil (1 Cor. 5:8). The Greek idea of truth as “correct knowledge” appears most clearly in the Pastoral Letters. Here, one is to know the truth (1 Tim. 4:3; 2 Tim. 2:25) and avoid false beliefs (2 Tim. 2:18; 4:4).
The Gospel of John builds on the Hebrew understanding that God is true or real (3:33; 7:28). Christ reveals God and thus reveals truth (8:26, 40; 18:37). Since Christ shares in God’s truth, he is himself full of grace and truth (1:14, 17). Indeed, he is “the way, and the truth, and the life” (14:6); he is the true light and the true vine (1:9; 15:1). Christ sends the Counselor, the Spirit of truth (15:26). In all of these instances, the primary sense is revelation of what proves to have authenticity and integrity, not revelation of things that are merely accurate. The believer is also guided into truth (16:13), to worship God in spirit and truth (4:23–24). Doing Christ’s word enables one to know the truth and so be free (8:32). Such freedom, from John’s perspective, was not to be achieved through believing propositions that turned out to be correct but, rather, through trusting in something that proves worthy of one’s trust.
J.D./M.A.P.
Tryphaena (tri-fee′nuh), a Christian who, with Tryphosa, receives greetings from Paul in Rom. 16:12. Perhaps the two were sisters; the designation “workers in the Lord,” however, allows the possibility that Paul associates them because of their common activity in the church. Evidence from inscriptions indicates that both Tryphaena and Tryphosa were common names in that period.
Tryphosa (tri-foh′suh). See Tryphaena.
Tubal (too′buhl), one of the sons of Japheth (Gen. 10:2; 1 Chron. 1:5) and the nation that viewed him as their eponymous ancestor. Geographically, the “descendants of Japheth” seem to be linked in the Bible to Asia Minor and adjacent European lands. This location is confirmed by Assyrian records that refer to an area in eastern Asia Minor as Tabal. In biblical references Tubal is often mentioned with Meshech and/or Javan (Isa. 66:19; Ezek. 27:13), and all three of these are associated with their chief, Gog (Ezek. 32:26; 38:2–3; 39:1). See also Gog.
Tubal-cain (too′buhl-kayn′), the son of Lamech and Zillah, and the brother of Naamah. Tubal-cain is identified as the first person to make “all kinds of bronze and iron tools” (Gen. 4:22). He was the half brother of the two sons of Lamech and Adah: Jabal, the “ancestor of those who live in tents and have livestock,” and Jubal, the “ancestor of all those who play the lyre and pipe” (40:20–21). As descendants of the fugitive-wanderer Cain, Tubal-cain and his relatives—and later the Kenites (Cainites)—typify nomadic traders associated with the rise of urban life and commerce and with the sin and violence it occasions (4:21–24). Israel will not be descended from this line, but from Adam’s third son, Seth, who replaces the slain Abel and in whose era people begin to call upon the name of the Lord (cf. 4:26–). See also Cain; Kenites.
J.W.R.
tumors, an affliction, similar to boils, which affected the Philistines while they held the ark of the covenant, which they had captured from Israel in battle. Eventually, the Philistines returned the ark (1 Sam. 5:6–6:17).
tunic, a loose-fitting, knee-length garment worn next to the skin by both men and women (Matt. 10:10; Mark 6:9). Another tunic or garment was worn over the first. See also dress.
turban, a cloth draped, wrapped, or wound around the head to give protection or distinctive appearance. The turban functioned as a priestly garment (Exod. 28:4, 37, 39; 29:6; 39:28, 31; Lev. 8:9; 16:4) for Aaron and carried the golden plaque inscribed “Holy to the Lord” (Exod. 28:36–37). Job saw his justice as being “like a robe and turban” (Job 29:14), but Isaiah’s indictment of Jerusalem’s women included removal of their turbans (3:23). Ezekiel saw the humiliation of Judah in similar terms (defiant Jerusalem doting on Babylonians with flowing turbans, 23:15) or bypassing normal mourning by wearing the turbans as usual (24:17, 23). In his vision of the temple, turbans were part of levitical garb (44:18). Zechariah’s vision saw the priestly Joshua fitted with a clean turban in preparation for high-priestly duty (3:5).
R.S.B.
turtledove, a small wild pigeon (Streptopelia turtur). This bird migrates through Israel in the spring on the way from its winter quarters in Africa to its breeding areas in Europe. The Hebrew name (tor) reflects its typical “tur-tur-tur” call. The turtledove is mentioned in the Bible mainly as a sacrifice (Gen. 15:9; Lev. 1:14; 5:7; cf. Luke 2:24), but Jer. 8:7 alludes to its seasonal appearance (see also Song of Sol. 2:12).
twelve, the, a group chosen by Jesus to accompany him and share his ministry. The twelve are listed in four different places in the NT, but the lists show some variance (Matt. 10:2–4; Mark 3:16–19; Luke 6:13–16; Acts 1:13–14; cf. John 6:70). The most significant difference is that Matthew and Mark both list a disciple named Thaddaeus, who is not listed in Luke or Acts, while Luke and Acts list a disciple named Judas the son (or brother) of James, who is not listed in Matthew or Mark (but cf. John 14:22). Church tradition has resolved this discrepancy by declaring Thaddaeus and Judas to be the same person, offering the not unreasonable suggestion that this disciple went by the name Thaddaeus to avoid confusion with another disciple named Judas who was among the twelve. Modern scholars allow that this could have been the case, but also note the possibility that changes in the personnel of the twelve might have been made at different times. Interpreters also note the slight difference in the order in which the disciples are named, though there is also a high degree of consistency in the various orderings, for example, Peter is always listed first, and Judas Iscariot is always listed last.
John’s Gospel, which does mention “the twelve” (6:67, 70–71; 20:24), never provides a list. If one scours the entire book, the names of some of the twelve familiar from the Synoptics do appear: Andrew (1:40), Peter (1:42), Philip (1:44), Judas Iscariot (6:71), another Judas (14:22), Thomas (20:45), and the “sons of Zebedee” (21:22). This, however, accounts for only eight of the twelve. John’s Gospel also seems to include someone named Nathanael among the twelve (1:45–49; 21:2). Church tradition declares him to be the same person as Bartholomew, a disciple mentioned in all four lists about whom nothing is known—this would, again, be possible, but strikes many interpreters as a somewhat facetious attempt at harmonization. John’s Gospel also mentions an unnamed “disciple whom Jesus loved” (e.g., 19:26), who may or may not have been one of the twelve (though he is traditionally identified with John, the son of Zebedee, a tradition many scholars are inclined to accept).
Whatever the exact names of these disciples might have been, all four Gospels hold that the concept of “the twelve” is significant. This is no doubt because the number recalls the twelve tribes of Israel, so Jesus’s designation of a group of followers as “the twelve” was probably intended to symbolize the restoration of Israel that he hoped to effect. Indeed, Jesus is portrayed as promising his disciples that they will judge the twelve tribes of Israel (Matt. 19:28; Luke 22:30). The significance of the number twelve is also evident in the story reported in Acts 1:15–26, where the early church feels a need to replace Judas Iscariot by selecting Matthias to fill out their number. This process does not continue, however; when James the son of Zebedee is killed (12:2), no effort is made to replace him. The apostle Paul knew about “the twelve” and, at least two decades before the Gospels were written, referred to that entity as a group that could authenticate the church’s proclamation of Jesus’s resurrection (1 Cor. 15:5). See also apostle; Beloved Disciple; disciple; Matthias; and entries on all of the individual disciples listed among the twelve.
M.A.P.
Twin, the. See Didymus; Thomas.
Twin Brothers, in Greek mythology Castor (kas′tuhr) and Pollux (pol′uhks), twin sons of Zeus and Leda. The constellation of Gemini was associated with these two gods and, perhaps because of its usefulness in navigation, the Twin Brothers were of special interest to mariners, who claimed these gods had power over wind and waves. The ship that brought Paul from Malta to Italy (after the first ship had been wrecked, Acts 27) had as its ensign or figurehead an image of the Twin Brothers (28:11). See also boats; Zeus.
Tychicus (tik′uh-kuhs; Gk., “fortunate”), a Christian from the Roman province of Asia who, with Trophimus, joined Paul and others on the apostle’s final visit to Jerusalem (Acts 20:4–5). Someone named Tychicus (perhaps the same man) is also mentioned in Colossians and Ephesians as the apparent bearer of those letters (Col. 4:7–9; Eph. 6:21–22). The name also comes up in the Pastoral Letters. According to 2 Tim. 4:12, Paul had sent Tychicus to Ephesus, and according to Titus 3:12, Paul planned to send either Tychicus or Artemas to Crete, thus freeing Titus to join Paul at Nicopolis.
| NEW TESTAMENT LISTS OF THE TWELVE DISCIPLES | |||
| Matthew 10:2–4 | Mark 3:16–19 | Luke 6:13–16 | Acts 1:13–14 |
| Simon Peter | Simon Peter | Simon Peter | Peter |
| Andrew | James of Zebedee | Andrew | John |
| James of Zebedee | John of Zebedee | James | James |
| John of Zebedee | Andrew | John | Andrew |
| Philip Bartholomew | Philip Bartholomew | Philip Bartholomew | Philip Thomas |
| Thomas | Matthew | Matthew | Bartholomew |
| Matthew | Thomas | Thomas | Matthew |
| James of Alphaeus Thaddaeus | James of Alphaeus Thaddaeus | James of Alphaeus Simon the Zealot | James of Alphaeus Simon the Zealot |
| Simon the Zealot | Simon the Zealot | Judas of James | Judas of James |
| Judas Iscariot | Judas Iscariot | Judas Iscariot | (Judas Iscariot) Matthias, cf. 1:26 |
Tyrannus (ti-ran′uhs), hall of, the place mentioned in Acts 19:9, where it is asserted that Paul gave instruction after he withdrew from the synagogue in Ephesus. It is not clear whether the hall of Tyrannus was a recognized center for moral instruction by philosophers or some sort of local trade union or guild center. See also Ephesus; Paul.
A.J.M.
Tyre (tir), the leading city of Phoenicia during much of the first millennium BCE. Tyre is located off the coast of southern Lebanon on a small island that has been connected to the mainland since the construction of a siege ramp to it by Alexander the Great (late fourth century BCE). Of its two harbors the northern (Sidonian) is an excellent natural anchorage, while the southern (Egyptian) was protected by jetties constructed in antiquity. Its mainland settlement, called Ushu by Egyptians and Assyrians, and Old Tyre in classical times, was probably located at Tell Rashidiyeh or Tell Mashouk opposite the island. Fresh water is found in springs on the island, and additional water was ferried to it from the mainland in boats.
Sources for Tyre’s history are varied; the most reliable are the biblical and other contemporary Near Eastern records. Detailed information about the kings of Tyre comes in the first century CE from the Jewish historian Josephus, who utilized the lost works of the Hellenistic historians Menander of Ephesus and Dius. They claimed access to Tyrian annals. Excavations have concentrated on the Hellenistic and Roman ruins with a small but important deep sounding of Phoenician layers. The city has been almost continuously occupied from the third millennium BCE until the present, except for a major gap from 2000 to 1600 BCE. From the late Bronze Age there are Egyptian, Ugaritic, and Hittite references to Tyre, particularly during the Amarna age, when the Tyrian king Abi-Milki sent ten letters to Pharaoh Akhenaton requesting supplies and military assistance. A classical tradition states that Tyre was refounded by Sidonians around 1200 BCE, possibly in the wake of disturbances by the Sea Peoples, although archaeology shows there was no gap in the occupation of the city at this time.
Tyre emerges as an important Phoenician city in the tenth century BCE, when King Hiram supplied David with cedars and craftsmen (2 Sam. 5:11; 1 Chron. 14:1; 22:4). Tyre’s relations with Israel became much closer when King Solomon turned to Hiram for assistance in building the temple in Jerusalem. In a trade agreement Hiram responded by felling and transporting cedars and pine wood. Solomon, in return, sent wheat and olive oil to Tyre (1 Kings 5; 2 Chron. 2:3–16). Tyrian workers assisted in the construction of the temple (1 Kings 7:13–46; 2 Chron. 2:13–15; 4:11–18).
In Tyre Hiram renovated its temples. He also sent his experienced seafarers to join Solomon’s fleet at Ezion-geber on the Gulf of Aqabah, whence they sailed to Ophir (1 Kings 9:26–28; 10:11–12; 2 Chron. 8:17–18; 9:10–11). Elsewhere Solomon’s “ships of Tarshish” sailed with Hiram’s fleet (1 Kings 10:22; 2 Chron. 9:21–22). Tyre began its sustained program of colonization when it gained control of Kition on Cyprus sometime in the eleventh or tenth century BCE; Hiram may have campaigned there. Ethbaal, a priest of the goddess Astarte, took the throne in the ninth century BCE after a period of unrest. His daughter Jezebel married King Ahab, ruler of the northern kingdom, leading to an increase of Baal worship in Samaria. Tyre’s close relations with Samaria, which are also seen in Israel’s material culture, continued until Jehu put Jezebel to death (2 Kings 9:30–37).
In North Africa Carthage was founded by Tyre thirty-eight years before the first Olympiad (814 BCE), an event stemming from a rift between King Pygmalion of Tyre and his sister Elissa (Dido) who led colonists there. In another story the ancient Greek historian Herodotus describes how Cadmus of Tyre led Phoenician colonists to Boeotia, where they introduced the alphabet to the Greeks.
Assyrians received tribute from Tyre in the ninth–seventh centuries BCE. In the campaign of 701 BCE, Sennacherib captured most of the cities of the Phoenician mainland, forcing Luli, king of Sidon, to flee Tyre to Cyprus. The Greek poet Menander (342–291 BCE) gives a fuller account of the journey of Elulaeus (Luli), king of Tyre, to Cyprus and an unsuccessful five-year siege of the city by the Assyrians. The title “king of Sidon,” or “king of the Sidonians,” reflects Tyre’s control of Sidon and other Phoenician cities. The Assyrian king Esar-haddon (681–668 BCE) concluded a vassal treaty with King Baal of Tyre stipulating that Tyrian shipwrecks on the coast belonged to Esar-haddon and that an Assyrian official was to advise Baal. In return Esar-haddon granted Tyre trade in most Phoenician ports. The full extent of Tyrian commerce is described in the oracles of the prophets (Ezek. 27; Isa. 23; Amos 1:9–10; Joel 4:4–8; Zech. 9:2–4).
A thirteen-year siege of Tyre (587/6–573 BCE) by the Chaldean (Babylonian) monarch Nebuchadnezzar commenced after his destruction of Jerusalem. The siege failed, but Tyre submitted to Nebuchadnezzar. Later in the Chaldean period (626–539 BCE) judges ruled Tyre briefly. In the Persian period (539–333 BCE) Tyre was surpassed by Sidon as the leading Phoenician city, due to Tyre’s loss of its commercial empire in the west to its former colony Carthage and to Persia’s preference for Sidon. Tyre’s last major act was in 332, BCE when it impeded Alexander’s route to Egypt, forcing him to besiege it for seven months. In an epic battle he was the first to conquer the island city.
Although Tyre is mentioned in the NT, it did not play a significant role in the events reported there. The Gospels record that Jesus attracted followers from as far away as Tyre and Sidon (Mark 3:8) and once visited that area (7:24). One saying of Jesus uses Tyre as an example of a Gentile city that will fare better in the Last Judgment than Galilean cities that rejected him (Matt. 11:21–22). According to Acts, Herod (Herod Agrippa I, king of Judea 41–44 CE) was struck dead, because of blasphemous speech after winning a victory over Tyre (12:20–23), and the apostle Paul landed at Tyre on one of his sea voyages (21:3). See also Jezebel; Phoenicia; Sidon; Solomon; temple, the.
Bibliography
Bikai, Patricia. The Pottery of Tyre. Aris and Phillips, 1979.
Jidejian, Nina. Tyre Through the Ages. Dar el-Mashreq, 1969.
Katzenstein, H. Jacob. The History of Tyre. Schocken, 1973.
T.L.M.
Tyropoeon (ti-roh′pee-uhn) Valley. See Jerusalem.