Record of Daily Knowledge and Collected Poems and Essays: Selections

Section 16: There are seventeen essays in this section on examinations, focusing particularly on specific forms of examination but also dealing with some other issues. The first four essays are on major categories: mingjing, “senior graduates” (16.1); xiucai, “cultivated talent” (16.2); juren, “recommendees” (Tang) or “provincial graduates” (Yuan-Qing) (16.3); and jinshi, “presented scholars” or “metropolitan graduates” (16.4). There are four essays on more particular forms of examination: zhike (16.6), san chang (16.10), niti (16.11), and pan (16.15). There are two essays about the classics: one on questions and themes in interpretation (16.9) and one on the style of writing on them (16.16). There are two essays on the style of writing in examinations (16.13 and 16.14). Of the five remaining essays, 16.5 and 16.7 are on issues of classification and ranking, 16.8 is on the term fang 方, 16.12 concerns the use of current affairs as an examination topic from the Song period on, and 16.17 is a general discussion on the decline in the study of history (an important issue for Gu) related to its lack of relevance to the examinations.

Categories like Yao Chong’s “fluent and quick writing”⁴ and Zhang Jiuling’s “way like Yi and Lü”⁵ that are seen in the Histories number in all more than fifty classifications.⁶ Therefore, there was reference to a classification list. At the present time, there is only one class—jinshi—so there is a class but no list. To still speak of a classification list is wrong. Wang Weizhen⁷ wished to go beyond the regular recruitment⁸ and follow the systems of Han and Tang, establishing several classes as a means of gathering the empire’s extraordinary scholars. What he did not realize was that the fault of placing undue emphasis on the jinshi had increasingly developed over two or three hundred years, so that, if the established system were not completely destroyed, even though there might be others with talents, there would be no way of advancing and employing them.

What is spoken of as zhiju came from long ago. From Han times on, the emperor frequently made a proclamation, personally framing those questions that he wished to ask. When the Tang arose, the world venerated Confucian scholars. Although in this period there may have been differences among rulers in terms of worthiness and foolishness, goodness and badness, nevertheless, in the intention to take pleasure in goodness and to seek worthiness, from the very beginning they had never been even slightly remiss. Therefore, from the capital outward to the prefectures and districts, the officials always recommended scholars according to the needs of the times. Moreover, the emperor himself made a proclamation to the four corners of the empire [calling for] virtuous, talented, and literate scholars. Those men living far off in seclusion who were unable to make themselves successful, down to those conversant with military matters, those with exceptional strength, and those with particular skill in the arts were all equally acceptable. The list of titles followed that which the ruler particularly desired at the time. These were arranged in established categories, such as those who were worthy and good, those who were upright in character, those who were “plain speaking and ready to admonish,”10 those who could thoroughly penetrate the most ancient records, those who were fully conversant with culture, those whose military strategies were far-reaching and who were suitable for military leadership, and those who had a clear and detailed understanding of administrative methods and were able to manage men. It is these titles whose reputation stood highest. The emperor, in conducting the imperial progress and circuit, would make his sacrifices on Tai Shan and Liang Fu and then generally meet with them in his place of temporary residence. The propriety wherewith he received them was particularly noteworthy. Men of great talent, men who were fine speakers or otherwise extraordinary would also at times appear and would not fail to be accepted.¹¹

At the beginning of the Song the system continued in existence during the Xiande reign period [960] of the [Later] Zhou, establishing three categories that were not limited to previous lists of talents [i.e., those qualified as examination candidates]. If they were seen to undertake the responsibilities of officials, whether they wore yellow clothing or dwelled in the country, they were also permitted to write verse at the emperor’s behest. In the Jingde reign period [1004–1007], there was an increase to six categories, but after the Xining reign period [1068–1077], this was repeatedly discontinued and restored.¹² The Song people called it the dake [great classification].¹³ Nowadays, the palace examination jinshi is also erroneously called the zhike [special examination].

This dynasty’s special examinations [zhike] followed the Tang system at the beginning in that there were three categories in all: those who were wise and upright and were able to speak frankly and issue reprimands; those whose classical learning was deep and profound and could be used as models; and those who had a full and clear understanding of official and administrative matters and were well versed in educational matters. If it was appropriate, metropolitan and provincial officials could be employed on the basis of previously demonstrated capacities. It was also permissible for the various zhou [regions] and local officials to send those who wore yellow garments or dwelled in the countryside to the Board of Civil Office [to attempt] the emperor’s examination, which was restricted to essays of at least three thousand words. In the Xianping reign period [998–1003], there was also a proclamation to the effect that the civil officials, both metropolitan and provincial, and those officials responsible for management of the regions and districts should go to the country districts and from there each promote one man who was worthy, good, and upright.

In the Jingde reign period [1004–1007], there was also a proclamation to the effect that the following six categories should be established: those who were worthy, good, and upright and were able to speak frankly and issue admonitions; those who had a broad understanding of the works of the Three Emperors and Five Rulers and were well versed in education; those who were talented, discerning, and altogether excellent and clear in respect of theory and practice; those whose valor was sufficient to pacify the border regions, who had a clear concept of military strategy, and could prepare schemes for decisive victory; those with far-reaching plans who could be sent to the border regions; and finally those who brought scrupulousness and perspicacity to the conduct of government and were successful in the administration of affairs.

In the seventh year of the Tiansheng reign period [1029], there was again an imperial command to the effect that officials of the court at the capital who did not involve themselves in the official business of the Department of State Affairs and in the academies and institutions, who were unable to oppose bribery and crime or personal gain, and who treated Heaven’s principles with scant respect certainly ought to be investigated by the censor and made the subject of memorials to the throne. There were also some who proffered their biographies and begged to be presented before the six categories. Those who were first presented were examined on questions and themes to the extent of ten essays, [each] essay comprising five dao. They then waited until they were sent down to the two departments to be examined. Thus, if expression and reasoning were of a high standard, and if they were able to respond in this special examination, their names would be raised and heard of in memorials.

Further, for irregular officials, there were examinations under the six headings, and if they passed, they took the emperor’s examination. The following three categories were also established: those who dwelled in seclusion in hills and gardens; those who dwelled lost in the country; and those with fine and varied talents of above-average ability. The recruitment was of men dwelling in the country and of recommended men who were not in the miscellaneous group of artisans and merchants and should be permitted to be recommended by functionaries, such as those of the fiscal commission and the district and township heads, or who put forward an application to ask for registration in their native places. The regions and districts would investigate those whose behavior was unorthodox but were without blemish or transgression. Such men were to be given questions and themes in which they were to practice to the extent of ten juan, each juan consisting of five dao. If there was some excellence of words and principles, then a senior official of the fiscal commission [was deputed] to investigate their reputations in townships and villages. In the ministry, there was selection of instructing officials, and this also had to be examined carefully. If there were literate and moral men who could be praised, their writings [or dispatches] were sent to the Board of Rites and a student administrative assistant deputed to examine them carefully. Those of excellence in expression and principle were all named and heard of in memorials. The remainder, like those who were worthy and excellent, straightforward and upright [xian liang fang zhen]15 and others of the six classes, were, during the Xining reign period [1068–1077], entirely brought to an end. Further, there was an order that the jinshi in the formal palace examination would cease [to be examined in] the three topics but would have examination questions in one dao. In the Jianyan reign period [1127–1130], there was a proclamation that the one category, xian liang fang zhen, be restored, although it should not include writing a verse at the emperor’s behest.¹⁶

Gao Zong established the class of boxue hongju17 with twelve topics in all: zhi [regulations], gao [granting of titles], zhao [imperial proclamations], biao [addresses to the emperor], lubu [manifestos], xi [summonses to war], zhen [remonstrances], ming [inscriptions], ji [recordings], zan [admonitions], song [commendations], and xu [prefaces]. Six topics were chosen from among these and divided into three examinations. Every examination embodied a system that was one part ancient and one part new. After the southern crossing, the right sort of men rose to prominence, and many even reached the level of cabinet minister or Hanlin graduate. Nowadays, in the second examination, three subjects [imperial proclamations, granting of titles, and addressing the emperor] in one dao roughly follow this example, but it is so simple and awkward that even people who know nothing about allusions or tones [poetry] can pass. This is the fault of putting too much emphasis on the first examination.

Section 17: This section, comprising twenty-one essays, begins with two essays on the restriction of numbers for two categories of students—shengyuan and jinshi. The third essay considers the special situation when none of the examinees reaches the standard necessary for ranking. Essays 17.4–17.16 deal with a miscellany of topics all broadly related to examinations, considered predominantly in a historical context. One of these essays (“Examination Masters and Disciples,” 17.11) has a more general relevance than the others. In it, Gu focuses on the practice of having those students who pass a recruitment examination regard themselves as being disciples of the examiner and under an obligation to support him in what Hucker describes as “any partisan struggles and controversies” (p. 330, no. 3950). The consequent tendency toward clique formation is then discussed. The remaining five essays (17.17–17.21) move away somewhat from the immediate topic of examinations: 17.17 is on the time of a man’s life when he is most fitted to serve in an official capacity; 17.18 concerns the importance of an understanding of the classics in the functioning of an official; 17.19 is about the establishment of a military school (wuxue) during the Song period; and 17.20 and 17.21 are about particular official positions.

Nowadays, people take the same recommendation [tong ju] to be the same year [tong nian]. “Xian Zong of the Tang [r. 806–820] questioned Li Jiang, asking, ‘Do men of the same year necessarily have an emotional connection?’ Li replied, ‘Men of the same year are still men from the Nine Regions and the Four Seas. Perhaps they may have the same graduation rank, or, after passing the examination, may know each other, but how does this create an emotional bond?’ ”¹⁸ Nevertheless, when Emperor Mu Zong [r. 821–824] wished to punish Huangfu Bo, the grand councilors Linghu Chu and Xiao Mian, who were jinshi of the same year, protected him.¹⁹

It would seem the Han already had this sort of thing. Thus, the biography of Li Gu in the History of the Later Han, states, “There were graduates of the same year who committed an offense in Ji.”20 The Fengsu Tong states, “In Nanyang a fifth-generation gentleman became governor of Guanghan. He was a graduate of the same year as the aide to the Ministry of Education, Duan Liaoshu.” It also states, “He was of the same year as the governor of Donglai, Cai Boqi.” It also states, “The Xiao director, Wu Bin, and the aide Han Yan were of the same year.”²¹ In the Wei Wu Di record of the History of the Three Kingdoms, it is stated, “The Duke and Han Sui were xiaolian [“filial and incorrupt”—a recommendation category] of the same year.”²² In Han times, on the tablet of the Dunhuang aide, Wu Ban, it was stated, “The scribe Hui, from Gaoyang, between Jinxiang and the Yangzi, recalled the ‘filial and incorrupt’ officials from former times.”²³ On Liu Min’s tablet it is stated, “The district magistrate of the same year made Qian a tributary state of the Zhaobai Duke.”²⁴ In Tao Kan’s biography in the History of the Jin [Jin Shu], there is the statement, “Kan and Chen Min were from the same prefecture and were also recommended officials of the same year.”²⁵ This saying of “same year” [tong sui] is the same as the present-day “same year” [tong nian]. The rise of the bond of private favors between individuals and the decline of public right action [yi] are not the result of a single generation.