House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
Capitol Visitor Center
Washington, D.C.
Of the six million to ten million Muslims living in the United States,” Special Agent Wyatt Parker said after being sworn in before the committee, “fewer than a hundred serve in elected positions in our nation such as mayors and police chiefs of major cities, in state legislators or in Congress. This includes Representative Adeogo.”
“Special Agent Parker, you’re not suggesting that the Minnesota congressman is this self-anointed Viper, are you?” Stanton said in a stern voice.
“Oh no, no, sir,” Parker replied, clearly embarrassed. “I was simply providing the committee with a breakdown of Muslims who currently hold a public office.”
“Can you tell us how many Muslims are employed by the federal government?”
“No, Mr. Chairman.”
“Why not?”
“Because we don’t know. We don’t keep track of how many federal employees are Jewish, Christian, or Muslim. Some private organizations have broken down the religious affiliations of public officials, including members of Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court, but our government does not ask federal employees to reveal if they are religious and, if so, what faith they ascribe to.”
Perspiration shimmered on Parker’s bald head despite the windowless room’s constant seventy-one-degree temperature. “Even if we did collect such data or attempt to discern employees’ religious preferences, we suspect the Viper is keeping his religious affiliation secret. It’s unlikely he belongs to a mosque, prays in public, or follows any of the identifiable religious instructions in the Quran that would make him easy to spot.”
Using the television remote, Parker showed photos of Cumar and Fawzia Samatar on the committee room’s two screens. “This is the couple who attacked the president, but both of them can be ruled out as being the Viper. Cumar Samatar did hold a federal job—he worked for the CIA as an interpreter—but he and his wife were already dead when the assassination attempt was made on General Grant and the two girls—Jennifer Conner and the congressman’s daughter, Cassy Adeogo—were abducted.”
“A few minutes ago, Director Grainger told us this mole is someone high up in our government, much higher than a low-level CIA interpreter. Do you agree?”
“Yes, for three reasons. First, we’ve found evidence that someone texted Fawzia Samatar while she was hiding in a National Cathedral janitorial closet. The text told her when to light herself on fire and attack the president, and it came from a burner phone that had been purchased by the president’s reelection committee. We believe the Viper was one of the invited guests attending Decker Lake’s funeral when he or she sent that text to Fawzia on that phone.”
“Are you suggesting this traitor could be on the president’s own White House staff?”
“We are not ruling out any possibility.”
“What other evidence have you discovered?”
“The Viper clearly knew the route General Grant was taking when he left the Pentagon for the CIA. Again, this would require someone who was familiar with his schedule.”
“And the third clue?”
“Major Brooke Grant employed a private security company to protect her residence in rural Virginia. She shared the company’s security information, such as how many motion detectors were being installed and their locations, with several federal agencies to ensure that this private firm was providing her and Jennifer Conner with the most up-to-date protection. We know that someone was able to elude all of that firm’s safeguards and alarms and was about to break into the house to harm Jennifer Conner and Major Grant when the child woke up and screamed. The private security agency insists that this breach did not come from inside its organization, and interviews that we have conducted confirm that. It’s likely someone inside our government who was privy to those security schematics leaked them to terrorists.”
“Did the FBI have access to those plans?”
“Yes, we did.”
“Agent Parker, you’re cutting a wide swath here—from the White House to the FBI to the Pentagon. That’s a lot of ground for one mole to cover. Is it possible there is a second or third traitor rather than one Viper?”
“We believe that is unlikely.”
“Let me repeat what we’ve heard from you and Director Grainger. The CIA interrogated a source in Africa who claims a mole by the code name ‘Viper’ is operating inside our government providing help to the Falcon. You have no direct evidence that this mole exists, but based on circumstantial evidence and speculation, you agree that a mole has penetrated our government and is rather high up in it. This mole could be in the White House, your own agency, or the Pentagon. Does that sum it up?”
“Yes, sir. But that is more speculation than fact at this juncture.”
“Let’s move from speculation to what you do know for certain about these attacks, beginning with these two terrorists whose photos are on the monitors.”
“Yes, sir. Both are from Minneapolis,” Parker replied. “Both are Somali Americans. And we believe both were radicalized by a Somali American Imam who was from a Minneapolis mosque before recently moving to the Washington, D.C., area.”
With the click of a remote, a new photo appeared on the television screens that showed a white-bearded, seventy-something Imam. “We consider Mohammad Al-Kader an Islamic radical because he is a strong proponent of Sharia law. The leaders of the Minnesota mosque where he was teaching asked him to leave after our field office in the Twin Cities traced money that he was generating to an international charity, which we believe has operated as a front for terrorist organizations. Cumar and Fawzia Samatar followed Al-Kader here from Minneapolis, and it’s possible that Al-Kader may be involved somehow in helping the Viper or the Falcon.”
“If the FBI knows this Imam is a radical, if we know he has raised money for terrorists, if you believe he might be helping the Viper or the Falcon, then why haven’t you arrested him?”
“I wish it were that simple. He is an Imam, a religious leader, and he’s very smart. The fact that he calls on his followers to donate money to international charities and those charities are later shown to be funding Islamic extremists isn’t enough of a nexus for us to prosecute him. We are, however, investigating if we can revoke his citizenship on grounds that he was a close associate of Osama bin Laden.”
“Did I hear you right just now? Did you say he was an associate of Osama bin Laden? Why in the hell is he still walking our streets?”
“Al-Kader’s case is difficult and complicated,” Parker answered, becoming even more uncomfortable.
“I believe this committee would like to hear about his case, regardless of how complicated it may be.”
“Perhaps it would be helpful if I explained his personal history. Al-Kader was born in Afghanistan, but came here on a student visa in 1977. Two years later, we recruited him to raise money in the United States to help finance insurgent groups battling Soviet forces in Afghanistan. We decided to send him to Afghanistan in 1984 where he underwent training in an insurgent camp that we were helping fund. Our people were providing technical assistance. From there, he joined Afghan mujahideen fighting the Soviets. That’s when he became close with Osama bin Laden.”
“Just so we’re perfectly clear on the record here,” Stanton said. “When you say our people, can we assume you are talking about either the CIA, the FBI, or both?”
“That’s correct.”
“So Al-Kader was recruited by the FBI, sent to Afghanistan by the CIA, trained there by the agency which then sent him to help fight the Soviets. We then asked him to buddy up with Osama bin Laden.”
“That would be a fair interpretation of the facts. In 1989, when the Soviets retreated, Al-Kader applied for political asylum. You might remember that different factions were fighting among themselves for control of Afghanistan, and Al-Kader was on the outs with several of these groups because of his conservative religious beliefs. He wanted to become a U.S. citizen and because he had helped us, we green-lighted his application.”
“His reward was American citizenship?”
“Yes, sir, in a manner of speaking.”
“Was anyone aware that he was a radical Islamist?”
“Nearly everyone we recruited was, Mr. Chairman. We didn’t hear much about him after that. He ended up in a mosque in Minneapolis and no one paid attention to what he was doing or saying until the Taliban seized control of Afghanistan in 1996. That’s when we first began hearing reports that he was raising money for them.”
“So this radical Imam is now working against us even though he is a U.S. citizen?”
“I suspect Al-Kader sees himself first as a devout Muslim, not a U.S. citizen, and he would argue that he never changed sides. He’s always been fighting against anyone who opposes his rigid interpretation of Islam—whether it’s the Soviets or us. We’ve put him on a no-fly list but, if I may speak candidly, Al-Kader has lawyered up. He’s using his constitutional rights as a U.S. citizen to continue teaching his radical doctrine and his calls for the creation of a Sharia caliphate.”
“You said Cumar and Fawzia Samatar followed him into our area. Had they popped up on your radar?”
“No, I’m afraid they hadn’t. I’m afraid we are limited in our investigative abilities.”
“What exactly does that mean? You knew this Imam was a radical. You knew he came here. I assume you know what mosque he’s settled into. Aren’t you monitoring him and identifying his followers?”
“Mr. Chairman, I’m certain you are aware that after the 9/11 attacks, then FBI director Robert Mueller instructed our field offices to ‘count the mosques.’ The bureau began infiltrating mosques and pinpointing which Imams support radical terrorism. This effort required us to relax our rules so we could proceed without first establishing probable cause. Our investigations enabled us to compile a fairly complete database—a ‘Who’s Who’ of radical Imams and potential homegrown terrorists. But in 2008, the media, the American Civil Liberties Union and the Organization of Islamic Nations—the OIN—learned about what we were doing and immediately objected to our ‘mosque outreach’ program. This led to a series of highly publicized complaints and lawsuits, accusing us of violating the federal Privacy Act and the First Amendment rights of Muslim religious leaders and their congregants. Consequently, we were forced to dial back our intelligence gathering efforts and return to a pre-9/11 standard. We now engage in surveillance only after we have established clear probable cause that criminal wrongdoing is happening.”
“In other words, the FBI has to wait until someone such as the Samatars commit a terrorist act before you can open a file on them.”
“We must have probable cause, and that is difficult to obtain if we don’t have access to a mosque, and we can’t infiltrate the mosque under our new rules.”
“Agent Parker, have you ever heard of the Aryan Brotherhood?”
“Yes, of course, Mr. Chairman,” Parker replied. “It’s a vicious prison gang.”
“Isn’t it true that the bureau routinely monitors and attempts to infiltrate that vicious gang with snitches to compile data about its members?”
“Yes, but I think you are comparing apples and oranges. The Aryan Brotherhood is a known criminal enterprise, a prison gang with tentacles out into the streets. It is not a religious group whose members might or might not be involved in radical causes.”
“Apples and oranges? How do you know the Aryan Brotherhood is a criminal gang?”
“Because of its members’ actions.”
“Do you have to wait until one of them breaks the law to create a file on them?”
“No, sir.”
“You have probable cause simply because of the group’s past actions, is that what you’re saying?” Stanton asked. Without waiting for an answer, he continued. “So explain to me how I am comparing apples and oranges? You can infiltrate an organization on the premise that its past criminal actions are prima facie evidence. But you can’t infiltrate the mosque where Al-Kadar is an Imam even though you know he is preaching extremist views and generating funds for terrorists? Even now when you know two of his followers attempted to assassinate a sitting United States president?”
“As you know, Congressman, our Supreme Court is very protective of free speech and of freedom of religion. Al-Kadar understands this and uses our Constitution to his advantage. Inside his mosque, he is virtually untouchable.”
“Okay, let’s talk about the Samatars, these would-be assassins. Cumar Samatar, who threw himself against the presidential limousine, was employed as an interpreter at the CIA, wasn’t he? How did he get hired?”
“Potential federal employees are not asked to disclose their personal religious beliefs or what mosque they might attend.”
“You can’t ask a potential employee if he is a Muslim?”
“The government can’t discriminate based on an individual’s religious or political beliefs.”
“Just so I am certain I understand this, you can’t ask someone if they are religious. You can’t ask them if they attend a mosque. You can’t ask them if they believe in imposing Sharia law.”
“I had our human resources people discuss this with the Office of Personnel Management, which is responsible for establishing federal hiring guidelines. I’d like to read a synopsis of what I was told. ‘Any question direct or that an applicant could surmise is attempting to discover religious beliefs or affiliation are strictly prohibited. If a potential employer is shying away from hiring someone because they suspect their religious affiliation will require them to take certain days off, for instance, they could ask if an individual would be able to regularly and consistently meet the required work schedule for a specific position. But they would be in violation if they revealed that they were concerned about the potential employee missing work because of his religious beliefs.’ The Equal Employment Opportunity Act severely limits such questioning. For example, federal hiring managers are prohibited from asking such rudimentary questions as where an applicant currently resides because that could be seen as being ‘discriminatory hiring’ if they are refused a job and believe it was because of their residence.”
“Wait a second,” Stanton said, interrupting. “You can’t even ask where a person lives because that might be discriminatory?”
“It sounds crazy, but if two applications are under consideration and the one lives in an affluent area and that person gets the job, the other one can claim discrimination.”
“Do those same rules apply to the CIA?”
“I’m not totally familiar with what the agency can and can’t ask its potential employees. But I’ve been told that questions about an individual’s religious beliefs cannot be asked during employment interviews or background checks. Cumar Samatar was a U.S. citizen, so his rights to privacy and his religious beliefs were protected, as are the rights of every Muslim who applies for a federal job. Questions about their religious beliefs cannot be asked.”
For another hour, Parker answered questions until the hearing ended. Afterward, Chairman Stanton walked from the chairman’s seat to where Representative Rudy Adeogo was sitting and invited him into his private committee office.
“As you are aware,” Stanton said, “today’s hearings were closed to everyone but committee members and you. How would you react as a member of Congress if I decided to conduct a series of public hearings about these same issues, excluding any mention of the Viper?”
“What specific issues would you include?” Adeogo asked. “Your committee covered many topics this morning.”
“I’m talking about holding public, televised hearings that would examine if and when our national security interests should override religious safeguards. Hearings that would investigate whether we are handcuffing federal law enforcement agencies by not allowing them to infiltrate mosques known to house radical Imams, such as Al-Kader. Hearings to determine if we should allow federal agencies to ask if a potential employee is a Muslim and, if so, if he or she believes in Sharia law or supports the creation of a caliphate.”
“It would be easy for those hearings to be viewed as an attack on the Muslim religion and its adherents.”
“I agree, and I don’t wish to persecute Muslims or any other religious faith. But I do want to protect our nation against radical religious extremists who are using our own laws and political correctness to their advantage. Unfortunately, all of those extremists are Muslims, so where do we draw the line between protecting ourselves and protecting their rights to privacy?”
“Omar Nader and the OIN will not see this as a debate about political correctness. They will accuse you of being on a witch hunt.”
“Which is why I am asking if you would support me. Having the only Muslim in Congress stating in public that we need to take a serious look at these potentially explosive subjects would give the hearings objectivity and credibility.”
Adeogo spent a few moments quietly considering what Stanton was proposing. “Mr. Chairman, aren’t you already planning on conducting public hearings about the embassy attack last year in Somalia?” he asked.
“Yes, up until this moment, that was a priority to me. I’m certain you’ve heard rumors that the CIA and possibly the White House knew an attack in Mogadishu at our embassy was imminent but didn’t react.”
“You must understand, Mr. Chairman, at this moment, my priority is rescuing my daughter, Cassy, and freeing Jennifer Conner. I would prefer that the FBI and the CIA remain focused on working together to save both girls rather than being distracted by hearings that might require them to defend their actions in Africa. I’m also concerned about holding investigative hearings about possible incompetence when our president has been attacked, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff has been critically wounded, and my daughter and Jennifer Conner have been abducted. The American people might view an investigation into possible errors made in Somalia as giving comfort to our enemies.”
Stanton had not expected Adeogo to bring up the committee’s intention to investigate the Somalia debacle.
“May I suggest that you postpone those committee hearings until a more appropriate time,” Adeogo said. “If you did that, I would be willing to support your new idea.”
“You would state publicly that we need to explore whether political correctness and laws about religious freedom are endangering our national security?” the Chairman asked.
“Yes, I would be willing to support hearings that would examine issues about religious freedom. My goal is the same as yours—to find better ways to identify and root out homegrown extremists. You must understand that no one is more offended than the Muslim community by what these radical Islamists are doing.”
Stanton took a moment to consider Adeogo’s recommendation. Something in his gut was troubling him. He knew the CIA opposed hearings about the embassy attack because Director Grainger didn’t want the public to discover that the NSA had warned his agency that an attack was imminent, yet it did nothing to prevent it. The Chairman also had heard whispers that Mallory Harper and the White House didn’t want his committee investigating the Somalia hostage crisis because of a possible embarrassing payoff scandal. There were rumors on the Internet that President Allworth had agreed to secretly pay Al-Shabaab a multimillion-dollar ransom even though it was U.S. policy not to negotiate with terrorists. What Stanton didn’t know was if Adeogo also had an undisclosed ulterior motive for not wanting those hearings to be held. What secret could he be hiding? Did he have some personal reason for not wanting the committee to investigate the events in Somalia?
“I will not abandon my decision to hold public hearings about the events that occurred in Mogadishu,” Stanton said. “However, I believe the points you’ve raised about timing are valid. So I will put those hearings on hold for the moment and instead have this committee conduct hearings on whether our intelligence community and law enforcement need more freedom to investigate religious leaders and groups that are clearly hostile to our government. Is that good enough for you?”
“Yes, Mr. Chairman, I can support those hearings, but please understand that I will not issue any statements about these issues until after my daughter is rescued. I can’t risk saying or doing anything in public that might put my child’s life in greater jeopardy.”
“Understood,” Stanton replied. “I don’t need you to speak out immediately, but knowing you will eventually be at my side will be useful when the OIN and its attack dog, Omar Nader, start demanding my head.”