The latter half of the twentieth century witnessed the rapid growth of pentecostalism as the public face of Christianity in many parts of the world. With adherents currently estimated at five hundred million—nearly one-quarter of the world’s total Christians—pentecostal growth shows no signs of abating as the twenty-first century progresses. Diverse yet recognizable expressions of corporate worship and music making are hallmark features of pentecostal spirituality across the broad reach of the movement. Music and worship practices have long served as key elements in the global reach of pentecostal Christianity, often accompanying conversions on a large scale, transforming existing institutions, and influencing churches across the spectrum of Christian belief and practice. Moving along pathways formed by mass mediation, migration, and missionization, pentecostal music and worship evidence and spur on religious globalization, as songs from influential pentecostal churches—and the record companies and media industry to which they are often intimately connected—make their way into in churches across denominational lines. “Praise and worship,”1 a term that refers both to a segment of pentecostal church services and to the musical practices and songs used within it, has become one of the most widely diffused Christian congregational worship styles and song repertoires worldwide. These songs and their associated worship practices travel around the world to be adopted, adapted, or resisted by Christians in a variety of local communities within and outside pentecostalism.
Scholarship exploring aspects of pentecostal-charismatic worship and ritual has been steadily emerging over the last two decades (Sanders 1996; Csordas 1997; Albrecht 1999; Poloma 2003; Meyer 2009; Robbins 2009b; Lindhardt 2011), and a small but growing number of music scholars have contributed to the study of pentecostal-charismatic music making (Butler 2002, 2005, 2008; Miller and Strongman 2002; Lange 2003; Rommen 2007; Johnson 2011; Webb 2011).2 With the aim of putting these emerging conversations in dialogue within a comparative frame, The Spirit of Praise brings together scholarly perspectives on pentecostal music and worship across the globe. Poised at the intersection of pentecostal-charismatic studies and music scholarship, The Spirit of Praise provides critical case studies of global pentecostal music and worship that shed light on such social processes as globalization and secularization, as well as the role of religion in the public sphere and in broader social and cultural change.
The book’s fifteen chapters represent a multi-voiced dialogue—often in harmony but with moments of dissonance—as contributors work to define, analyze, and interpret the significance of music and worship within global pentecostalism at the beginning of the twenty-first century. The rest of this introductory chapter delineates key terms, situates the book in relation to contemporary musical and religious studies scholarship, sets out overarching themes, and provides a detailed overview of the thematic intersections and topical threads of the individual chapters.
Pentecostalism is a modality of twentieth- and twenty-first-century Christianity that has proved notoriously difficult to define (Anderson 2010). Working alongside, outside, and within older religious institutions, pentecostalism has been conceived variously as a Christian sect, a renewal movement, a set of institutions, and a theological persuasion. With antecedents in the holiness and pietistic movements of earlier centuries, the emergence of pentecostalism is generally traced to the early decades of the twentieth century. The movement has been embodied in several distinctive forms (sometimes known as “waves”) throughout the twentieth century, with divergent emphases growing out of differing social conditions (Hollenweger 1997; Synan 2001; Anderson 2010). The term “Pentecostal” (or sometimes “classical Pentecostal”) is often used for institutions and networks with roots in mission movements and revivals of the first half of the twentieth century, such as the Assemblies of God, the Church of God in Christ (COGIC), or West African Apostolic churches. “Charismatic” is frequently employed to describe the spread of beliefs and practices associated with pentecostal renewal within older Christian institutions and denominations, including Anglican, Catholic, and Lutheran churches. “Neo-charismatic” and “neo-pentecostal” are sometimes used interchangeably to describe independent churches and church networks arising since the 1970s, including the Vineyard, the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) founded in Nigeria, and the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God (Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus) based in Brazil. Neo-pentecostal church networks often grow out of an independent megachurch that forms networks of affiliated churches, and they overlap considerably with the post-1970s phenomenon that sociologist Donald E. Miller calls “new paradigm” churches (Miller 1997). The terms “pentecostal-charismatic” and small-p “pentecostal” will be used interchangeably throughout the introduction as shorthand for these diverse social formations (see Smith 2010; Yong 2005, 18–22). Because the meanings and usage of these terms vary by context, each individual chapter contributor will nuance these terms as he or she deems it necessary.
Rather than ascribing to pentecostal-charismatic Christianity certain essential traits or functions, or appealing to representative institutional frameworks, this volume follows the cultural studies approach proposed by Michael Bergunder (2010), which emphasizes pentecostalism’s continuous social construction. Bergunder understands pentecostalism “neither as a nominalistic nor as an idealistic category, but as a contingent discursive network” (54)—in other words, as a social network of people who share “particular identifying doctrines and practices” that are nonetheless always “subject to transformation” (55). Following Bergunder, “pentecostal-charismatic” is used to invoke the constellation of twentieth- and twenty-first-century Christian renewal movements that are related to one another as part of a transnational social network connected by shared beliefs and practices—of which music is, of course, key. While recognizing their contingence, the music and worship practices described as “pentecostal-charismatic” share an emphasis upon the presence, work, and gifts of the Holy Spirit as manifest in glossolalia, healing, ecstatic worship practices, and prophecy.
The essays in this volume also demonstrate that, frequently, there is not a clear line of demarcation between pentecostalism and other Christian modalities. Since the latter quarter of the twentieth century, many signature emphases of pentecostalism have been woven into other noncharismatic denominations or church fellowships (Poewe 1994). As a result, pentecostal-charismatic music and worship practices often overlap significantly with those of evangelicalism, mainline Christianity, or charismatic Catholicism. Christians belonging to these groups may not use the categories “pentecostal” or “charismatic,” identifying instead as “Spirit-filled,” “sanctified,” “evangelical,” or simply “Christian.” The widespread diffusion of pentecostal-charismatic practices into non-pentecostal settings creates a complex task for scholars. Rather than drawing a hard-and-fast line between pentecostalism and its Christian “Others,” this volume explores how pentecostal distinctiveness is constructed discursively—and often musically—within local contexts.
Both “music” and “worship” are potentially contested terms because they can refer to a wide range of multimodal activities. Several recent accounts have treated pentecostal-charismatic worship practices under the rubric of “ritual” (Albrecht 1999, 2009; Robbins 2009b; Lindhardt 2011); however, we have chosen to use “worship” as an overarching term while seeking also to contribute to the conversation about pentecostal ritual. “Worship” provides more traction for our purposes, first, because it is the preferred term that pentecostals and charismatics use to describe particular kinds of devotional activities.3 Several scholars have noted that “ritual” is a word that pentecostals—and many other Protestants—generally eschew because of its association with what they consider the “prescribed, formal, spiritually empty liturgy of mainline churches” (Lindhardt 2011, 2). While “ritual” may be a useful umbrella term for a diverse range of embodied practices, the emic analytical category “worship” focuses the range of ritual activity to be examined and brings music to the fore. “Worship” corresponds to a specific set of rituals in which participants express devotion to God and experience divine presence in the context of a community, whether physically present or imagined.
Significant for our purposes, nearly all of the devotional practices within contemporary pentecostalism considered “worship” involve music making. This volume’s approach to music is informed by contemporary theoretical approaches and concerns within the diverse fields encompassed by music studies.4 Rather than conceiving music as a fixed object or “text” with inherent or essential meanings, we approach music as a social practice centered on—but extending far beyond—the production of sound. Following Christopher Small (1998), our approach foregrounds “musicking”—that is, the broad range of activities that entail the creation, circulation, and reception of musical sound. Some chapters analyze musical style and lyrics, while others examine bodily actions during musical performance; still others focus on the pentecostal community’s discourse about music making. Through these varying methods, the chapters demonstrate the ways in which musical meanings are constantly being created and negotiated through performance.
The study of Christian hymnody has often privileged written texts and notated scores in the form of hymnals or songbooks; however, contemporary pentecostal music making calls for other approaches because the means of its circulation differ. Orality persists as the dominant mode of pentecostal-charismatic musical transmission (Land 1993; Hollenweger 1997; Albrecht 1999, 2009) because it allows for the “coordinated spontaneity,” informality, and collective improvisation integral to pentecostal spirituality (Lindhart 2011, 3–4). Migration and mobility ensure that worshipping bodies remain a powerful medium of transport for music and worship practices; likewise, through a “secondary orality” (Ong [1982] 1988) brought about by new electronic media technologies, audiovisual media networks increasingly comprise the main conduits along which pentecostal music, songs, and worship practices travel. Internet-based digital media players, stores, and platforms have enabled musical materials and practices to travel not only between pentecostal-charismatic communities but also increasingly among international and interdenominational networks.
Given our understandings of “music” and “worship,” there are many ways to conceive the relationship between sacred sound and devotional practices within pentecostal-charismatic Christianity. This book could as easily have addressed music in worship or music as worship; however, its topic has been formulated as music and worship to emphasize the considerable overlap of these two activities while allowing for their disjuncture. Though acknowledging the central place music occupies within pentecostal and charismatic expressions of worship across cultural and geographical space, we reject the popular use of “worship” and “music” as synonymous. In his influential study of pentecostal ritual, Daniel Albrecht notes that “worship” within pentecostalism “can connote general adoration of God,” but among many contemporary pentecostals, “worship” in the noun form refers primarily to “the first main phase of the church service,” which generally features congregational music, movement, and various verbal genres, including prayer, singing, prophecy, and glossolalia (1999, 155). Following Albrecht, this volume understands music and worship as intertwined but distinct: music is an indispensable mode of expressing and framing activities of worship within pentecostalism, but it does not encompass all worship practices or experiences. Likewise, while worship may be the primary context for musical activities self-consciously labeled pentecostal or charismatic, worship does not fully encompass the Christian musical styles and genres that pentecostals listen to and perform outside corporate gatherings.
Scholars are increasingly recognizing the influence of pentecostal-charismatic styles beyond the bounds of gatherings for worship, particularly in the early and middle part of the twentieth century. Pentecostal-charismatic musical styles and musicians—particularly those associated with the Church of God in Christ (COGIC) and the Assemblies of God—contributed to the development of influential U.S. popular music styles, both secular and sacred, including gospel music, country, rock, and soul (Reed 2002; Goff 2002; Jackson 2004; Mosher 2008). Without minimizing the continued importance of the contributions of these pentecostal movements, the majority of this volume’s essays center on the intersections of pentecostal music making with the sounds, institutions, and modes of dissemination associated with post-1970s popular music styles. In particular, many chapters focus on the repertoire of congregational worship songs known as “praise and worship music,” or often simply “worship music.”5 Resulting from the incorporation of contemporary folk and rock styles in the late 1960s and early 1970s, worship music was first established among youth movements and charismatic renewal networks in the United States.6 Praise and worship music, generally performed in a soft rock, pop-rock, or gospel-influenced style,7 relies on an ensemble of vocalists and instrumentalists known as a “praise team” or “worship band.” Though the number and type of instrumentalists and vocalists vary widely between settings, a worship band generally comprises one to ten vocalists accompanied by acoustic or electric guitar, bass guitar, drum set, and keyboard. The director of the ensemble, known as a “worship leader,” usually serves as lead vocalist and guitarist or keyboard player. In pentecostal-charismatic worship, the worship leader is expected to facilitate an experience of divine presence through music as well as other, extramusical worship practices, such as spontaneous prayer and tongues speech.
Developing concurrently with praise and worship music’s style and repertoire were a particular liturgical structure and philosophy of worship. Within charismatic circles, “worship” came to refer to a twenty- to forty-minute segment during which a worship band leads the congregation in singing a continuous string of songs (the “worship set”).8 During this time, members of the worshipping community express their praise and devotion through singing combined with other characteristic pentecostal devotional practices, including hand raising, expressive prayer postures, and ecstatic utterances such as tongues speech and prophecy (see Miller 1997; Redman 2002; Liesch 2001). One of the primary goals of pentecostal-charismatic worship is a personal encounter with God, and consequently pentecostal-charismatic worship is not a directionless sing-along. Rather, it is characterized by a goal-oriented progression involving the separate but related actions of “praise” and “worship.” Pentecostal-charismatic theologians often draw from the book of Psalms and other Old Testament passages to explain the differing orientations of praise and worship. They may speak of the progression of worship as a mythic journey from the outer courts of the Jewish tabernacle into the Holy of Holies (Cornwall 1983; Sorge 1987; Liesch 2001). This ritual procession begins with “praise” at the temple gates and then moves to “worship” in the inner sanctum of the temple, where worshippers relate individually and intimately with God. Music plays an important role in facilitating the transition from communal praise to intimate worship. Praise songs, sung at the beginning of the charismatic worship set, are characterized by upbeat tempos, major harmonies, lively rhythms, and communally oriented lyrics. In contrast, worship songs generally feature slower tempos, more poignant contrasts between major and minor harmonies, and intimate lyrics expressing devotion, love, and desire for God.
The style, songs, structure, and ethos of pentecostal music and worship became increasingly prevalent in noncharismatic evangelical churches in the United States beginning in the early 1980s and initiated a blending of evangelical and pentecostal practice that some have termed the “pentecostalization of evangelicalism” (Spittler 1994, 112). While local stylistic treatment varies, commercially produced praise and worship music has generally been modeled on a handful of widespread popular music styles, perhaps most notably soft rock, modern rock, and contemporary gospel (Smith Pollard 2008; Johnson 2011; Ingalls 2012). In the 1990s, worship music began to overlap considerably with contemporary Christian music (CCM), listener-oriented Christian popular music produced by the commercial Christian recording industry based in Nashville.9 By the first decade of the 2000s, worship music was recast as a radio-friendly commercial genre and became the most profitable product of the commercial Christian recording and publishing industries in the United States, the U.K., Australia, and elsewhere (Ingalls, Nekola, and Mall 2013; Evans 2006; Ward 2005; and Perkins, this volume).
As a result of increasingly far-reaching product distribution networks, world tours of celebrity “worship bands,” and grassroots oral and digital circulation, in the first two decades of the early twenty-first century, praise and worship music continues to permeate the worship of Christian communities worldwide. Worship music has become pentecostal-charismatic Christianity’s most widespread musical influence, rivaling nineteenth-century gospel hymnody in its global reach. But worship music is more than an export from the Anglophone world. Increasingly, it has been indigenized (Riches and Webb, this volume) and is often at the center of growing regional and national Christian music centers outside English-speaking countries, including charismatic worship music networks in Seoul and Taipei (Wong 2006), the rapidly expanding gospel music industry of Brazil (Mendonça and Kerr 2007; Maraschin and Pires 2006), and the alabanza y adoración of Spanish-speaking Latin America (Ingalls 2014; Gladwin, this volume). As this volume shows, while praise and worship music can be considered the lingua franca of twenty-first-century Christian communities worldwide, it remains closely tied to the pentecostal and charismatic networks from which it emerged. These networks, in turn, are often constituted in part by the flow of commodities along pathways created by commercial industries and media empires.
Despite the ubiquity of this music within global Christianity and its importance to pentecostal-charismatic self-definition and identification, with a few recent exceptions (Woods and Walrath 2007; Ingalls 2011, 2012; Nekola 2009, 2011; Johnson 2008, 2011; Smith Pollard 2008, 2013), praise and worship music has rarely been the object of study in its own right. In focusing on worship music and by highlighting other pentecostal-charismatic popular music styles, this volume fills a gap in the literature as it articulates these musical styles’ shifting relationships to pentecostalism. As an agent of musical and religious change, music both embodies and produces pentecostal-charismatic beliefs and practices. Further, as a quintessential example of a “portable practice” (Csordas 2009) necessary for the transnational spread of religious practice, music, like pentecostalism itself, serves as a key site for understanding religious globalization (Anderson et al. 2010; Meyer 2009). An emphasis on worship music allows authors to address several key discussions related to cultural dimensions of globalization. These concerns include exploring to what extent translocal practices promote homogeneity or hybridity; how local agents respond to capitalist industry structures; and how artists and audiences attempt to reconcile the imperatives of ministry and the commodity marketplace.
In considering pentecostal music and worship as overlapping but discrete, embodied activities that are frequently orally and aurally (mass) mediated, the chapters in this volume draw from methodological approaches and theoretical frameworks informed by each author’s disciplinary background and relationship to pentecostal-charismatic Christianity. Theoretical models drawn from contemporary theology, cultural theory, media studies, and music studies each find a place here, as do methodological approaches including cultural history, media studies analysis, ethnographic participant observation, and theological reflection. Whether (ethno)musicological, theological, historical, or sociological, each contributor’s perspectives shine light on a different aspect of this multifaceted research topic.
Contributors’ relationships to pentecostalism and its music also vary considerably. Some authors (such as Perkins and Kidula) foreground their proximity to this tradition as scholar-practitioners whose accounts resemble the pentecostal genre of testimony, while others write from a more distanced perspective. Though contributors range from pentecostal believers to nonreligious social scientists, they share a common goal: to explore the varieties, roles, and meanings of music and worship practices within contemporary pentecostal-charismatic Christianity.
Seven of the volume’s editors and contributors work in the disciplines of anthropology or ethnomusicology; thus, ethnographic field research—a method characterized by extended periods of observation, participation, and dialogue within a particular congregation or gathering—is a key part of the volume’s approach. Several contributors who hail from theological subdisciplines employ “theological ethnography”—that is, immersion within and thick description of social groups and realities (Phillips 2012, 99) while retaining normative theological commitments. Pete Ward (2012) and Elizabeth Phillips (2012) have charted a recent “ethnographic turn” within theological studies as theologians have engaged methods and questions from social sciences. Phillips notes that this mode of theological inquiry shares much in common with activist or applied anthropology, in which a researcher self-consciously committed to particular political or ideological goals works with or on behalf of the community of study to realize them (101). Both theological ethnography and applied ethnography proceed from certain normative assumptions, while allowing them to be challenged by firsthand engagement with social actors.
Late twentieth-century epistemological shifts in the humanistic social sciences—particularly anthropology and ethnomusicology—have also opened the space for dialogue with disciplinary perspectives, such as theology, that hold to certain ideological precommitments. In particular, the recognition of the extent to which human researchers always and irrevocably cast “shadows in the field” (Barz and Cooley 2008) has thrown into question the possibility and desirability of “objectivity” for social analysis (Clifford and Marcus 1986). The position taken by many contemporary social science researchers—namely, that human researchers studying human communities can never truly be neutral, impartial observers, and that effective research always involves negotiating competing aims and goals—has thus made way for spirited engagement between perspectives less frequently brought into dialogue. The practice of making one’s ideological precommitments clear up front—whether these stem from religious traditions or “secular” social science—enables a shared space for dialogue for scholars writing from a number of different subject positions. Moreover, it opens the possibility for shared insights among scholars whose aims and goals may differ widely.
In addition to addressing an academic audience, contributors working within theological studies fields write with musical practitioners and church leaders in mind. And in addition to engaging the book’s intersecting themes (discussed in further detail below), many intend their essays to be aids for reflection on musical practice. Some chapters in this more applied vein include critiques or policy recommendations that stem from a core concern: What musical models lead to the growth and health of Christian communities? Prescriptive recommendations by authors include, for instance, that Australian Aboriginal pentecostal songs should serve as a model for settler communities in promoting reconciliation (Riches); that Latin American pentecostal songs must go further in addressing social justice (Gladwin); that affluent Western Christians should look to the Global South for models for songs of lament (McCoy); and that we must consider how worship songs lose part of their distinctive value for pentecostal-charismatic worship when reformatted for radio airplay (Perkins).
This combination of approaches and goals may lead to the occasional unresolved dissonance. Ultimately, however, we believe that a polyvocal approach to the topic produces scholarship that is grounded in the language and concerns of the community of study, and yet is open to further insights and critique from those outside its bounds. As such, we intend the volume’s plurality of approaches across the emic–etic spectrum to signal a shared commitment to encouraging critical thinking, dialogue, and continued debate among scholars and practitioners alike.
As the first collection of scholarly and analytical essays focused specifically on music and worship within contemporary pentecostal-charismatic Christianity, The Spirit of Praise seeks to contribute to several discussions within recent musical, theological, and religious studies scholarship. These include music making in local pentecostal congregational worship (Butler 2002, 2008; Rommen 2007; Lange 2003; Webb 2011), charismatic ritual and the ritualization of everyday life (Csordas 1997; Poloma 2003; Robbins 2009b; Lindhart 2011), media and mediation (Hackett 1998; Meyer 2009), the “fit” between pentecostal Christianity and processes of globalization (Robbins 2004b, 2009a; Meyer 2009; Csordas 2009), and the contested boundaries between pentecostal worship and popular music (Reed 2002; Mosher 2008; Kalu 2010).
The three themes of interconnection, interface, and identification are interwoven throughout the fifteen chapters of this volume. Interconnection has particular resonance within studies of pentecostalism as a product and process of contemporary globality. Pentecostalism has been called a “ ‘laboratory’ for exploring the processes of globalization” (Anderson et al. 2010, 5; see also Coleman 2000 and Robbins 2004b), a hallmark of which is the intensification of both social interconnections and consciousness of the world as a whole (Appadurai 1996; Giddens 1990). Whether contributors detail an individual church case study (Kidula, Klaver, Johnson, Mall), explore a particular musician or musical group (Webb, Riches, Reagan), or take a broadly comparative approach across church networks (McCoy, Evans, Althouse and Wilkinson), each chapter of this book demonstrates the vital role of music and worship in forming interconnections between nodes in pentecostal networks. Further, chapters show how music-making practices and media not only flow along preestablished networks but also frequently aid in forming new pathways; to this end, music becomes a primary means by which pentecostal and charismatic Christians participate within what Joel Robbins has called the Christian “transnation” (Robbins 2004a, 2004b).
Contributors demonstrate the expansive reach of these networks by exploring the dynamic interconnections among forms of pentecostal-charismatic music making on five continents. The volume’s emphasis on cross-cultural and transnational comparison reflects the idea that the Global South is pentecostalism’s new “center of gravity” (Anderson et al. 2010, 5) in terms of population; however, it simultaneously illustrates that pentecostalism’s population center is not yet coterminous with centers of influence in the marketplace of ideas and products. Eight chapters explore pentecostal music making outside North America—from Scandinavia to Sydney, Nairobi to Papua New Guinea—while the remaining seven chapters focus on diverse expressions of pentecostal worship in North America, still a global center for the creation and dissemination of worship practices and a key node in the broader pentecostal “imaginary” (Meyer 2009).
A second thematic resonance threaded through these chapters is interface, specifically the complex relationships between pentecostal music making and the various contexts—religious, political, and sociocultural—in which its creators are embedded. A combination of synchronic and diachronic approaches shows how music making serves as a central activity through which pentecostal Christians seek to resolve sometimes dissonant strains of beliefs and practices by adapting, adopting, or rejecting influences from their cultural contexts. Whether part of indigenous movements (Riches, Marshall, Webb), urban subcultures (Kidula, Mall, Oosterbaan), or congregations and corporations at the heart of commercial musical production (Perkins, Johnson, Reagan), pentecostal music serves as an interface between pentecostal believers and their wider cultural contexts—between the “church” and the “world.” Music making also serves as a site of interface between competing modalities of Christian practice within local contexts. Pentecostal and charismatic communities use music and worship to absorb elements from or define themselves against other denominational or religious traditions (Johnson, Mall, Kidula, Klaver), even as pentecostal practices influence these other traditions by introducing new musical media, expressive practices, and modes of social organization within music making (Gladwin, Evans, Reagan).
Interconnection and interface are both implied within the book’s third overarching theme of identification. Whether on the level of the individual, the congregation, or the large-scale movement, music making is a key activity for identity creation. Identity is not a given but rather is produced out of constant negotiation among competing options and embedded in bodily practices (Frith 1996; Stokes 1994; Rice 2010); as such, worship and music making not only reflect pentecostal identities but also provide a participatory means of constituting them. In addressing how pentecostal music making informs the negotiation and production of regional, national, generational, and racial/ethnic identities, chapters in this volume provide a new, musical take on one of the central problems in pentecostal-charismatic studies: how to describe the simultaneous sameness and variety of pentecostal music and worship. These detailed accounts of musical practice show to what extent pentecostal music and worship is, as Harvey Cox put it, a “compendium of patterns and practices from virtually every Christian tradition” (1995, 16) and yet distinctly recognizable in local contexts. Identifiable elements of pentecostal music and worship are found as much in what pentecostal congregations identify against as in what they identify with; many chapters elaborate this dialectical relationship between pentecostalism and its “Others”—whether Christian “Others” such as evangelicals, Catholics, and mainline Protestants, or the extrareligious “Others” of secular societies or traditional religions. To borrow the description Amiri Baraka ([1968] 1998) used for the relationship of music to black American identity, contributors to The Spirit of Praise portray pentecostal music as a “changing same”—discursively constituted yet sharing a common repertoire of sounds, gestures, and practices transmitted through embodied practice.
In exploring these intersecting themes, The Spirit of Praise is divided into three parts: “Healing, Renewal, and Revitalization,” “Negotiating Traditions in Transition,” and “Media, Culture, and the Marketplace”—each of which comprises five chapters on these topics. The five chapters in the first section address the ways in which participating in music and worship can encourage holistic restoration within physical, emotional, social, and spiritual domains. Authors approach these themes from many levels of scale: while Althouse and Wilkson and McCoy present transnational comparisons, Riches, Webb, and Klaver focus on individual churches or musicians whose influence nonetheless resounds across geographical and cultural space. In addressing music’s complex role in religious and cultural revitalization, contributors draw attention to the tension between rupture and reparation inherent in charismatic renewal. While some accounts foreground the necessity of breaking with the past in order to make anew (Webb, Klaver, Marshall), others highlight the mending of broken bonds and the reclamation of a shared cultural history and identity (McCoy, Riches).
In “Musical Bodies in the Charismatic Renewal,” Peter Althouse and Michael Wilkinson draw from multi-site field research on three continents to explore “soaking prayer,” a ritual associated with the “Toronto Blessing,” a charismatic revival that influenced churches in many parts of the world. Employing social scientific and theological perspectives, Althouse and Wilkinson examine the relationship between music, prayer, and healing at the site of the body. Their chapter convincingly demonstrates the important roles that music plays—through its sonic construction and intimate, even erotic, lyrical themes—in setting the conditions for and enabling participants to viscerally experience the love of God, both individually and together, as sound works to synchronize embodied responses.
Writing from a theological perspective, Andrew McCoy’s chapter, “Salvation (Not Yet?) Materialized,” explores the interface between pentecostal theologies of healing and the expression of suffering within pentecostal music and worship. Synthesizing case studies from around the world, McCoy presents an overview of common pentecostal modes of response to suffering in worship. His close commentary on these reveals the tensions in and differing ways of reconciling the pentecostal belief in the “materiality of salvation”—which includes the possibility of healing in the present—with the reality of pervasive and ongoing suffering.
Tanya Riches further examines the interrelationship between music and physical and social healing in “Dreaming Urban Indigenous Australian Christian Worship in the Great Southland of the Holy Spirit.” Intended as an intervention in contemporary missiological scholarship, Riches’s account of indigenous Australian pentecostal musical expression highlights the concern with healing, reconciliation, and cultural revitalization that is pervasive within the music’s lyrics, styles, and social uses. These pentecostals use indigenous instruments and languages in an attempt to reintegrate their precolonial cultural past, yet they frequently engage in musical reconciliation efforts to build bridges between themselves and Australia’s settler communities. Here, music is used both to heal the forced rupture of indigenous cultural traditions and to imagine a new way forward.
Within pentecostal practice, healing and renewal on both individual and corporate levels are often tied to rupture with the past (Meyer 1998; cf. Engelke 2010). Michael Webb addresses the relationship of renewal to rupture in the context of post-independence Papua New Guinea in “Every Creative Aspect Breaking Out!” In his ethnographic account of Oro gospel music, Webb highlights worship practices and the life stories of three influential pentecostal musicians in order to sketch a “millennialist aesthetic” in which current global styles, inflected with indigenous elements, come to signify the coming reign of God. Webb reveals the intertwining of political, religious, and musical transformation and strongly emphasizes the agency of indigenous pastor-musicians in cultural transformation within indigenous Papua New Guinea societies.
The connection between renewal and rupture is also explored in Miranda Klaver’s ethnography of music and worship at the Living Gospel Church (LGC), an influential center of the charismatic renewal movement in the Netherlands. In “Worship Music as Aesthetic Domain of Meaning and Bonding,” Klaver shows how the tropes of revival and renewal are used to reinforce the stark contrast between the music and worship of new Dutch pentecostal churches and mainline Protestant churches. Further, Klaver demonstrates two ways in which worship music serves as a transformative medium: it mediates not only divine presence but also sounds and practices from global centers of worship music production, particularly Anglophone centers in the U.K., North America, and Australia.
The five chapters in part 2, “Negotiating Traditions in Transition,” rely upon oral history and ethnography within local pentecostal or charismatic congregations to demonstrate how music is used to negotiate musical, theological, and cultural shifts. The first four essays comprise detailed case studies of single congregations, while the final chapter surveys several congregations in Scandinavia and South Africa. These accounts demonstrate the musical interplay of change and continuity within extant traditions and how music enables the negotiation of a shared past by variously overlapping with, supplanting, or existing alongside practices from other religions and Christian modalities, including evangelicalism, mainline Protestantism, and (post-)missionary Christianity. In demonstrating the context-dependent interface between local pentecostal congregations and their “Others”—whether Christian or non-Christian—each of these chapters also highlights how local churches negotiate “global” elements, particularly worship songs produced in influential megachurches and commercial media industries.
Birgitta Johnson’s “ ‘This Is Not the Warm-Up Act!’ ” examines music’s role in the transformation of an African American Missionary Baptist congregation into a “Bapticostal” megachurch. Johnson’s detailed oral history of Los Angeles–based Faithful Central Bible Church from the 1980s to the present chronicles the adoption of praise and worship music and demonstrates that musical and theological transitions often go hand in hand. While some have considered praise and worship music to be a threat to black sacred music traditions, Johnson argues that adopting this music for worship has allowed African American believers both to reaffirm “key culturally informed worship aesthetics” and to reach out to an increasingly multiethnic urban society. She shows how Faithful Central Bible Church’s parallel theological shift toward a pentecostal-charismatic theology of the Spirit created new possibilities for ecumenical and cross-cultural dialogue.
Johnson’s exploration is followed by a case study of the Nairobi Pentecostal Church, whose worship tradition underwent a similar transformation, also beginning in the 1980s. Jean Ngoya Kidula’s “Singing the Lord’s Song in the Spirit and with Understanding” explores in parallel fashion how this Nairobi church’s richly textured institutional history resounds within its complex, multilayered musical tradition. Weaving a narrative based on her experience as a scholar-practitioner and longtime church member, Kidula shows how the church draws on musical resources from past traditions and allows them to resonate in the contemporary context, so as to situate the church at the nexus of rural-to-urban migration, missionary and indigenous Christianities, and contemporary African evangelicalism and pentecostalism in a global context.
If the first two chapters of part 2 demonstrate continuity and change in worship practices as pentecostal churches negotiate elements from other Christian traditions, Kimberly Jenkins Marshall’s “ ‘Soaking Songs’ Versus ‘Medicine Man Chant’ ” takes the negotiation of a tradition one step further removed, exploring a dilemma posed by interreligious musical borrowing. In her exploration of a uniquely widespread Navajo-language worship song, Marshall proposes the concept of “resonance” to explain how, through performance of this song, the Diné Oodlání (Navajo Pentecostals) are able to simultaneously separate themselves from traditional religious practices seen as problematic (the medicine man chant) and retain a sense of cultural affinity with pan-Indian pentecostal Christianity. Marshall’s account of Native American pentecostals’ conflicted relationship with indigenous cultural traditions provides an interesting contrast to Riches’s earlier chapter, which emphasizes music’s use in the indigenous Australian quest for reconciliation with the past.
While Johnson’s, Kidula’s, and Marshall’s essays explore the process of “pentecostalization,” Andrew Mall’s case study of a nondenominational charismatic church in downtown Nashville questions whether an easy distinction can be made between pentecostalism and other Christian modalities. In “ ‘We Can Be Renewed,’ ” Mall uses ethnography with a subcultural studies frame to show how music and worship practices are shaped by and interpreted through the Anchor’s institutional emphasis on resistance and renewal. Mall’s account demonstrates how music is used simultaneously to tear down and to build up, and to promote social, emotional, and spiritual healing while severing relationships with established denominational authorities, all the while foregrounding both a pentecostal and charismatic ethos within this local congregation.
Tracing the means and rationales for local use of translocal pentecostal songs is the central aim of Mark Evans’s “Hillsong Abroad.” Evans employs the indigenous Australian term “songlines” to describe the way in which worship songs produced by the Australian charismatic megachurch Hillsong Church trace paths across the geographical landscape, orienting singers in space and sacred time. Drawing from personal experience within churches in Scandinavia and South Africa, Evans shows how local churches on different continents are increasingly using Hillsong’s music to orient themselves within the landscape of global Christianity. Evans also considers to what extent Hillsong music can be seen as a “colonizing force” in local congregational music making. His chapter demonstrates well the contradictory effects of Hillsong’s musical globalization: how this musical empire, with its far-flung distribution channels and superior production values, can be seen structuring local musical choices even as it spurs the creation of hybrid musical forms.
Following on Evans’s examination of the relationship between local and global elements in pentecostal worship, the five chapters in part 3 each explore the dynamic interconnections between a variety of cultural contexts resulting from the interface between mass media and pentecostal music and worship. Using case studies of individual musicians (Reagan, Oosterbaan, Boone) and industry networks (Perkins, Gladwin), these chapters additionally explore the interface between song genres, churches, industries, and media economies that have sprung up to support and disseminate this music. As the music’s creators and promoters seek to span geographical and cultural boundaries, they must deal with conflicts inherent to “selling worship” (Ward 2005), including the borrowing of secular musical styles, marketing strategies, and artist personas, while also navigating the tensions between ministry, creativity, and commerce. The authors of these chapters weigh the relative influence of ideological, ethical, and economic motivations for the mediation and marketing of pentecostal music, as well as the effects of its mediation on local contexts far and wide. These perspectives, informed by the authors’ own differing relationships to industry structures, come into a productive tension in this section: some authors emphasize the pervasive influence of commercial structures in shaping the practice of charismatic worship (Perkins, Gladwin), while others put greater emphasis on the agency of local pentecostal actors in reframing and repurposing mass-mediated commercial products for their own purposes (Boone, Oosterbaan).
Ryan Gladwin’s chapter, “Charismatic Music and the Pentecostalization of Latin American Evangelicalism,” intended as a theological examination and critique, explores the role of music in effecting widespread social and cultural change within Latin American evangelicalism. Gladwin draws on accounts from evangelical public demonstrations in Argentina and a close examination of the musical theology of Latin American celebrity worship pastor and songwriter Marcos Witt, demonstrating that music has been an effective tool for “pentecostalization” on a mass scale. While highlighting the central role of charismatic music in the creation of a more unified “pentevangelical” public, Gladwin’s account also offers a theological critique of the shortcomings of this repertoire in class divisions within Latin American societies.
Wen Reagan’s “Blessed to Be a Blessing” focuses on Israel Houghton, the worship leader at Houston’s Lakewood Church and a well-known recording artist on the contemporary U.S. worship music scene. Through close attention to lyrical themes, musical style, and narratives that circulate as part of Houghton’s “image,” Reagan theorizes why, despite its embodiment of a neo-pentecostal prosperity gospel, Houghton’s music holds appeal across denominational, racial, and ethnic lines within American Christianity. Reagan shows that through the complex array of meanings embodied in musical sounds and through the narratives that circulate with it, music is uniquely able to bypass theological and cultural tensions and thus unite a disparate religious public in a shared practice.
While Reagan highlights the ways in which pentecostal emphases and values make it into commercially produced music, Dave Perkins argues that the musical and theological values unique to charismatic Christianity are frequently diluted when charismatic music is taken up in the heart of the Christian “culture industry” in Nashville. In “Music, Culture Industry, and the Shaping of Charismatic Worship,” Perkins demonstrates the effect of mass production and mediation on worship music’s sound, style, and ethos. Perkins’s account draws from his own observations as an industry insider, worshipper, and scholar and from conversations with Nashville-based Christian music industry executives, whom Perkins depicts as complex agents whose actions continue to profoundly shape how worship music is practiced and understood in local church settings, sometimes with contradictory effects.
Will Boone’s chapter, “We Can’t Go Back,” traces the influence of a powerful commercial structure on local worship practice—in this case, the African American gospel music industry. Boone begins his examination of commodification from the perspective of local reception, exploring in detail the unfolding of a singular moment from his field research and employing this as a lens through which to view the many cultural contradictions of using commercially produced songs in worship. Boone highlights the complex interplay between local agency and commercial structure, as local context shapes and gives meaning, while the market shapes and conditions local expression.
Working in the context of urban Rio de Janeiro, Martijn Oosterbaan similarly explores the mediation of meaning between local and translocal levels in the context of pentecostal youth revival services in the chapter “Gospel Funk.” Rather than focusing on the industry structures, Oosterbaan interrogates the meaning of musical style through discourses surrounding performance in his case study of pentecostal musicians involved in funk carioca, a Brazilian popular music style once considered unacceptable for use in worship. Oosterbaan argues against reductionist accounts that present Brazilian popular music as homogenous and thus assume that evangelical and pentecostal Christians find all “secular” musical styles to be equally problematic. Oosterbaan instead shows performers’ and audiences’ agency in the “cultural reworking” of funk carioca into gospel funk on the uneven, varied terrain of Brazilian popular culture. Here, religious motivations take on new analytical importance as an impetus for cultural change.
We hope that this diverse range of chapters exploring the role of music and worship in healing and renewal, transforming traditions, and marketplace mediation will not only prove useful to scholars within pentecostal studies and music studies but also expand the avenues of inquiry in the interdisciplinary exploration of music and religion more broadly. By putting a range of disciplinary perspectives in dialogue, The Spirit of Praise contends that pentecostal-charismatic Christianity in the early twenty-first century is inseparable from its unique practices of music and worship. Corporate worship and music making are important ways in which this broad religious network constitutes itself, represents and replicates its values, and transforms the sociocultural, religious, and economic spheres that its members inhabit. As such, music is an essential lens through which to view pentecostal-charismatic movement’s growth, ethos, and identity, and a full understanding of this important Christian modality requires close attention to its songs and patterns of worship.
1. For further discussion of praise and worship music and its relationship to pentecostal-charismatic Christianity, see Ingalls (2011, 2012), Johnson (2011), Redman (2002), and Woods and Walrath (2007).
2. In addition to the sources cited here, there is a large and robust literature within African American and Africana studies that explores music within the black church in North America, conceived broadly, and its connections to black “secular” styles. See, for instance, Boyer ([1995] 2000), Spencer (1990), Reagon (1992), Hinson (2000), Reed (2002), Costen (2004), Jackson (2004), Smith Pollard (2008), and the periodical Black Sacred Music: A Journal of Theomusicology, published between 1989 and 1995. The Africana studies literature is often directed toward scholars of African American music, history, and culture, rather than engaging in a comparative study of pentecostal-charismatic communites more generally. This literature is nonetheless significant and instructive for studies of pentecostal music making, because there is considerable overlap between the shared social practices that constitute transnational pentecostal-charismatic worship and practices represented and experienced as “black” in the context of North American Christian worship. It is widely acknowledged that pentecostal expressions of worship have been heavily influenced by African diasporic practices, from the beginning of the movement to the present day. To further explore the ways in and extent to which African and African American cultural practices have shaped pentecostal belief and practice, see Booker (1988), Spencer (1990), Gerloff (1995), Hollenweger (1997, 1999), and Mills (1998).
3. For further reflection on the merit of etic versus emic analytic categories in the study of pentecostalism, see Anderson (2010).
4. Following Nicholas Cook (2008), I use the inclusive term “music studies” to refer to all branches of music scholarship, including ethnomusicology, musicology, and music analysis, out of a conviction that historical, ethnographic, and analytic methods can make an important contribution to pentecostal-charismatic studies of music making. As reflected by this volume, however, the majority of music studies research on pentecostalism in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries is being done within the specific subdiscipline of ethnomusicology.
5. This musical repertoire has also been called “contemporary worship music,” “praise music,” and “modern worship music.” For further discussion of this music’s changing nomenclature in the U.S. context, see Ingalls (2012) and Ingalls, Nekola, and Mall (2013).
6. Members of “classical” pentecostal groups, such as the Assemblies of God and the Church of God, were also instrumental in the creation and promotion of this new music (see Redman 2002). Still other older pentecostal groups encountered praise and worship music from their association with these new charismatic groups and adopted it for their gatherings.
7. For more detailed discussion of changing musical styles used in evangelical and charismatic worship in the U.S. context, see Johnson (2011), Ingalls (2012), and Smith Pollard (2008, 2013).
8. Barry Liesch describes the characteristic pentecostal-charismatic worship structure as “sustained, unbroken, flowing praise” (2001, 54) and provides a helpful comparison to other Protestant liturgical structures.
9. While acknowledging the considerable overlap between praise and worship music and CCM, we have chosen to treat the two as distinct genres. Here we follow Ingalls, Nekola, and Mall (2013), who suggest that, due to significant differences in their histories, audiences, discourses, and uses, CCM and worship music should remain distinct within academic analysis. Further, the designation “CCM” is employed only selectively for Christian popular music outside the United States—for example, musica cristiana contemporanea in Spanish-speaking Latin America and CCM in Korea (see www.ccmpia.com). Christians in other contexts, including the Caribbean, Brazil, and West Africa, often use “gospel” as an umbrella term for Christian popular music that may or may not include worship music (see Rommen 2007, Burdick 2013, and Ingalls 2014). By contrast, the term “praise and worship” is found frequently in translation worldwide—for example, alabanza y adoración (Spanish); хвала и поклонение (Russian); iyin ati adura (Yoruba); 경배와 찬양 (Kyŏngpaewa ch’anyang; Korean, lit. “worship and praise”); louvor e adoração (Portuguese); and 敬拜和赞美 (Jìng bài hé zànměi—Chinese, lit. “worship and praise”).
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