Chapter 18

Sustaining Support at Home

In This Chapter

Promoting himself through public relations

Using power to maintain power

Plastering images across France

L ike any politician, Napoleon had to maintain his popularity with his “base,” in this case a majority of the French people. He approached this task, as he did everything else he undertook, in a methodical manner, and he met with much success. While he may have preferred to make his mark based on his domestic policies (see Chapter 19), he knew that their effects would take time, and he needed shorter term means of maintaining popularity.

Napoleon realized that much of his popularity was based on his military success, his ability to obtain victory and glory on the battlefield. And winning battles certainly was something that Napoleon did quite well. But he also recognized that military glory alone was not enough. He needed additional domestic approaches to maintain his power — approaches that people could instantly see and appreciate. He also needed ways of insuring that alternatives to his rule were not seriously considered and that opponents were not able to obtain a foothold in French politics.

In this chapter, I discuss how Napoleon used some good old fashioned public relations to keep his version of events ever before the people. I also delve into both the positive and negative aspects of his other means of maintaining power at home.

Promoting a Point of View

Any ruler wants the people to see events from his or her point of view. Through- out history, political leaders have sought to control the presentation of their images through control of the media of presentation. Napoleon was no different. He used the media to promote positive images of himself and of France while providing negative images of France’s opponents. Sometimes, he also used the media to attempt to win over people in other countries by praising them or by criticizing foreign (usually British) involvement in their affairs.

Determined to control as much as possible the information that people received, Napoleon took both positive and negative (from our point of view) steps toward that end. The following sections consider a few of the approaches that he took.

Issuing Bulletins and proclamations

Julius Caesar was one of the greatest commanders of all time and one of the best at promoting his victorious image. Caesar, like Napoleon 2,000 years later, fully understood the power of the written word and was a master wordsmith. He wrote his Commentaries while on campaign and had them copied and posted throughout Rome. These descriptions of his campaigns were generally accurate as to what happened but were designed to present Caesar at his very best.

Bulletins

Napoleon took much the same approach with his Bulletins de la Grande Armée (Bulletins of the Great Army). Like Caesar’s Commentaries, these Bulletins were designed to tell what was happening while giving a decidedly pro-Napoleon spin to the telling.

Some cynics suggested then (and still do now) that the Bulletins could not be trusted. There is some truth to this skepticism, as bad news was often (but not always) downplayed, casualty figures tinkered with, and victories sometimes overstated. But, in general, I find them to be as accurate as, say, official reports from Vietnam or Iraq. (And now it’s time for a shameless plug: You can read English translations of all of the Bulletins in my book Imperial Glory: The Bulletins of Napoleon’s Grande Armée, 1805–1814, published by Greenhill.)

The Bulletins were designed for three audiences:

Napoleon’s soldiers: As all soldiers like to hear of their importance, both collectively and individually, the Bulletins would take great care to extol the bravery of various units and individual soldiers. Thus, a unit fought with “the greatest persistence and extreme bravery” or “covered itself in glory,” while an individual soldier (in this case, Marshal Michel Ney) “acquitted himself with his usual intelligence and intrepidity.” Sometimes the Bulletins would provide lengthy lists of soldiers who excelled, were wounded or killed, or received medals.

The French people: Citizens of any country are always anxious to hear news from the front, and the Bulletins were reproduced and posted throughout France to give the French people their fill of news. They were also carried in the official newspaper, Le Moniteur (The Monitor), and elsewhere.

Napoleon’s opponents (domestic and foreign): Napoleon understood full well that the Bulletins would be translated and distributed in Great Britain and elsewhere, so he wrote them with this fact in mind. Many of his comments were political in nature, either criticizing or complimenting his opponents. So, England’s policy “nauseates us with indignation” and the Russian cavalry known as Cossacks were “hordes of barbarians.” On the other hand, members of the Russian regular cavalry at Austerlitz “show intrepidity and resolution.”

Proclamations

Proclamations were similar to the Bulletins, though they were less likely to be military in nature. Some announced public policy, some military policy, and some dealt with civil issues of a wide variety. Like the Bulletins, many proclamations were designed for international as well as domestic consumption, and most were designed to promote a positive image of either Napoleon or French policies. Thus, when the French entered Vienna in 1809, Napoleon issued a proclamation telling his soldiers that he placed the Viennese citizens under his protection and that the soldiers should treat them with all respect (see Figure 18-1).

Figure 18-1: This procla- mation was distributed not only in Vienna but across the empire to show Napoleon’s good treat- ment of his conquered enemies.

Influencing newspaper coverage

Another way that Napoleon was able to generate support for his regime was through the use of newspapers. This situation had positive and negative sides:

The good news was that Napoleon and his supporters would use papers just like any other politicians would, by providing positively-spun stories for the newspapers’ mass audience to consume. Indeed, in an echo of Caesar’s approach, when Napoleon was on campaign in Egypt and elsewhere, he took with him portable printing presses that allowed him to produce newspapers both in French and in the local language. This allowed him to promote his cause to the local citizens, as well as to the people back in France.

The bad news was that, especially later in his career, Napoleon would either shut down papers that he felt were not supportive enough or censor the material that was being published. Those of us who live in a 21st-century democracy condemn that action, and Napoleon does stand guilty as charged. Still, France was at war for most of Napoleon’s time in power, and many nations engage in censorship during wartime, including modern democracies. I discuss this topic further in the upcoming section “Censoring opposing voices.”

A couple newspapers are worthy of special mention here:

Le Moniteur: The Monitor was the official daily newspaper of the French government and, therefore, of Napoleon. It was allowed a certain amount of editorial freedom, but that freedom diminished over time. The Monitor served as the outlet for official pronouncements and documents (much as newspapers do today). Thus, it carried all of the Bulletins and proclamations, as well as any other material that the government wanted disseminated. This material often included letters and proclamations from other countries, either to show support of or to promote anger toward a government (such as Great Britain or Prussia). It also reported on parliamentary debates, foreign politics, and events in Paris and in the provinces.

Journal de L’Empire: Like The Monitor, the Journal of the Empire purported to be a general newspaper with a wide variety of information from home and abroad. But the Journal of the Empire was not given as much leeway on what it published and, by 1810 or so, was little more than a mouthpiece for the government.

As Napoleon’s military situation began to get worse in 1812 and beyond, the Journal (and, to a lesser extent, The Monitor) was told not to publish anything that promoted a less than optimistic view of the French situation. (See Figure 18-2 for a sample of this newspaper.)

Figure 18-2: A copy of Journal de L’Empire from April 5, 1811. This issue was four pages long and carried stories from several countries, as well as the results of the Imperial Lottery.

Using the Power of Government

All leaders of nations use the power of government to promote their world view, and Napoleon was no different. He was a master at this task and was perfectly comfortable using his control of government in ways that, while effective, may not pass muster in a modern democracy.

Producing information

Napoleon created an enormous publicity machine, much like government leaders do today. For example, the Ministry of the Interior had a number of bureaus that were largely dedicated to the production of information (some would say propaganda). This ministry also included public education and was able to influence the image of Napoleon and of French conquest in the schools. During the later years of his empire, Napoleon created the Imperial University, which assumed the task of overseeing curriculum matters. Napoleon strongly supported education, but at least one of his motives was education’s ability to mold student opinions and perceptions in ways favorable to Napoleon’s goals. (See Chapter 19 for more on Napoleon’s education policies.)

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs generated stories and other information for public consumption. It produced many of the proclamations and other announcements of military success, and it provided the media with information that would put a very positive spin on Napoleon’s campaigns and a very negative interpretation of British or other countries’ actions.

Even the Ministry of Police got into the act. For example, after Napoleon took power in 1799 (see Chapter 8), his newly appointed Minister of Police, Joseph Fouché, produced a widely-distributed Bulletin that explained and justified the coup that put Napoleon in power (see Figure 18-3).

Figure 18-3: This original pamphlet was pro- duced by Joseph Fouché to justify Napoleon’s having taken power. It came out on November 11, 1799, two days after the coup.

Censoring opposing voices

Napoleon’s detractors promulgate an image of a censor gone wild, of a man who was determined to eliminate any voice that was raised in opposition to him or his policies. They are only partly correct. He certainly did want to control the news but not to the extent sometimes claimed. And in any event, he was only partially successful for most of his time in power.

In the early years of his rule, Napoleon divided up governmental responsibility for attempting (and that is the key word here) to control the message put out by the media. The Ministry of the Interior, in addition to having the powers I discuss in the previous section, was expected to oversee such things as the theater. But the government had very limited success in dictating what was produced on stage.

The Ministry of Police, under the control of the notorious Joseph Fouché for most of Napoleon’s time in power, was given responsibility for censoring all written material, including the press and literature. The press, especially after 1810, was at least loosely controlled, but literature was more or less ignored.

It’s easy to say you’re going to control the media; it’s quite another thing to actually do so. True, some papers were either suspended from operation for a time or shut down altogether, and a few writers were punished. True also that in Paris after 1810 only four official newspapers were allowed: Le Moniteur , Le Journal de Paris , La Gazette de France, and Le Journal de L’Empire. (I discuss the first and last of these earlier in the chapter, in the “Influencing newspaper coverage” section.)

Still, there was only a fairly brief period when Napoleon was truly successful in strictly controlling the media. From 1811 to 1813, the crackdown on dissent was fairly harsh. Before then, and especially under the rule of the Consulate (when Napoleon, as First Consul, effectively began his rule of the nation), there was more talk of censorship than actual censorship. There were many local papers at the time, and even those who feared the censor were often able to write their stories in such a way as to sneak past the censor while still getting their points across. After 1813, Napoleon was so busy defending France that he hardly had resources to devote to censorship. Moreover, as his grip on power loosened, the press became increasingly bolder and willing to report defeats as well as victories.

Controlling political opposition

In one area, however, the Ministry of Police (that would be Fouché) was very successful. Fouché developed a very good system of domestic spies and was able to eliminate, or at least strictly control, any political opposition to Napoleon.

Some people were arrested, some deported. And a few were even executed. But the people who got such harsh treatment were actually plotting to overthrow the government; treason has its costs. Overall, Napoleon was tolerant of at least mild opposition, and the numbers of people arrested or punished was really quite small. Most people, including many opposed to Napoleon, had little to fear from the secret police. Those who say that Napoleon ran a police state simply have it wrong.

Comparing Napoleon to his peers

Lest the preceding sections leave a bitter taste in your mouth, I want to offer a little perspective on Napoleon’s use of government to control the opposition:

France had a long history of a centralized government. The kings of France believed themselves to be absolute monarchs and thought nothing of arresting and throwing into the dungeon those who opposed them. During the French Revolution and the rule of the Directory, opposition was not generally tolerated, and many paid for it with their lives. Next to those folks, Napoleon was a model of modern liberalism.

Censorship and secret police actions were the order of the day in early 19th-century Europe. Individual liberty was not. The British would round up young men and force them to serve in the navy. Political opponents in Russia were given extended tours of Siberia — if they were lucky. In short, none of the other rulers of the day were there because the people wanted them. They were there because they used the power of government to maintain their position. Only Napoleon could at least somewhat legitimately claim that he held power because of the will of the people.

Controlling Images

Napoleon was a master of spin, and from the very beginning of his career he used a variety of methods to promote his image:

Medallions: As early as his campaign in Italy in 1796 (see Chapter 6), Napoleon used imagery to assure that the people saw him in the most favorable light possible. The Paris Mint had long produced commemorative medallions, but under Napoleon it produced them in record numbers. Virtually everything he did, from winning battles to visiting hospitals, was celebrated. Limited edition gold and silver medallions were produced for the wealthy and bronze for everyone else. Many people collect these medallions today, and the Paris Mint sometimes issues restrikes (carefully marking them to avoid fraud).

Prints: Printmakers throughout Europe, and especially in France, would quickly create prints that depicted various Napoleonic victories or events. These would be produced in fairly large numbers and sold in small shops in virtually every town, but especially in Paris.

Decorative arts: Napoleon understood that any government needs an image that can be recognized everywhere. After he returned from the Egyptian campaign and took power in France (see Chapter 8), he actively promoted the use of certain imagery in the decorative arts. After Napoleon’s time in Egypt, for example, Egyptian motifs were very popular, and Napoleon encouraged their use in furniture and homes.

Napoleon hired two designers, Charles Percier and Pierre Fontaine, to design his style, first when he was part of the Consulate and later when he ruled the French Empire. Their designs became the symbols of Napoleon’s rule, and collectors today speak of Consulate and Empire styles of furniture and other items. These styles gave the government a sense of grandeur that helped promote its popularity.

Foreign loot: Throughout his military campaigns, Napoleon was careful to send home carefully selected items of plunder. It may be that only the British matched Napoleon in this regard, as many of Europe’s finest art treasures made their way to Paris. Napoleon created a new national museum for many of these treasures. Dubbed the Musée Napoléon (Napoleon Museum) during his rule, it is now one of the world’s greatest museums: the Louvre.

The various types of images I discuss here helped shape France’s image of herself and of Napoleon. Designed to promote the idea of a glorious military led by an even more glorious leader, they masked both the costs and the horror of war. A glorious cavalry charge was often shown, while the effect of cannon on that charge was not. As in similar images throughout history, the glory of war overshadowed the reality.

These images continue to shape how we see Napoleon and the time period. Remember, there were no cameras in his day. The only reason we have any idea at all what he looked like is because of the work of the artists of his day.

Our image of Napoleon as a grand military leader surrounded by spectacular furnishings comes from the art and artifacts produced during his day. Today, such items are highly sought after (including by yours truly) and can be found in antique shops around the world. It is through these items that many people “know” Napoleon, so we can safely say that his effort to promote his image was very successful.