Chapter 22

Creating a New United Europe

In This Chapter

Happy Italians and Poles

Unhappy Germans

N apoleon Bonaparte is often considered, if not the father of the European Union, at least one of its earliest advocates. There is little doubt that he laid much of the groundwork, both visionary and practical. Indeed, he even used the term United States of Europe.

Napoleon certainly envisioned a united Europe with

One set of weights and measures

One code of laws

A unified transportation system of roads and canals

Open borders

A “European Market” trading system

A common belief in the rights of man

A common judiciary

A common leader (him, of course)

Of course, Napoleon, like Alexander the Great, the Caesars, Charlemagne, and others before him, tried to create this united Europe through the force of arms, and to a very large extent he succeeded. When he gained control of an area, he promoted many of these ideals. And Napoleon certainly liked to compare himself to some of these earlier rulers, especially the Frankish emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, Charlemagne (see Figure 22-1).

Figure 22-1: This period medallion shows Napoleon (wearing the laurel wreath crown of the Caesars) and Charle-magne together, a comparison encour- aged by Napoleon.

Perhaps Napoleon’s contribution to a united Europe can best be seen in terms of one of the unintended consequences of his campaigns: increased feelings of nationalism. While nationalistic feelings were often begun by Napoleonic policies that brought increased unity to an area (such as the Confederation of the Rhine or the Cisalpine Republic, which I discuss later in the chapter), those feelings often became stronger than any allegiance to the French Empire. This was especially true in Germany.

In this chapter, I briefly discuss the impact of nationalism in Italy, Germany, and Poland and its consequences for Napoleon and for the future of Europe. As we’ll see, some folks were pleased with Napoleon’s intervention. Others, not so much.

Promoting Italian Risorgimento

When it came to being a positive force for nationalistic unity, Napoleon was never better than he was in Italy. There, he is seen as an early proponent of Italian reunification, or Risorgimento. Italy had previously been unified by the growth of the Roman Empire, but after the empire’s decline, Italy had disintegrated into a number of independent city-states. These states had often warred with each other and, especially in the north, had been influenced or controlled by other nations, especially Austria.

Making early moves toward unity

Napoleon was in many ways culturally Italian, as his native island of Corsica had long been controlled by Genoa and Italian was his native language (see Chapter 2). Very early in his career, Napoleon took a great interest in Italy, especially northern Italy, designing various plans for military action there. He finally got his chance to put his ideas into action when he embarked on his first Italian campaign in 1796 (see Chapter 6).

That campaign was successful, as Napoleon drove the Austrians out of northern Italy and defeated Austrian allies as well. In the ensuing Treaty of Campo Formio, Napoleon created two republics:

The important Cisalpine Republic, which consisted of areas around the Po River in northern Italy, including the major city of Milan and several territories taken from the Venetians

The smaller Ligurian Republic, which consisted of the Republic of Genoa and other areas

Both republics were given constitutions based on the French model, including the progressive guarantees of freedom and equality previously unknown to their citizens. Both republics gradually expanded and provided a level of independence and stability in the region, though admittedly under the influence and protection of Napoleonic France.

The Cisalpine Republic was renamed the Italian Republic in 1802, and Napoleon himself became its first president.

Creating a united kingdom

When Napoleon became Emperor of the French in 1804 (see Chapter 20), he wanted to secure his developing empire. He also wanted to promote greater unity — and loyalty to France — in northern Italy. To help in those goals, he combined the Italian Republic and the Ligurian Republic into one state, the Kingdom of Italy. This was a fairly large kingdom and was clearly going to be a part of Napoleon’s empire. As such, it definitely rubbed the other nations of Europe, especially Austria and England, the wrong way. (It contributed toward Austria’s participation in the Third Coalition against France, which I discuss in Chapter 9.)

European concerns notwithstanding, Napoleon was determined to go through with his plans for Italy. And when Napoleon was determined, well . . . ! He offered the crown of the new kingdom to his brother, Joseph. Not many people could turn Napoleon down, but Joseph was one of them. He could see difficulties on the horizon and declined the honor. He really had no interest in being Napoleon’s puppet.

Without skipping a beat, Napoleon turned to Plan B, which involved having himself crowned King of Italy. That is exactly what happened in Milan’s cathedral on May 26, 1805. From that point on, Napoleon’s title was Napoleon I, Emperor of the French, King of Italy (see Figure 22-2).

Figure 22-2: This period engraving shows Napoleon as Emperor of the French and King of Italy. His weapons of war are laid aside, and he sits on the Throne of Justice.

Napoleon may have been King of Italy, but he soon turned over administrative control to his stepson, Eugène de Beauharnais, to whom he gave the title viceroy, or vice-king. Throughout the rest of Napoleon’s career, the Italians were generally loyal to him. Of course, not all Italians were pleased to have traded Austrian dominance for French dominance, but little came of this disenchantment.

As he had with the first two Italian republics he created, Napoleon provided the Kingdom of Italy with a constitution and the French Civil Code, the Code Napoléon (see Chapter 19). That code remains the basis of much of Italian law today. Law books of the day would have the code in French on one page with the Italian translation on the facing page.

The kingdom expanded considerably over time, gaining territory from Austria near the Adriatic in 1805 and some of the Papal States in 1808.

When Napoleon fell, the European powers tried to restore things to their pre-Napoleonic condition as much as possible. But the outline of Italian unity was firmly established and, in time, used as the basis for the creation of the modern Italian state. Today, the Museo de la Risorgimento (Museum of the Reunification) in Milan pays tribute to Napoleon’s role in that process.

Establishing an Independent Poland

Poland had at one time been a significant central European nation, but it had the misfortune of being located between Austria, Prussia, and Russia. Each of these powers sought to expand, frequently at the expense of the Poles. By the Napoleonic period, Poland had been partitioned between the Russians and Prussians several times, to the point that she no longer even existed as an independent nation.

Poland did exist as a state of mind, however, and the Poles were anxious to find a way to return to their former status. They had been quite taken by the lofty ideals of the French Revolution (see Chapter 3) and soon came to see Napoleon as their potential liberator.

Creating the Grand Duchy of Warsaw

Napoleon was always glad to have the support of anyone, and as early as his first Italian campaign (see Chapter 6) he had welcomed Polish soldiers, most notably Polish Lancers (cavalrymen who carried lances), into his army. When his campaigns took him to Warsaw in 1806 (see Chapter 10), he was welcomed by the Poles as their liberator from the Prussians and the Russians, both of whom he was fighting at the time. The Poles welcomed him with open arms, in particular the open arms of Marie Walewska, whose long-term relationship with Napoleon I discuss in Chapter 10.

Napoleon gained more from Warsaw than a new lover. The Poles gave him thousands of soldiers and a loyalty that lasted to the end of his career. He, in turn, gave them at least part of what they wanted. With the Treaty of Tilsit in July 1807 (see Chapter 10), he took Prussia’s portion of ancient Poland and created the Grand Duchy of Warsaw, a small nation of some 2.5 million people.

The Grand Duchy of Warsaw became in many ways a model for what a Napoleonic empire could look like. As with the Italians, Napoleon gave the Poles a constitution and the Code Napoléon for their legal system. He appointed the Saxon King Frederick Augustus as the Grand Duke (see Figure 22-3), and almost all the administrative positions were filled by Poles. Napoleon also freed the serfs, gave Jews the rights of full citizens, abolished slavery, and instituted other progressive reforms.

Figure 22-3: This period French engraving shows Frederick Augustus as both King of Saxony and Duke of Warsaw.

Yet, it must be said that the Grand Duchy was pretty much under the control of Napoleon. He made it a part of the Confederation of the Rhine (which I discuss in the upcoming section “Toward a Greater Germany”) and of the Continental System (see Chapter 22). His desire to maintain good relations with Austria prevented him from restoring some of Austria’s Polish territories to the Duchy.

The Poles had hoped for more but were grateful for what they got. Without question, they continued to hold out hope for a greater Poland, and when it didn’t come they were naturally disappointed. Still, the Poles remained some of Napoleon’s strongest supporters, second only, perhaps, to the French themselves. As with modern Italians, the Poles see Napoleon as a very positive force in their history.

Watching the Duchy dissolve

When Napoleon retreated from Russia in 1812 (see Chapter 13), it didn’t take long for Russian Tsar Alexander I to grab the Grand Duchy of Warsaw for himself. He tried to pawn himself off as the “protector” of Poland, and many Poles hoped this would prove to be the case. However, they soon found themselves once again divided up between Russia, Austria, and Prussia.

Poles never gave up hope and participated in various uprisings later in the century, but it wouldn’t be until the early 20th century that an independent Poland would reemerge. Today, it is a large and democratic member of the European Union.

Toward a Greater Germany

Unlike the Italians, Germans had no real history of unification prior to the Napoleonic period. What we know as modern-day Germany had long been a collection of small — sometimes very small — kingdoms and principalities. This collection had been brought under the umbrella of the Holy Roman Empire in 800 C.E. under the Emperor Charlemagne. That empire had withered away, and as Napoleon rose to power it consisted only of the German states under the control of the Holy Roman Emperor, who also happened to be the Emperor Francis of Austria.

Gaining control of German states

The Holy Roman Empire had lost most of its punch, and both Austria and Prussia eyed the German states for their soldiers and economic opportunities. The German states were also something of a buffer between Austria, Prussia, and France.

Napoleon was determined to bring the German states under his control, and after his victory over the Austrians and Russians in 1805 (see Chapter 9), he was in a position to do just that. In July 1806, Napoleon created the Confederation of the Rhine out of 16 principalities, most notably Bavaria, Saxony, Westphalia, Württemberg, Baden, and the Grand Duchy of Warsaw (which, of course, was not one of the German states).

This action brought the borders of the French Empire to those of Prussia and Austria. Prussia was also sandwiched between the western portions of the Confederation, namely Westphalia and Saxony, and the eastern portion, the Grand Duchy of Warsaw. This situation was the final straw for the Prussians, who declared war on Napoleon. With their defeat in 1807 (see Chapter 9), the way was clear for the Confederation to thrive.

Many of the tiny principalities were soon absorbed into a few of the larger ones. The Holy Roman Empire dissolved completely, and Francis gave up his title (while remaining Emperor of Austria). Napoleon encouraged the various principalities to adopt Napoleonic reforms, such as the Code Napoléon, but did not force them to be uniform in their approach. As a result, some of the states became quite progressive, while others adopted very few reforms. All participated in the Continental System (see Chapter 21), and all gave Napoleon soldiers for his various campaigns.

Promoting (unintended) nationalism

Bringing together the various German states had an unintended consequence: rising German nationalism. Very early on, many of the people in the Confeder- ation began to resent their domination by France, but they did little to express their frustration.

Confederation states were required to provide soldiers for Napoleon’s invasion of Russia in 1812 (see Chapter 13), and this they did, however reluctantly. But when the campaign turned into a retreat, their support for Napoleon began to waver. And when the retreat turned into a general withdrawal from the outer reaches of the French Empire back to France, one by one the Confederation states switched sides. The unkindest cut of all came at the Battle of Leipzig, when the Saxon army literally turned around and started firing on their (suddenly) former French allies (see Chapter 14).

After Napoleon’s fall, the major European powers tried to return the situation in central Europe to its pre-Napoleonic status. However, German nationalism continued to grow, and the smaller Germanic states were never reinstated. Anti-French feeling continued to fuel German nationalism. By the middle of the century, much of northern Germany had unified. The Franco-Prussian war later in the 19th century solidified a united Germany, which continues to play a major role in European politics.

Short on Time, Long on Influence

Napoleon had always wanted to unite Europe under his control. This he did, but for a very short time. Of far greater importance was Napoleon’s influence — intended or not — on the rise of nationalism in Italy, Poland, and Germany. The ultimate unification of these three areas went a very long way to create the Europe that we know today.

Historians love to speculate what would have happened if the Confederation of the Rhine had remained intact, or what would have happened if Napoleon had followed through on his promise to create a greater Poland. A few more years of unity, a chance to more fully adopt progressive reforms, and the history of Europe, so often a history of conflict and horror, may have been quite different.