1.Kelley et al. 2015.
2.Fahmi and Sutton 2010; Hessler 2014.
3.Slackman 2009a, 2009b.
4.Slackman 2009a.
5.Hessler 2014.
6.Russell 2012; Sykes 2015.
7.Albarella et al. 2017.
8.Barak-Erez 2007.
9.Landau 2010.
10.Yoskowitz 2010.
11.Several global histories of pigs have been written for popular audiences (e.g., Essig 2015; Malcolmson and Mastoris 1998; Mizelle 2011; Watson 2004).
12.Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 2017.
13.Izadi 2015.
1.TAVO Map A IV 4.
2.Data for US climate from NOAA 2019.
3.TAVO Map A IV 4; TAVO Map A VI 2.
4.TAVO Map A IV 4; TAVO Map A VI 2; Wilkinson 2003:18.
5.TAVO Map A VI 2; van Zeist and Bottema 1991.
6.Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 2017.
7.Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 2017.
8.Suid evolution can be traced with genetic and morphological data (Frantz et al. 2016; Gongora et al. 2011; Groves 1981, 2007; Orliac et al. 2010).
9.Frantz et al. 2016; Groves 1981.
10.Frantz et al. 2016:65.
11.Frantz et al. 2016:69.
12.Frantz et al. 2016:75.
13.E.g., Romanes 1883:339.
14.E.g., Kornum and Knudsen 2011.
15.Spinka 2009; Taylor et al. 1998.
16.Bieber and Ruf 2005.
17.This includes three to four weeks of nursing and one to two weeks post-weaning (Pond and Mersmann 2001; Taylor et al. 1998).
18.Bazer et al. 2001; Bywater et al. 2010; Ramos-Onsins et al. 2014.
19.Gimenez-Anaya et al. 2008; Herrero et al. 2006; Schley and Roper 2003; Wilcox and Van Vuren 2009.
20.E.g., Nemeth 1998.
21.Schley et al. 2008; Schley and Roper 2003.
22.Pimental 2007:4.
23.Nannoni et al. 2013. Pigs drink about 50 percent more water when it’s 35°C than when it’s 12°C (Almond 1995).
24.Choquenot and Ruscoe 2003; Mount 1968.
25.E.g., Bleed 2006; Clutton-Brock 1992; Ducos 1978; Hemmer 1990; Vigne 2011b; Zeder 2015.
26.Darwin 1868:6.
27.Price and Hongo, in press; Zeder 2018.
28.Bleed 2006.
29.Zeder 2018.
30.Kruska 2005.
31.Hemmer 1990.
32.Albert et al. 2012.
33.Belyaev 1969; Trut et al. 2009.
34.Wilkins et al. 2014.
35.Meadow 1984.
36.Zeder 2012b:249.
37.Vigne et al. 2009b.
38.Hongo et al. 2007.
39.Rowley-Conwy and Dobney 2007.
40.Albarella et al. 2006b.
41.Price and Hongo, in press.
42.Larson et al. 2007a; Ottoni et al. 2012.
43.Larson et al. 2007b, 2010.
44.Frantz et al. 2015:1146; Larson et al. 2005.
45.White 2011.
46.Albarella et al. 2006a; Cucchi et al. 2011; Ervynck et al. 2001; Evin et al. 2013; Flad et al. 2007; Flannery 1983; Payne and Bull 1988; Price and Evin 2019; Rowley-Conwy et al. 2012.
47.Fang et al. 2009; Krause-Kyora et al. 2013; Meiri et al. 2013.
48.Dobney and Ervynck 2000; Dobney et al. 2007.
49.Frémondeau et al. 2012; Hamilton et al. 2009.
50.Ervynck et al. 2001; Lemoine et al. 2014.
51.E.g., Burrin 2001; McGlone and Curtis 1985; Studnitz et al. 2007.
52.Intensively raised pigs gain weight faster than extensively raised ones. Hadjikoumis (2012) studied pigs raised under semi-free-range and free-range conditions in Iberia and found that those under fully free-range conditions were typically slaughtered at around 16–18 months, while those under semi-free-range conditions (involving some degree of penning) achieved slaughter weights around 12 months. Industrial-raised pigs can achieve slaughter weight (100 kg) at around 9 months or less. But slaughter timing is variable and culturally determined. Albarella and colleagues’ (2011) study of Sardinian swineherds showed that the desire for suckling pigs at Christmas resulted in a heavy cull of young animals. Pugliese et al. (2003) compared the growth performance of Nero Siciliano breed pigs under intensive and extensive conditions and found that intensively managed pigs gained weight faster and produced less lean meat than extensively managed ones. Extensively managed ones, on average, were slaughtered at 486 days old at 88 kg, while intensively raised ones were slaughtered at 448 days at 102 kg.
53.For example, Columella (On Agriculture 7.9) in the 1st century AD discussed the construction of large stalls consisting of several parallel sties.
54.Malcolmson and Mastoris 1998:39; White 2011.
55.Blackshaw et al. 1994.
56.Bittman 2014.
57.Hemmer 1990:147.
58.For summaries of ethnographic work on New Guinea pig-keeping, see Blanton and Taylor 1995; Boyd 1985; Dwyer 1996; Dwyer and Minnegal 2005; Hide 2003; Kelly 1988; Sillitoe 2007.
59.Albarella et al. 2007, 2011; Halstead and Isaakidou 2011b.
60.Lemonnier 2012:23–30.
61.E.g., Albarella et al. 2011:149.
62.Neonatal pigs are especially vulnerable to hypothermia (Mount 1968:19–20).
63.E.g., Rappaport 1968:160–162.
64.Albarella et al. 2011; Diener and Robkin 1978:498.
65.Grigson 1982; Malcolmson and Mastoris 1998; Wealleans 2013; White 2011.
66.Hadjikoumis 2012; Parsons 1962.
67.Albarella et al. 2007, 2011.
68.Halstead and Isaakidou 2011b.
69.Kapoor Sharma 2002 (translated and quoted by Masseti 2007:166).
70.New York Times 1859.
71.Baldwin 1978; Kagira et al. 2010; Masseti 2007:169.
72.Hesse 1990; Hesse and Wapnish 1997, 1998. To their list I have added a few more “principles” in light of more recent research.
73.E.g., Harris 1974.
74.The deforestation hypothesis was first articulated by Carleton Coon (1951:346).
75.Historically, pork was cheaper and readily available to the poor. To my knowledge, the first scholars to suggest the connection between pigs and class in the Near East were Paul Diener and Eugene Robkin (1978).
76.This idea was proposed by Richard Redding (1991) in his work on ancient Egypt. Goats are able to subsist on chaff, stubble, and lower-quality grasses and are thus more ideal complements to cereal production than sheep. Cattle, meanwhile, provide traction power for plowing and hauling, which compensates for their need for higher-quality graze and fodder.
77.This idea derives from the work of Mary Douglas (1966), who used it to explain the pig taboo in Judaism.
78.The inability of authorities to tax pig production is part of Diener and Robkin’s (1978) explanation for the Islamic pig taboo.
79.This idea was particularly favored by Melinda Zeder (1996, 1998b), although she has adopted a more nuanced perspective in other publications (e.g., Zeder 2003).
1.The earliest fossil evidence for Sus scrofa dates to around 800,000 years ago (Horwitz and Monchot 2007:93; Rabinovich and Biton 2011; Tchernov 1979).
2.Gabunia et al. 2000.
3.Smith 2007.
4.Tchernov and Valla 1997.
5.Bar-Yosef 2002a; Hartman et al. 2016; Rosen 2010. Climate affected wild boar physiology as well; after the Late Glacial Maximum, wild boar developed smaller body sizes (Davis 1981).
6.For example, 1 percent of medium and large mammal remains recovered from Gesher Benot Ya’aqov (Rabinovich and Biton 2011); <1 percent at Holon (Horwitz and Monchot 2002); 2 percent at Qesem Cave (Stiner et al. 2011).
7.Speth 2012; Speth and Tchernov 1998.
8.For example, Shanidar Cave (<1 percent); Qafzeh (6 percent), Misliya (5 percent), Kebara (3 percent), and Hayonim (4 percent). For data, see Evins 1982; Perkins 1964; Rabinovich and Tchernov 1995; Speth 2012; Speth and Tchernov 1998; Stiner and Tchernov 1998; Tchernov 1998; Yeshurun 2013; Yeshurun et al. 2007.
9.Chase and Dibble 1987:275.
10.Stiner 2009.
11.Bates 2013:1–2; Lemonnier 2002:135.
12.Robert Fagles’s translation of Homer’s Odyssey (1996:404–405).
13.Klein 2009:562.
14.Bar-Yosef 2002b; Gladfelter 1997; Shea 2006.
15.Evidence for the use of nets in hunting in the Upper Paleolithic: increase in the number of small fast game (e.g., rabbits) and use-wear on stone tools indicating rope production (Lupo and Schmitt 2002; Soffer 2004).
16.Wolf 1988.
17.These dates cover the Aurignacian and Ahmarian periods. Ksar Akil (XX–VI), Kebara (E–D), Hayonim (D), and Boker Tachtit (A–C), and other sites contain 0–5 percent Sus remains (Bar-Yosef and Belfer-Cohen 1988; Rabinovich 2003). At Üçağızlı I Cave, Sus scrofa remains are somewhat higher (7 percent), similar to the Middle Paleolithic levels at Üçağızlı II (Kuhn et al. 2009; Stiner 2009).
18.Rabinovich 2003:43.
19.Snir et al. 2015; Weiss et al. 2004.
20.Wild boar was <1 percent of the medium and large mammal assemblage (Rabinovich and Nadel 2005).
21.Bakken 2000; Bar-Yosef et al. 1992; Davis et al. 1988; Turnbull and Reed 1974.
22.Bar-Yosef 1998; Makarewicz 2012; Munro 2004.
23.Bar-Yosef 1998; Munro 2004; Starkovich and Stiner 2009.
24.E.g., Munro and Grosman 2010.
25.In the Levant, El-Wad Terrace, Hilazon Tachtit, Hayonim Cave, Ein Gev II, and Neve-David all contain very low numbers of Sus bones—often 1 percent or less (Bar-Oz 2004:37; Grosman et al. 2016; Munro 2004). Wild boar remains are uncommon at Karain B and Öküzini in the Taurus region (Atici 2009), Abu Hureyra on the Euphrates (Legge and Rowley-Conwy 2000), and Shubayqa 1 in Jordan (Yeomans et al. 2017).
26.The percentage of wild boar varies over time at ‘Ain Mallaha and the counts of mammal bones differ among authors. Ducos (1968:73) gives a figure of 14 percent Sus as a total proportion of the identified faunal remains for all phases of the site (NISP = 1,425). This equals 23 percent of the medium and large mammals. Bouchud (1987:17) indicates that 6 percent of medium and large mammals were wild boar in the Early Natufian (Niveaux II–IV; NISP = 1,039) and 14 percent in the Late Natufian (Niv. I; NISP = 553). Bridault et al.’s (2008) work on material recovered from the most recent excavations indicates 23 percent of the medium and large mammal remains were wild boar in the Final Natufian (Niv. Ib; NISP = 524). Ducos (1967:387) notes a high proportion of young wild boar in the assemblages; Bridault et al. (2008:113) also note perinatal bones.
27.Valla 1988.
28.Davis and Valla 1978.
29.There is a growing consensus that domestication processes took place over a wide area and not in a core region (Arranz-Otaegui et al. 2016; Fuller et al. 2011).
30.Arranz-Otaegui et al. 2016; Kozlowski and Aurenche 2005; Willcox et al. 2008; Willcox and Stordeur 2012.
31.Zeder 2009, 2012a, 2015.
32.O’Brien and Laland 2012; see also Smith 2011.
33.Smith 2007.
34.Bar-Yosef 2011; Binford 1968; Flannery 1969; Munro 2004; Munro et al. 2018; Starkovich and Stiner 2009.
35.Munro et al. 2018; Stiner and Kuhn 2016.
36.For the “domino effect” of sedentism, see Kelly 1995:152.
37.Bleed 2006; Bleed and Matsui 2010; Fuller and Stevens 2017.
38.Zeder 2018.
39.Budiansky 1992; Rindos 1984.
40.Zeder 2018.
41.Shipman 2010.
42.These include “Round House” phases at Çayönü Tepesi (49 percent of the medium and large mammals; Hongo et al. 2009), Jericho (13 percent; Clutton-Brock 1979), Hasankeyf (15 percent; Hitomi Hongo, personal communication), and Hallan Çemi (25 percent; Peasnall et al. 1998; Redding and Rosenberg 1998; Rosenberg 1994; Rosenberg and Redding 2000; Starkovich and Stiner 2009; Zeder and Spitzer 2016). For summaries of NISP data, see Marom and Bar-Oz 2009 and Arbuckle 2013.
43.For dating, see Starkovich and Stiner 2009; for evidence of year-round occupation at Hallan Çemi, see Zeder and Spitzer 2016.
44.Rosenberg and Redding 1998.
45.Peasnall et al. 1998; Redding and Rosenberg 1998; Rosenberg 1994; Rosenberg and Redding 2000; Starkovich and Stiner 2009; Zeder and Spitzer 2016.
46.Redding and Rosenberg 1998.
47.Albarella et al. 2011; Hide 2003; Sillitoe 2007.
48.Wilford 1994.
49.Redding and Rosenberg 1998:70.
50.About half the wild boar were killed before three years of age (Redding and Rosenberg 1998:69).
51.Redding and Rosenberg 1998.
52.Archaeological examples of hunters targeting younger wild boar have been suggested for sites in the Crimean peninsula (Benecke 1993) and France (Leduc et al. 2015).
53.Ximena Lemoine (2012) makes a strong case for the hunting of farrowing sows at Hallan Çemi.
54.Wild piglet capture strategies are known among the Kubo in New Guinea (Dwyer and Minnegal 2005).
55.The bones could also be from jackals (Rosenberg 1994:130).
56.Rosenberg and Davis 1992:Figure 8.2.
57.Knapp 2010; Simmons 1988; Vigne 2015.
58.Vigne 2015.
59.Vigne et al. 2009b, 2011.
60.Vigne et al. 2009b:16135. Vigne and his team also recovered six distal limb bones from a layer dating to 10,800–10,500 BC, but the bones were not directly dated (Vigne 2015; Vigne et al. 2009a:S256).
61.Vigne et al. 2009b:16135.
62.Sus scrofa remains are uncommon at Akrotiri Aetokremnos but constitute 46 percent at Agia Varvara Asprokremnos (8800–8600 BC; Manning et al. 2010; McCartney et al. 2007), over 90 percent at Klimonas (9100–8600 BC; Vigne et al. 2012), and over 90 percent in the earliest levels at Shillourokambos (8300 BC; Vigne 2011a). Measurements of Sus scrofa bones and teeth from Klimonas and Shillourokambos indicate that these animals were quite small (Vigne et al. 2012). However, the older age at death has led Vigne et al. (2012) to conclude that they belonged to a population of hunted wild boar that had undergone the “island effect.”
63.Bar-Yosef 2001; Goring-Morris and Belfer-Cohen 2002; Makarewicz and Finlayson 2018; Twiss 2008.
64.Dietler 2001; Dietler and Hayden 2001.
65.Dietler 2001; Jaffe et al. 2018; Mintz and Du Bois 2002; Twiss 2008.
66.Russell 2012:358–394.
67.Russell 2012:157–170.
68.Rosenberg and Redding 1998.
69.Bangsgaard et al. 2019; Darabi et al. 2018.
70.Bangsgaard et al. 2019.
71.Dietrich et al. 2012; Peters and Schmidt 2004; Schmidt 2000.
72.Peters and Schmidt 2004.
73.Zeder 2012b.
74.Zeder’s (2012b) third pathway involves domesticating animals with the goal of domestication in mind. The evidence for a drawn-out process of pig and other animal domestication in the PPNB strongly argues against such intentional domestication (although for an alternative perspective, see Müller 2005).
75.Price and Hongo, in press.
76.Geiger et al. 2018; Trut 1999.
77.Conolly et al. 2011; Peters et al. 2005; Vigne 2015; Zeder 2011.
78.E.g., Nevalı Çori (ca. 10 percent in Early PPNB [EPPNB] to 20 percent in Middle PPNB [MPPNB]; Peters et al. 2005) and Cafer Höyük (10–26 percent; Helmer 2008).
79.Dental and postcranial measurements falling below the accepted lower limits of early Holocene wild boar occur at MPPNB Tell Aswad, Mezraa-Teleilat, Cafer Höyük, and Çayönü Tepesi. For data see Ervynck et al. 2001; Helmer 2008; Helmer and Gourichon 2008, 2017; Hongo and Meadow 1998b; Ilgezdi 2008.
80.Ervynck et al. 2001; Hongo and Meadow 1998a, 1998b.
81.Ervynck et al. 2001.
82.Ervynck et al. 2001:54.
83.Ervynck et al. 2001:63; Price and Hongo, in press.
84.Dobney et al. 2007; Ervynck and Dobney 1999.
85.Wood et al. 1992.
86.The Channeled Phase (late EPPNB).
87.There is evidence for domestic pigs at the end of the 8th millennium BC at, among others, Tell Halula, Gürcütepe, Gritille Höyük, Mezraa-Telielat, Hayaz Höyük, Çayönü Tepesi, and, perhaps, Jarmo. For data, see Ervynck et al. 2001; Kuşatman 1991; Monahan 2000; Peters et al. 2005; Price and Arbuckle 2015.
88.Redding and Rosenberg 1998.
89.Bleed 2006.
90.Bocquet-Appel 2009.
1.For simplicity, I am excluding the PPNC (or Final PPNB), which dates to the first half of the 7th millennium BC.
2.E.g., Kuijt and Goring-Morris 2002; Rollefson 1989.
3.Some “megasites,” such as Çatalhöyük, persisted beyond the Pre-Pottery Neolithic. But on a regional level, the number declined dramatically. The causes of this “collapse” might include climate change (Berger and Guilaine 2009), landscape/resource depletion (Rollefson and Kohler-Rollefson 1992), or general social breakdown (Banning 1998; Bogaard and Isaakidou 2010:198).
4.Arbuckle 2013; Düring 2013; Zeder 2008, 2017.
5.Bernbeck 2017; Nieuwenhuyse et al. 2010.
6.Bernbeck 1995; Frangipane 2007.
7.McMahon et al. 2011; Rowan and Golden 2009:71.
8.Stein 2012a; Ur 2010.
9.Algaze 1993; Stein 1999.
10.Galili et al. 1997; Miller 2008; Rossel et al. 2008.
11.Graham 2011.
12.Styring et al. 2017.
13.Sherratt 1981, 1983.
14.Greenfield 2010.
15.Evershed et al. 2008.
16.Greenfield 2010.
17.Arbuckle and Hammer 2019; Arbuckle et al. 2014; Zeder 2017.
18.McCorriston and Martin 2009; Uerpmann et al. 2000
19.Linseele et al. 2014.
20.The percentage of pigs compared with that of other medium and large mammals: Çayönü Large Room-PN, 24–37 percent (Hongo et al. 2009); Gritille Höyük, 15 percent (Monahan 2000); Mezraa-Teleilat LPPNB-PN, 12–16 percent (Ilgezdi 2008:85); Hayaz Höyük, 20 percent (Peters et al. 1999); Gürcütepe, 19 percent (Peters et al. 1999); and PPN-PN Jarmo, 2–7 percent (Flannery 1983; Price and Arbuckle 2015; Price and Evin 2019; Stampfli 1983). Pigs were uncommon at some sites, such as Bouqras and Tell es-Sinn (<1 percent; Clason 1979–1980), Umm Dabaghiya (1 percent; Bökönyi 1973), and the PN levels (B10 and E8) at Abu Hureyra (0 percent; Legge and Rowley-Conwy 2000). Percentage of pigs in the 6th millennium: Umm Qseir, 13 percent (Zeder 1994): Domuztepe, 28 percent (Kansa et al. 2009b); Tell Kurdu, 17 percent (Yener et al. 2000); Höyücek, 13 percent (De Cupere and Duru 2003); Gird Banahilk, 16 percent (Laffer 1983); PN-Halaf Tell Sabi Abyad I, 4–9 percent; (Russell 2010); and Hajji Firuz, 30 percent (Meadow 1983).
21.Some have argued for local domestication of pigs in the Levant (Haber and Dayan 2004; Makarewicz 2016; Marom and Bar-Oz 2013; Munro, et al. 2018).
22.Arbuckle 2013; Arbuckle et al. 2014; Düring 2013.
23.Arbuckle et al. 2014.
24.Bökönyi 1978b.
25.Mashkour 2006; Price and Arbuckle 2015.
26.Linseele et al. 2014.
27.Pigs were common in Neolithic and Pre-Dynastic Egypt (Bertini 2016; Redding 2015). There are not many data from southern Iraq, but pigs represent 48 percent of the medium and large mammals from Ubaid 0-3 Tell el-Oueili (Desse 1983).
28.Grigson 2007; Price et al. 2013; Raban-Gerstel and Bar-Oz 2010.
29.Pigs usually make up 1–5 percent of the medium and large mammals (Bökönyi 1973, 1977; Martin 1999; Russell 2010).
30.Price and Arbuckle 2015:450.
31.Rowley-Conwy 2011; Tresset and Vigne 2007; Zeder 2008.
32.Haak et al. 2010.
33.Caliebe et al. 2017; Evin et al. 2013; Frantz et al. 2019; Girdland-Fink and Larson 2011; Larson et al. 2007a; Ottoni et al. 2012.
34.Manunza et al. 2013.
35.Balasse et al. 2016; Evin et al. 2015; Frantz et al. 2015, 2019.
36.Caliebe et al. 2017.
37.Some scholars working in Anatolia and the southern Levant refer to the latter part of this time frame as the “Early Chalcolithic.” I avoid the potentially confusing terminology here. Note that I am including the Halaf tradition as part of the Late Neolithic.
38.Biehl and Nieuwenhuyse 2016.
39.Çakırlar 2012; Evershed et al. 2008; Nieuwenhuyse et al. 2015; Rooijakkers 2012.
40.The sites are Umm Qseir, Banahilk, and Domuztepe (Price 2016).
41.Price and Evin 2019.
42.Price, in press.
43.Price 2016; Weber and Price 2016.
44.Ilgezdi 2008; Özdoğan et al. 2011.
45.Ilgezdi 2008:161.
46.Bogaard 2005.
47.Campbell et al. 2014:46. Pig bones were also found in the “Death Pit” at Domuztepe, but curiously at only 11 percent of the main livestock taxa compared with 28 percent for the whole site (Campbell et al. 2014:46; Kansa et al. 2009a).
48.Ben-Shlomo et al. 2009. These values represent the proportion of pigs compared with all specimens found in these contexts, including those not identified to taxon. Hill’s dissertation provides NISPs for Tel Tsaf, which indicates that pigs represent 36 percent of medium and large mammals at the site (Hill 2011:107).
49.Hadjikoumis 2012:357.
50.Blanton and Taylor 1995; Rappaport 1968; Sillitoe 2007; Watson 1977.
51.Dietler 2001.
52.Frangipane 2007.
53.Rollefson and Kohler-Rollefson 1993:38.
54.Campbell 2007–2008:131.
55.Twiss 2006.
56.Oates 1969:130. Other examples include a vessel in the shape of a pig in a ritual hearth at Yarim Tepe II (Oates 1978:120) and a possible terracotta pig (or hedgehog) in the Burnt House at Arpachiyah (Campbell 2000).
57.Hendrickx 2011.
58.Englund 1995.
59.Sealing technology provides another example of something that was once used to ensure egalitarianism, but was in the Chalcolithic transformed into a tool of the emerging elite (Frangipane 2000).
60.Cf. “patron-role” feasts (Dietler 2001).
61.Helwing 2003; Oates et al. 2007.
62.Paulette 2016.
63.Cf. “diacritical feasts” (Dietler 2001).
64.Arbuckle 2012a; D’Anna 2012; Helwing 2003; Hill et al. 2016; McMahon et al. 2011.
65.Bartosiewicz 2010.
66.D’Anna 2012.
67.Halstead and Isaakidou 2011a.
68.Halstead (2014:42) states that manual cultivation allows the preparation of 0.01–0.03 hectare/day, while cattle-drawn plowing allows 0.1–0.3 hectare/day.
69.Greenfield 2010, 2014; McCorriston 1997; Payne 1988; Sherratt 1983; Vila 1998.
70.For a description of how cattle may have contributed to inequality, see Bogucki 1993.
71.Foster 2014; Sallaberger 2014.
72.Payne 1973.
73.Arbuckle 2012a; McCorriston 1997; Zeder 1988.
74.Bartosiewicz 2010; Bigelow 1999; Dobney et al. 2003; von den Driesch 1993.
75.Grigson 2007.
76.Price et al. 2013.
77.Bartosiewicz et al. 2013.
78.Bartosiewicz 2005; Frangipane et al. 2002.
79.Hecker 1982; Redding 1991.
1.Adams 1981; Bachhuber 2015; Lawrence and Wilkinson 2015; Ur 2010; Wilkinson 1999.
2.Postgate 1992:51–58; Postgate et al. 1995.
3.E.g., Ur 2010.
4.Diamond 2005; McAnany and Yoffee 2010.
5.Kennedy 2016; Peltenburg 2000; Weiss 2012; Wossink 2009.
6.Van de Mieroop 2007:122–125.
7.Cline 2014.
8.E.g., Adams 1981; Algaze 2008; Arbuckle 2014; Pollock 1999; Waetzoldt 1972; Zeder 1991.
9.Arbuckle 2015:290.
10.Roth 1980.
11.Appadurai 1981.
12.Paulette 2016.
13.E.g., Van Lerberghe 1996.
14.Arbuckle 2015; McInerney 2010.
15.Goats were also plucked (Colonna d’Istria 2014; Foster 2014), and I use the term “wool” for sheep or goat fiber.
16.Evidence for the expansion of wool production includes an increase in the relative abundance of sheep/goats, beginning in the Uruk period (Vila 1998:90; Vila and Helmer 2014); sheep/goat slaughter at later ages (Arbuckle 2014; Payne 1988; Vila 1998); increase in sheep size, suggesting a greater proportion of males (Vila and Helmer 2014); and iconographic evidence beginning in late 4th millennium BC (McCorriston 1997:520; Vila and Helmer 2014).
17.McCorriston 1997.
18.Adams 1981:11; Larsen 2015; Sallaberger 2014.
19.Adams 1978; Breniquet and Michel 2014; Zagarell 1986.
20.Rossel et al. 2008; Weber 2008.
21.Moorey 1986.
22.E.g., Ehituv 1978.
23.Richard Redding (1991), for example, has suggested that intensive grain production would lead to a reduction in pigs. However, this was not always the case (e.g., Early Bronze Age northern Mesopotamia).
24.Scott 1998, 2017.
25.Some states may have attempted to tax pigs. In the Old Babylonian period, certain high-ranking officials were obligated to deliver a pig annually or even monthly to the king. However, this was probably a token payment rather than a serious attempt at taxation (Van Koppen 2006:190–191).
26.Wallace 1938:145.
27.Harper 1904:18.
28.Laws 80–86 in Meek 1969.
29.Van Koppen 2006:187–189.
30.E.g., Van Koppen 2006:188.
31.E.g., Van Koppen 2006:185.
32.Hecker 1982; Price et al. 2017.
33.That is, through “wealth finance,” to use the terminology of D’Altroy and Earle 1985.
34.Payne 1988; Vila 2006:140.
35.McCorriston 1997.
36.Stein 1999:132–145.
37.Note that I have switched from representing the percentage of pigs as a proportion of medium and large mammals to a proportion of sheep, goats, cattle, and pigs.
38.For published faunal data from the Khabur in the Early Bronze Age, see Kolinski 2012; Kolinski and Piątkowska-Małecka 2008; Price et al. 2017. For the Middle Bronze Age, see Berthon 2011; Doll 2010:215; Weber in Schwartz et al. 2017:244.
39.For pigs congregating at sewers, see George 2015. The presence of shed deciduous teeth in streets at, e.g., Early Bronze Age Abu Salabikh provides evidence of pigs roaming free in cities (Matthews et al. 1994). Texts suggest penning in institutional settings (Lion and Michel 2006). Potential evidence of penning also includes healed cranial injuries on pig skulls, possibly reflecting fighting in crowded pens, at Tell Shiukh Fawqani, Abu Salabikh, and other sites (Vila 2005, 2006:142).
40.Lobban 1994; Price et al. 2017; Redding 2015.
41.Zooarchaeological data quantify the relative, not absolute, abundance of meat in the diet. This is important to consider when we have reason to suspect that one group may have eaten more meat overall than another, as is the case with social classes. For example, suppose in a given year (1) an upper-class individual ate 30 kg mutton, 15 kg beef, and 5 kg pork while (2) a lower-class individual consumed 4 kg mutton, 1 kg beef, and 5 kg pork. In terms of absolute abundance, the two individuals ate the same amount of pork (5 kg). But in terms of relative abundance, the upper-class person consumed less pork (10 percent vs. 50 percent).
42.Mudar 1982; Redding 2015; Zeder 2003. One exception is Tell Arbid, where pigs make up 52 percent of the livestock species from the Building of the Plastered Platform dating to the Ninevite V period (Piątkowska-Małecka and Smogorzewska 2010).
43.E.g., Faust 2005:117; Ristvet 2012:153.
44.Price et al. 2017.
45.Hart 1973; Portes and Haller 2005.
46.Çevik 2007; Frangipane 2010.
47.At Troy, the relative abundance of pigs was 24–25 percent in the 3rd millennium BC (Çakırlar 2016; Uerpmann 2003).
48.E.g., Çakırlar 2012.
49.Egypt was not devoid of cities as some early scholars argued, but at ca. 10–20 hectares in size, they were modest in comparison with those in Mesopotamia (Cowgill 2004:530; Wilkinson 1999:323).
50.E.g., Kom el-Hisn, 56 percent (Redding 1992), and Buto, 58 percent (von den Driesch 1997).
51.Nadine Moeller, personal communication
52.See syntheses by Hecker (1982), Redding (2015), and Bertini (2016).
53.Hecker 1982; Lobban 1994.
54.Mashkour 2006; Zeder 1988, 1991.
55.Mashkour 2006.
56.Mashkour 2006.
57.Price et al. 2013.
58.Horwitz 1997, 2003.
59.Horwitz 2003.
60.Berger 2018.
61.Bigelow 1999; von den Driesch 1993.
62.Price et al. 2017.
63.Allentuck and Greenfield 2010; Hesse and Wapnish 2001; Horwitz and Tchernov 1989.
64.Matthiae and Marchetti 2003.
65.Lawrence et al. 2016; Ur 2010.
66.When large cities finally appeared in the Levant in the Middle Bronze Age, pig husbandry received a slight bump: e.g., 12 percent at Tell Jemmeh (Wapnish and Hesse 1988). For more data, see Vila and Dalix 2004.
67.Fleming 2004; Schloen 2001; Stein 2004.
68.Fall et al. 1998; Faust 2005; Wattenmaker 1987.
69.Rosen 2007.
70.E.g., Coon 1951; Grigson 2007; Harris 1974, 1985.
71.Allentuck 2013; Price et al. 2017.
72.Deckers and Pessin 2010; Styring et al. 2017.
73.E.g., Tell Arbid, Level VIIA, 42 percent vs. Level VI, 40 percent (Piątkowska-Małecka and Smogorzewska 2010); Tell Mozan, EJ IIIb, 34 percent vs. EJ IV, 30 percent vs. EJ V, 19 percent (Doll 2010); Tell Brak, Areas FS, SS Akkadian, 28 percent vs. Post-Akkadian, 28 percent (Weber 2001).
74.Bar-Matthews and Ayalon 2011; Rosen 2007:82–103.
75.Price et al. 2017.
76.Allentuck 2013:167; Price et al. 2017.
77.Riehl 2008.
78.For data from pollen cores, see, e.g., Deckers and Pessin 2010; Rosen 2007:100; Yasuda et al. 2000.
79.Postgate 1992:166–167; Sallaberger 2014; Stepien 1996; Waetzoldt 1972.
80.Hecker 1982:59; Price et al. 2017.
81.Uruk Text W 23948 in Englund 1995.
82.Dahl 2006.
83.Dahl 2006:33–35.
84.Price et al. 2017:55.
85.Ikram 1995; Lobban 1994.
86.Lobban 1994:63–64.
87.Renni of El Kab, 17th Dynasty.
88.Kees 1961:87.
89.Ikram 1995:31.
90.Fisher 2013.
91.Ikram 1995:31; Van Koppen 2006:188.
92.Foster 2006:284.
93.For Mesopotamia, see Van Koppen 2006:188. In Anatolia, texts from the Assyrian merchant colony at Kültepe-Kanesh mention the purchase and shipment of several kilograms of lard (Michel 2006:174). In Egypt, excavators at Amarna recovered a jar bearing the label “pig fat of the herds of the estate of the Aten in/from the Western (?) River . . .” (Leahy 1985:67).
94.Dahl 2006:37; Foster 2006:284; Stepien 1996:31; Van Koppen 2001.
95.MS Doc. 829 from Zabala located at the Cambridge University Library, https://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/MS-DOC-00829/1.
96.Parayre 2000:168.
97.Moran 1992.
98.Pigs represent 49 percent of the livestock taxa found in the Workmen’s Village (Hecker 1984).
99.Kemp 1984.
100.Shaw 1984.
101.Panagiotakopulu 1999.
102.Bertini 2016; Bertini and Cruz-Rivera 2014.
103.For the limited relative abundance data, see Parayre 2000:197; Weber in Schwartz et al. 2017:244. Becker (2005, 2008) also presents faunal data for Late Bronze Sheikh Hamad (9 percent pigs) and Tell Bderi (<1 percent). Pigs are well represented (37 percent) in Late Bronze levels at recently excavated Kurd Qaburstan (Weber in Schwartz et al. 2017).
104.See Vila 2006:143; Vila and Dalix 2004. At Tell Hazor, pigs represent 2 percent of the main livestock taxa (Marom and Zuckerman 2012). One exception is 14th century BC Alalakh (23 percent pigs; Çakırlar et al. 2014).
105.For data on Late Bronze Age Anatolia, see Arbuckle 2012b; Boessneck and von den Driesch 1974; Çakırlar et al. 2014; Hongo 1998b; Slim et al. 2020; von den Driesch and Boessneck 1981.
106.Lawrence and colleagues’ (2016) aggregate settlement density data for the Jezireh, the Orontes Valley, and the Euphrates River Valley all decline beginning around 2000 BC and reach their local minima at around 1200 BC. Survey data in the southern Levant also suggest population decline in the Late Bronze Age (Wilkinson 2003:131–135).
107.Van Koppen 2006:191–192.
108.Foster 2016:1, 36.
109.Foster 2006:284–285.
110.See Bottero 2004; Ristvet 2014:40–42.
111.Lobban 1994:63–64.
112.Hecker 1982:60.
113.De Cupere and Van Neer 2014; Ikram 1995; Ikram 2008; Polcaro et al. 2014:11; Porter 2002; Ristvet 2014; Schwartz et al. 2000.
114.Ikram 1995:291–292.
115.E.g., Tell es-Sweyhat (Weber 2006:224) and Umm el-Marra (Schwartz 2013:501) in Syria.
116.E.g., Hassek Hoyuk (Boessneck 1992:65), Tell Abqa’ (Amberger 1987), and Hirbemerdon Tepe (Laneri 2011:84).
117.Parayre 2000.
118.Quoted by Collins 2006:162–163.
119.Cooper 1996:51; Foster 2006:289.
120.Wasserman 2016: 27–34, lines 13–22. Original translation by Claus Wilcke 1985.
121.Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 2005.
122.Collins 2004; Kelly-Buccellati 2005.
123.The excavators of the site interpreted the pit as an abi associated with the Hurrian god Kumarbi (Buccellati and Kelly-Buccellati 2005:29).
124.Collins 2002, 2004, 2006.
125.Bones of young pigs, interpreted as sacrifices, were also found in an underground ritual space at Middle Bronze Age Tell el-Farah (ancient Tirzah) in the southern Levant (De Vaux 1971:252).
126.E.g., Old Babylonian and Hittite spells using pigs to expel disease (Collins 2006:173–176; Geller 1991:111).
127.Collins 2004:55, 2006:174–176.
128.Schwemer 2007:31.
129.Parayre 2000:171.
130.van der Toorn 1999:141.
131.Dolansky 2013:62; Wiggerman 2010.
132.Wiggerman 2010.
133.Dalix Meier 2006.
134.Dalix and Vila 2006; Vila and Dalix 2004.
135.Lions, bulls, and goats are more common animal motifs in the Levant and Mesopotamia. Pigs and wild boar were more commonly employed as symbols of power in Anatolia and the Aegean (Dalix and Vila 2006:364–370).
136.Ikram 1995:32; Lobban 1994.
137.Allen’s translation is from an 18th Dynasty text (Allen 1974:91, fn 195).
138.Lobban 1994.
139.That is, the 21st–25th Dynasties (Lobban 1994:68).
140.Bertini 2016; Redding 2015.
141.Mortuary and foundation deposits all seem to date to the Middle Bronze Age or earlier.
142.Falconer 1995; Lev-Tov and McGeough 2007; Salleberger and Pruß 2015; Van Koppen 2006:190; Zuckerman 2007.
143.Parayre 2000:168–171.
144.Collins 2006:157; Parayre 2000; Scurlock 2002:393.
145.Collins 2006:156–157.
146.Richardson 2007:197.
1.Radcliffe-Brown (1939:8–9) suggested that the term “taboo,” due to its origins in Polynesian cultures, was not amenable to generalization; he preferred the term “ritual prohibition.”
2.Shirres 1982.
3.Frazer 1911.
4.Radcliffe-Brown 1939.
5.Durkheim 1995 [1912].
6.Freud 1918.
7.I am building on Rappaport’s (1968:208) definition of taboos as “supernaturally sanctioned proscriptions of physically feasible behavior” as well as Allan and Burridge’s (2006:27) concept of “radioactivity.” Discussions by Valeri (2000) and Fowles (2008) have also influenced my definition. Earlier anthropological definitions tended to focus on the vacillation between sacred and profane. Frazer (1911:224–225) argued that the sacred is dangerous and therefore must be tabooed; Durkheim (1995 [1912]:306–313) argued that taboos prevent cross-contamination between the sacred and profane.
8.Miller 2004.
9.Rozin et al. 1997a:79.
10.Allan and Burridge 2006:27.
11.Akimichi 1998.
12.Hastorf (2016:184–186) provides a discussion of food taboos applied to women.
13.Henrich and Henrich 2010; Meyer-Rochow 2009; Schieffelin 2005 [1976]:63–65; Turner 1967:59–92; Van Gennep 1960.
14.DeBoer 1987; Valeri 2000:412; Whitehead 2000.
15.Anderson 2014:229–249.
16.DeBoer 1987; Valeri 2000.
17.Howell 2012.
18.Sometimes taboos are applied only to certain portions of meat. Kosher families traditionally avoid the hindlimbs of animals because of their association with the sciatic nerve (gid hanasheh; see Genesis 32:33), although the nerve can be removed, rendering this part of the body kosher. Gustavo Politis (2007:299) observed that Nukak hunters would not eat the heads of monkeys or peccaries out of a fear of illness or future hunting impotence. Mixtures, especially of meat or animal parts, are also frequently tabooed. Valeri (2000:378) noted these types of taboos among the Huaulu, who would not eat certain meats together because doing so would entail combining contrasting colors (e.g., red and black). Another example is the injunction against eating meat and dairy in Kashrut, which derives from the Mishnaic interpretation of “do not cook the kid in its mother’s milk” (Exodus 23:19, 34:26 and Deuteronomy 14:21).
19.Fessler and Navarrete 2003.
20.On the social power of animals in human cultures, see Bulliet 2005; Fagan 2015; Ingold 1988; Serpell 1996 [1986].
21.Fagan 2015:13.
22.Hunting, slaughtering, and sacrificing are often connected to the reproduction of political authority, the display masculinity, and the maintenance of social cohesion (Fiddes 1991; Russell 2012:155–164; Speth 2009; Whitehead 2000).
23.E.g., Politis 2007:299.
24.E.g., Henrich and Henrich 2010; Malinowski 1932:336; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1985:116–117.
25.Kathryn O’Neil Weber articulated this thought to me in June 2018. I am paraphrasing her.
26.Freud 1918.
27.E.g., Schorsch 2018:2.
28.Goossaert 2005.
29.E.g., Scarborough 1982.
30.See, e.g., Clark 2004.
31.I am using the English translations of the original Hebrew available on the Sefaria website, https://www.sefaria.org/texts. I reject their translation of tame as “unclean” for reasons I explain in the text.
32.E.g., Cohen 2006:125.
33.Some Classical writers reported speculations on the origin of the pig taboo in Egypt. According to Plutarch (AD 46–120), the taboo was thought by some to have arisen because swine mated during the waning of the moon and people who drank pig milk developed leprosy (Moralia, Isis and Osiris 8.353–354). Aelian also referenced the claim that leprosy could be acquired from pig milk (On Animals 10.16), citing the now-lost works of the Egyptian Manetho.
34.Schäfer 1997:77–78.
35.See Fabre-Vassas 1997.
36.“Leprosy” probably referred to skin diseases in general. Some of the most common infections of the skin contracted from pigs are ringworm and erysipeloid, but they have many vectors besides pigs (Neumann et al. 2010).
37.Seeskin 2017.
38.Neghina et al. 2012; Simoons 1994:65–69.
39.E.g., Heisen 1891; Wallace 1844.
40.E.g., Neghina et al. 2012:503.
41.Simoons (1994) has written the most extensive rebuttal to the trichinosis hypothesis.
42.Whitehead 2000:96.
43.Rozin et al. 1997b.
44.Foer 2009.
45.The list includes Simoons (1994:65–71), Douglas (2002 [1966]), and Harris (1974).
46.Frazer 1912.
47.Frazer 1912:17–18.
48.Frazer 1912:22.
49.Frazer 1912:24.
50.Frazer 1912:25–30.
51.In the case of the Egyptians, Frazer (1912:33–34) suggested that they transferred the association between pigs and the god Osiris to his enemy Typhon.
52.Collins 2004.
53.Milgrom 1998.
54.Milgrom 1998:649–653.
55.Milgrom 1998:766–768.
56.Collins 2004.
57.Douglas 2002 [1966].
58.Douglas 2002 [1966]:56.
59.E.g., Milgrom 1998:721.
60.Bulmer 1967:21; Tambiah 1969.
61.For dating of the Torah see, e.g., Dever 2003:7–8; Emerton 2004; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:12.
62.Douglas 1975:276–318.
63.Douglas 1999:149.
64.Douglas 2002 [1966]:viii.
65.E.g., White 1959:8.
66.Coon 1951.
67.Harris 1974, 1985.
68.The timing of deforestation in the Near East varied from region to region, but in general began in the Bronze Age and accelerated in the Iron Age and Classical periods (Deckers and Pessin 2010; Rosen 2007; Wilkinson 2003).
69.Harris 1985:78.
70.Diener and Robkin 1978:496.
71.Diener and Robkin 1978:498; Miller 1990; Nemeth 1998.
72.Diener and Robkin 1978.
73.Diener and Robkin 1978:501.
74.Diener and Robkin 1978:501.
75.Diener and Robkin 1978:502.
76.Falconer 1995; Price 2016; Price et al. 2017; Redding 1992, 2010, 2015; Wattenmaker 1987; Zeder 1991, 1996, 1998b.
77.E.g., Hesse 1990; Zeder 1996.
78.Unless Diener and Robkin (1978) are subtly arguing that the pig taboo was added to the Quran after the conquests of Arabia, the Levant, and Mesopotamia.
79.See Aslan 2011.
80.Simoons 1994.
81.Simoons (1994:65–71) also refuted the health/trichinosis hypothesis, the ecological hypotheses of Carleton Coon and Marvin Harris (Simoons 1994:71–85), and the “symbolic and cultic hypotheses” of Mary Douglas (Simoons 1994:85–92).
82.Douglas 1975:307–308.
83.Soler 1979.
84.Simoons 1994:87–89.
85.Crabtree 1990; Goody 1982; Jaffe et al. 2018; Smith 2003; Stein 2012b; Twiss 2012.
86.Anderson 2014:225–249.
87.Barth (1969) often receives the lion’s share of credit for this theory, but a number of other scholars have employed and developed the instrumentalist approach to ethnicity (e.g., Comaroff and Comaroff 1992:235–263; Emberling 1997; Faust 2016a; Smith 2003:1–10).
88.E.g., Smith 2003.
89.Liebmann 2015; Silliman 2013.
90.Simoons 1994:99–101.
91.Simoons 1994:93–94.
92.Simoons 1994:93. The mixed group model for ancient Israelites has support among other scholars (e.g., Killebrew 2014).
93.E.g., Valeri 2000.
94.Fowles 2008:21; Valeri 2000.
95.Even when pastoralists view pork with suspicion, they may not have an outright taboo. For example, Simoons (1994:45) admits that the Mongols, though they harbor negative sentiments against pigs, eat pork and even raise pigs on occasion.
96.More mobile forms of extensive pig husbandry, including transhumance between mountain and lowland feeding grounds, have been documented in, for example, the Mediterranean (Albarella et al. 2997, 2011).
97.E.g. Dyson-Hudson and Dyson-Hudson 1980.
98.The dichotomy lies at the heart of Ibn Khaldun’s historiography in The Muqaddimah.
99.Redding 2015.
100.Redding 2015:351. In earlier publications, Redding argued that pigs were associated with lower-status households in Egypt and Mesopotamia and were of no interest to institutions (Redding 1991, 1992, 2010).
101.Redding 2015:356.
102.Chickens may have been raised in Iran in the 4th millennium BC, and they have been identified at a number of 3rd millennium sites in Syria, southern Turkey, and northern Iraq (Piątkowska-Małecka 2015; Redding 2015:337). The situation is less clear in Egypt: the oldest chicken bones, according to Redding, date to the 7th century BC (Redding 2015:337), while the oldest textual and artistic references date to the 2nd millennium BC (Redding 2015:338–339).
103.Redding (2015:38–40) rightly points out that the number of chickens may be underrepresented due to the lack of sieving at many Bronze Age sites.
104.Perry-Gal et al. 2015b.
105.Redding 2015:356.
106.Rappaport 1968:208.
107.Goody 1982.
108.De Beauvoir 2011 [1949]:754.
109.Sykes 2015:165–167.
1.Cline 2014; Kaniewski et al. 2013; Langgut et al. 2013; Liverani 1987; Oren 2000; Wiener 2017.
2.Dothan 1998; Maeir and Hitchcock 2017.
3.Akkermans and Schwartz 2003:367–377; Dever 2003; Faust 2016b; Finkelstein 1988; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001; Killebrew 2005; Stager 1985.
4.Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:17–19.
5.With some exceptions (Friedman 2017), almost all scholars agree that the archaeological data argue in favor of a local Levantine ethnogenesis for the Israelites (Dever 2003; Faust 2016a; Finkelstein 1988; Killebrew 2005).
6.E.g., Liverani 2017.
7.Akkermans and Schwartz 2003:360–398; Briant 2002.
8.Cohen 2006:175–176.
9.Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:12.
10.See, e.g., Coogan 2017; Dever 2003; Emerton 2004.
11.Most date D as preceding P; many assign P to an Exilic date (e.g., Coogan 2017).
12.The dating of Leviticus (the P and H source) and other works of the Hebrew Bible is a contentious issue. Milgrom (1998:3–30) favors a date for P and H around the time of Hezekiah’s reforms. Many others also argue that the main parts of the text are pre-Exilic, even if redaction continued into Exilic and even post-Exilic times (Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:5–14; Haran 1981; Hurvitz 1988). Other scholars favor an Exilic or even Persian period date for P and H (e.g., Cohen 1999:124; Coogan 2017; Rhyder 2019).
13.The Hebrew Bible was written primarily from the perspective of the southern kingdom, but probably incorporated elements of the texts of the kingdom of Israel (Fleming 2012).
14.Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:14, 42.
15.E.g., Albright 1939.
16.Dever 2003; Faust 2016b.
17.Dever 1994:215–216; Faust 2016a:156, 2018; Sapir-Hen et al. 2013.
18.Gottwald 1979.
19.E.g., Dever 2003.
20.Finkelstein 1992, 1996b; Finkelstein and Na’aman 1994; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:97–122.
21.Dever 2003; Faust 2016b; Killebrew 2005, 2014.
22.E.g., Dever 2005.
23.For the “house of the father” serving as a “root metaphor” for Israelite society, see Schloen 2001:135–183.
24.Faust 2016b:92–110.
25.For a summary of the evidence for the introduction of the camel, see Walton 2015:281–346. For a general overview of Iron Age Levantine fauna, see Sasson 2010.
26.E.g., Black 2016.
27.Faust 2016a:168.
28.Faust 2016b:131–134.
29.E.g., Finkelstein 1996a, 2010; Mazar 2010.
30.Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:243–246; Geva 2014.
31.Emberling 1997.
32.Finkelstein and Mazar 2007:153–156. Although the Deuteronomistic history (Joshua, Judges, 1 and 2 Samuel, 1 and 2 Kings) probably dates to the Exilic period (see Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:13–14).
33.Finkelstein and Mazar 2007:167.
34.Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:277.
35.Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:3–15.
36.Note that other law codes from ancient Near Eastern history, such as that of Hammurabi, also referenced divine inspiration.
37.Konner 2003:38–43.
38.Black 2016:60.
39.See also Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:296–313.
40.Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:296; Ska 2006:112.
41.Konner 2003:37; Rosenberg 2004.
42.Regarding Iran, Mashkour’s (2006) data indicate Iron Age sites generally contained <10 percent pigs. However, pigs represent 12 percent of the main livestock remains at Achaemenid levels at Choga Mish (Lev-Tov et al. 2017) and around 43 percent from Achaemenid Qelich Qoineq, a large military outpost near the Caspian Sea (Mashkour et al. 2013:570). There are, however, few data from Mesopotamia. Vila (2006) lists seven Mesopotamian sites, all of which are in northern Mesopotamia/Levant—Qatna (Tell Mishrife), Tell Afis, Khirbet Khatuniyeh, Tell Knedig, Shiukh Fawqani, and Horum Höyük.
43.Bertini 2011:109; Redding 2015.
44.Pig bones represent 69 percent of the main livestock taxa from Naukratis (Reese 1997).
45.E.g., Iron I Shiukh Fawqani (6 percent, although this increased to 17 percent in Iron II; Vila 2005) and Iron I–III Tell Nebi Mend (ancient Qadesh; 5–8 percent; Grigson 2015). At Kınık Höyük in Cappadocia, pigs represented around 4 percent of the livestock remains from 6th–4th century BC deposits and were entirely absent from the Achaemenid deposits (Highcock et al. 2015:118–119).
46.E.g., Kaman-Kalehöyük (13–24 percent in various phases from the 12th to 4th century BC; Hongo 1998a); Tell Afis (21 percent in Iron I, 15 percent in Iron II–III, but only 5 percent in Iron III; Wilkens 2000); Gindaris (21 percent; Vila and Dalix 2004); Kinet Höyük (13 percent; Çakırlar 2003). Pig bones made up 29 percent of the livestock remains from the settlement (not the temple) at Ain Dara (Frey and Marean 1999). Pigs typically represent around 15–25 percent of the livestock remains from Iron Age western Anatolia (Çakırlar and Atici 2017:272; Çakırlar et al. 2015).
47.Pig bones represented 14 percent of the livestock remains from the Neo-Assyrian palace and 15 percent from the domestic area Ziyaret Tepe (Greenfield 2015) and from 5 percent up to 21 percent in the Early Iron and Phrygian levels at Gordion (Zeder and Arter 1994).
48.Faust 2018; Faust and Lev-Tov 2011; Hesse 1990; Hesse and Wapnish 1997; Horwitz et al. 2017; Lev-Tov 2000; Sapir-Hen 2018; Sapir-Hen et al. 2013, 2015.
49.Jones 1997; Mac Sweeney 2009.
50.Jaffe et al. 2018; Silliman 2013; Stein 2012b.
51.Bunimovitz and Yasur-Landau 1996; Faust and Lev-Tov 2011; Yasur-Landau 2010.
52.For example, at Tel Miqne-Ekron, pig bones rose from 3 percent of the main livestock species in the pre-Philistine Late Bronze Age to 20 percent in the Iron I (Hesse 1986; Lev-Tov 2000). Similarly, at Ashkelon from Phase 20 (initial Philistine occupation, ca. 1175–1150 BC; 2 percent), Phase 19 (ca. 1150–1100 BC; 9 percent), Phase 18 (ca. 1100–1050 BC; 14 percent), and Phase 17 (ca. 1050–1000 BC; 9 percent; Wapnish and Fulton 2020).
53.Faust and Lev-Tov 2011; Hesse 1990; Lev-Tov 2000.
54.Ben-Shlomo et al. 2008; Faust 2018; Faust and Lev-Tov 2011; Finkelstein 1996b; Lev-Tov 2000; Maher 2017; Mahler-Slasky and Kislev 2010.
55.Horwitz et al. 2017; Sapir-Hen et al. 2013.
56.Faust and Lev-Tov 2011; Horwitz et al. 2017; Wapnish and Fulton 2020.
57.Hesse 1986; Lev-Tov 2000.
58.Hesse et al. 2011.
59.At Tell es-Safi/Gath: 13 percent in the Iron IIA and 16 percent in the Iron IIB periods (Lev-Tov 2012).
60.Faust 2018; Faust and Lev-Tov 2011.
61.Horwitz et al. 2017; Sapir-Hen 2018.
62.E.g., Faust 2016a; Finkelstein 1997.
63.For a discussion, see Fowles (2008) and Politis and Saunders (2002).
64.Politis and Saunders 2002.
65.E.g., Politis and Saunders 2002:118.
66.Fowles 2008:20.
67.Hesse 1990; Sapir-Hen et al. 2013, 2016.
68.Lev-Tov et al. 2011; Sapir-Hen et al. 2013; Vila and Dalix 2004.
69.Bunimovitz and Lederman 2011; Faust 2016a.
70.Sapir-Hen 2018; Sapir-Hen et al. 2013, 2015.
71.Stratum V-A, dating to the late 8th century BC (Angress 1960:166).
72.Angress 1960.
73.Sapir-Hen 2018.
74.Sapir-Hen et al. 2015.
75.Faust 2016b, 2018; Hesse 1986, 1990, 1994; Hesse and Wapnish 1997, 1998; Horwitz, et al. 2017; Meiri et al. 2013, 2017; Sapir-Hen 2018; Sapir-Hen et al. 2013, 2015.
76.Hesse and Wapnish 1997:238.
77.Lipovitch 2006–2007.
78.Ben-Shlomo et al. 2008; Faust and Lev-Tov 2011; Horwitz et al. 2017; Maher 2017.
79.Faust 2018; Faust and Lev-Tov 2011; Hesse 1990; Lev-Tov 2000.
80.Ben-Shlomo et al. 2008.
81.Faust and Lev-Tov 2011; Sapir-Hen et al. 2013, 2015.
82.Faust and Lev-Tov 2011.
83.Faust 2016a.
84.Sapir-Hen 2018.
85.Faust (2017:180) has critiqued Sapir-Hen’s hypothesis, arguing that Megiddo, Beth Shean, and other sites with higher frequencies of pig bones had large populations of Canaanites.
86.Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:229–250.
87.Sapir-Hen et al. 2015.
88.Faust 2017; Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:196–295.
89.Finkelstein and Silberman 2001:122.
90.Soler 1979.
91.Milgrom 1998.
92.Houston 1993:237.
93.Houston 1993:122–123.
94.Some of the other taboos (e.g., Leviticus 11: 20) use the Hebrew word sheketz. The more general term to’eba is also applied (e.g., Deuteronomy 14:3).
95.Hesse and Wapnish 1998:130.
96.Lambert 1996:215. The passage is from the reverse III of tablet VAT 8807, lines 5–165. The tablet is dated to the sixth year of Sargon II’s reign, traditionally dated to 716 BC. I have kept Lambert’s notation for lacunae and untranslated words.
97.Parayre (2000:167) cites the example of CAD 17/1, which mentions the provisioning of pork to Assurbanipal’s (reigned 668–627 BC) cavalry (SAA 13 82).
98.E.g., Briant 2002:232.
99.Parayre 2000:173.
100.KAR 143 (or SAA 3 34; see also SAA 3 35); see Frymer-Kensky 1983.
101.Frymer-Kensky 1983:135.
102.For review, see Hecker 1982; Ikram 1995:29–33; Lobban 1994.
103.Lobban 1994:67. In his book on ethnicity in ancient Egypt, Wretched Kush, Stuart Smith argues that the pig taboo “increased [ . . . ] as a means of differentiating Egyptians in an increasingly cosmopolitan society, and as a means of promoting solidarity in the face of conquest by the Assyrians, Persian, Greeks, and Romans” (Smith 2003:46). While I would argue that this neatly describes the evolution of the pig taboo in Jewish culture, there is no solid evidence that the taboo in Egypt was anything other than one applicable to certain religious contexts. Indeed, Smith (2003:46) continues, “Even in these periods, the pig taboo was primarily religious.”
104.E.g., Lobban 1994.
105.For a detailed investigation of the Jewish Diaspora in Egypt, see Barclay 1996.
106.I will not attempt to distinguish magic from religion. The two were intimately connected in the ancient Mediterranean. See sources in Mirecki and Meyer 2002.
107.Betz 1986:97.
108.Betz 1986:97.
109.E.g., De Vaux 1971.
110.Late Bronze and Iron Age faunal data from Lebanon are sparse, but show low numbers of pigs (Chahoud 2014–2015; Lipovitch 2006–2007; Sapir-Hen et al. 2015:9; Vila and Dalix 2004). Pigs were also uncommon at Phoenician-affiliated Tel Dan (<1 percent of Iron Age assemblage; Wapnish and Hesse 1991) and Tel Dor (1 percent of Iron Age assemblage; Raban-Gerstel et al. 2008). The Tel Dor specimens appear to be wild based on size (lower third molar lengths of 37.92 mm and 39.81 mm; Raban-Gerstel et al. 2008:42), as do the ones from Tel Dan (Wapnish and Hesse 1991:57).
111.Cardoso et al. 2016.
112.Docter (2009) indicates that the percentage increased from 4 percent in the Early Punic period to 11 percent in the Middle–Late Punic period. Weinstock (1995) argues that the increase in the proportion of pigs was due to a process of acculturation to Greco-Roman food preferences by the Phoenician inhabitants of Carthage.
113.Larson et al. 2007a.
114.Frantz et al. 2019.
115.Larson et al. 2007a.
116.Meiri et al. 2017; Ottoni et al. 2012; Sapir-Hen et al. 2015.
117.Frantz et al. 2019.
118.Ottoni et al. 2012.
119.Specifically, 2 out of 22 specimens at Middle–Late Bronze Age Lidar Höyük had European genetic signatures (Ottoni et al. 2012).
120.Meiri et al. 2013, 2017.
121.See also Giuffra et al. 2000.
122.Meiri et al. 2013, 2017.
123.Meiri et al. 2013:Table S1.
124.Meiri et al. 2013:4.
125.Ottoni et al. 2012.
126.Lega et al. 2017.
127.Larson et al. 2007a.
128.Cohen 2006:51–75.
1.E.g., Akkermans and Schwartz 2003:386–392; Burkert 1992; Roosevelt 2012.
2.Cohen 2006:19–36; Mac Sweeney 2009.
3.Ball 2016.
4.Ball 2016:1–27.
5.Barclay 1996.
6.Konner 2003:58–124; Schwartz 2014.
7.Cohen 2006; Schwartz 2014.
8.Cohen 2006:31–35.
9.Black 2016:47–59.
10.Ball 2016:49–62; Barclay 1996; Cohen 2006:19–25; Schwartz 2014.
11.Ball 2016:483–496.
12.Navarette Belda and Saña Seguí 2017; Conolly et al. 2011; Fillios 2006; Trentacoste 2016.
13.Pigs were a major component of urban Mycenaean sites in Greece (20–40 percent; Halstead 2003; Lipovitch 2006–2007). In later periods, sheep and goats tend to dominate Aegean assemblages, but pigs frequently made up 20–40 percent of the livestock taxa and were more common at urban centers. Data summarized by King (1999:Table H) include pig NISPs from a handful of sites dating to the 8th–1st centuries BC: Eleutherna, 15 percent; Isthmia, 10 percent; Kassope, 32 percent; and Messene, 39–45 percent.
14.Whitley 2001:165–194.
15.Trentacoste 2013.
16.Cattle were also important (King 1999:171–172).
17.Trentacoste 2016:308.
18.Trentacoste 2016.
19.King (1999:188–189) argues that the increase in pig production was driven by high-status demand for pork in parts of the empire. In any event, the high proportion of pigs around the Mediterranean continued into the later years of the Roman Empire and the Byzantine period (Kroll 2012).
20.King 1999; MacKinnon 2001.
21.Dalby 2003:360.
22.Dalby 2003:360; Leigh 2015:47.
23.Leigh 2015:47.
24.Ricotti 2015.
25.MacKinnon 2001.
26.Pigs are abundant in the Linear B texts from Pylos, where they account for about 57 percent of the animals recorded as slaughtered. However, they represent only 5 percent of the animals in texts relating to census-taking of live herds. At Knossos, pigs played a more minor role in texts, accounting for only 1 percent of animals recorded as slaughtered and only 0.5 percent of the live animals tallied by the palace officials (Halstead 2003).
27.King 1999:176.
28.Barnish 1987:163; MacKinnon 2001:659. Pigs continued to be taxed into the Byzantine period, especially through the annona (tax in kind), which was used to provision the empire’s armies and for the dole (Kroll 2012:97).
29.Trentacoste 2016:308.
30.Barnish 1987:160; Essig 2015:71–74.
31.Chandezon 2015:141; Leake 1826:30.
32.Leake 1826:30.
33.Hamilakis and Konsolaki 2004.
34.Especially in thysia sacrifices (Ekroth 2007:250). Although these were the main sacrificial animals, the Greeks sacrificed a broad range of species. Wild and domestic animals (e.g., dogs, deer, donkeys, horses, wild boar, and camels) appear in the zooarchaeological record of Greek sanctuary sites; typically 10 percent or less of the entire mammalian fauna are pigs (Ekroth 2007:256–257).
35.Collins 2006:169–171.
36.Cole 2004:138–140.
37.MacKinnon 2001:660.
38.Another epic example is Aeneas’s sacrifice of a white sow and her litter of 30 piglets to mark the future location of Alba Longa (Vergil, Aeneid, book 8).
39.Cultraro 2004.
40.E.g., Rosenblum 2010a; Weingarten 2007; Wilkins and Nadeau 2015.
41.Anthony King (1999) and Henriette Kroll (2012) have summarized the faunal data from around the Mediterranean in the Roman and Byzantine periods. For Egypt, see summaries by Van Neer (1997) and Redding (2015:331). Even in places where pigs were not abundant, most sites show an increase in the percentage of pig bones over time. For example, Pessinus in the Late Hellenistic (3 percent of livestock) to Early–Late Roman (8–10 percent); see De Cupere 1994; Gruwier and Verlinde 2010.
42.Boessneck and von den Driesch 1985; King 1999:199. As another example, De Cupere et al. (2017) report data from Hellenistic Düzen Tepe (13 percent) and nearby Roman Sagalassos (32 percent).
43.Louise Bertini, personal communication.
44.Forstenpointner et al. 2002. Also Zeugma (20–50 percent in Hellenistic-Byzantine periods; Charles 2013; Rousseau et al. 2008).
45.E.g., the Seleucid fort/military colony at Hacinebi in Anatolia (24 percent; Kathryn Grossman, personal communication); Al Zarqa (85 percent), and Mons Claudianus (79 percent) in Egypt (King 1999; Van Neer 1997). Pigs were not common at all military outposts, e.g., 5 percent in Hellenistic period Jebel Khalid (Steele 2002).
46.Tell Arbid, 16 percent; Tell Beydar, 11 percent. See De Cupere and Van Neer 2014; Kolinski and Piątkowska-Małecka 2008.
47.De Cupere and Van Neer 2014:195.
48.Mashkour 2013.
49.Pigs are 3 percent at Haftavan Tepe in northern Iran from the Median, Persian, and Parthian periods (Mohaseb and Mashkour 2017). In the Persian Gulf, pigs were represented in small numbers (4 percent) at the 4th century AD trading port of Siraf (von den Driesch and Dockner 2002). At the Hellenistic fortress on Failaka Island (Kuwait), pigs represented 20 percent, but no pig remains were found at nearby Tell Akkaz (Monchot 2016).
50.On “Fort 4” and Dasht Qal’eh, see Mashkour et al. 2013.
51.Çakırlar and Marston 2019.
52.De Cupere et al. 2017; Frémondeau et al. 2017; Fuller et al. 2012; Vanpoucke et al. 2007, 2009.
53.De Cupere 2001; Frémondeau et al. 2017; Vanpoucke et al. 2007
54.Frémondeau et al. 2017; Vanpoucke et al. 2007. Third-molar length also decreased over the early Roman to Byzantine periods, possibly indicating increased genetic isolation from wild boar or short-faced breeds (Frémondeau et al. 2017:44–46). Dental microwear suggests pigs consumed soft foods, such as those provided by slop-feeding and foddering (Vanpoucke et al. 2007).
55.Hellenistic δ15N: 5.9 ± 1.7‰; Early Byzantine δ15N 7.8 ± 1.6‰. δ13C remained stable at roughly –19.8‰ (Fuller et al. 2012:5.
56.Frémondeau et al. 2017.
57.This hunger may have been satisfied by the market or through government taxation and distribution. For example, during the Ptolemaic and Roman periods in Egypt, pigs could be collected as tax in kind (Kroll 2012:98; Wallace 1938:145, 194).
58.While the Jewish taboo gained the most notoriety among Roman writers, the Stoic philosopher Epictetus (ca. AD 55–135; The Teaching of Epictetus 2.44) noted other pork taboos (perhaps religious) among the Syrians and Egyptians.
59.Cohen 2006:136–146.
60.Cohen 2006:27.
61.Cohen 2006:37–38.
62.Schwartz 2004:20–21. The book of Esther may offer an exception, although its historicity is dubious (Berlin 2001).
63.It is unlikely Alexander visited Jerusalem, although one of his generals may have (Schwartz 2014:31).
64.Ball 2016:xxxi; Schwartz 2014:33.
65.Schwartz 2004:53; 2014:36–39.
66.Honigman (2014:238–250) disputes the historicity of pig sacrifice by Antiochus IV or any other Greek, arguing instead that it was a way to underscore the enormity of Greek oppression (see also Schäfer 1997:66–67).
67.Ball 2016:51.
68.Honigman 2014; Schwartz 2014:44–47.
69.Schwartz 2014:50–55.
70.Ball 2016:49.
71.Schwartz 2004:44–48.
72.The story is related by the early 5th century AD writer Macrobius (Saturnalia 2.4:11).
73.Schwartz 2014:63–70.
74.Cohen 1999; Schwartz 2004.
75.Schwartz 2014:80.
76.Ball 2016:60.
77.According to Schwartz’s (2014:86) estimate.
78.Schwartz 2004:15.
79.Schwartz 2014:89–97.
80.For example, Herod Agrippa’s impassioned speech to the Jews (Josephus, The Jewish War 216.4).
81.Schwartz 2004:15.
82.Schwartz (2004) argues that it was this exclusion of Jews by Christians that created the unique form of Rabbinic Judaism.
83.For example, Tel Dor, 18 percent; Maresha, 11 percent; Tel Bet Yerah, 14 percent; and Tel Anafa, 13 percent. See Cope 2006; Lev-Tov 2003; Perry-Gal et al. 2015a. At Tel Dor, pig bones increased from the Persian (<1 percent) to the Hellenistic (18 percent; Sapir-Hen et al. 2014). In general, Persian period sites had <1 percent (Dayan 1999; Hesse 1990:218; Horwitz and Lernau 2003; Sapir-Hen 2017; Sapir-Hen et al. 2014).
84.There are generally fewer pigs (<5 percent) in the more arid regions, including at Petra and other Nabataean settlements. Even Roman military camps (e.g., Lejjun, 3 percent) have few pigs (Horwitz and Studer 2005; Studer 2002, 2007). However, relative abundance increased significantly in the Byzantine period, e.g., 28 percent at Petra (Horwitz and Studer 2005:227).
85.Horwitz and Studer 2005:226.
86.Horwitz and Studer 2005; Kroll 2012.
87.Horwitz and Studer 2005; Perry-Gal et al. 2015a:221. No pig remains were identified in the early Roman layers at Jerusalem (Spiciarich et al. 2017). Pig bones are also <1 percent from 2nd century BC deposits at the Seleucid Acra in Jerusalem (Abra Spiciarich, personal communication).
88.Interestingly, many of these Jewish sites have high proportions of chicken bones (Perry-Gal et al. 2015b).
89.Lev-Tov 2003:21.
90.Cohen 2006:32.
91.Safrai 1994:97.
92.Freidenreich 2011:17–46; Rosenblum 2010b.
93.Rosenblum 2010b:101.
94.Schäfer (1997:81) attributes these satires to the reaction against Jewish proselytism.
95.Schäfer 1997:77–78.
96.Konner 2003:88–89.
97.See Fabre-Vassas 1997.
98.Rosenblum 2010a, 2010b.
99.Goody 1982; Gumerman 1997; Hastorf 2016; Lévi-Strauss 1966 [1962]; Stein 2012b.
100.Rosenblum 2010b:95.
101.Cf. Schäfer 1997:79–81.
102.Rosenblum 2010b:99.
103.Rosenblum 2010b:96.
104.Rosenblum 2010b:104–105.
105.Rosenblum 2010b:109.
106.The parable is discussed on Chabad’s website, https://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/2376474/jewish/Pigs-Judaism.htm.
107.See also Schwartz 2014.
108.Rosenblum 2010b.
109.See also Rosenblum 2016:38–45. Rosenblum (2016:43–45) notes the curious absence of the weaponization of pork in texts dating to Late Antiquity. Rather than accept this as an indication that such practices ceased, he contends that writers by that time perceived these activities as “business as usual” rather than as something newsworthy.
110.Rosenblum 2010b:102.
111.Nakamura 2017.
112.Rosenblum neglects, or at least underplays, the importance of the feedback in Roman-Jewish relations.
113.An excellent treatment of how this process works with respect to social class identity and education in Britain is Learning to Labour (Willis 1977). In some cases, even the recognition of a group of people as a cohesive unit where none existed before can create a sense of identity: e.g., nationalism in the context of 19th–20th century European imperialism (Anderson 2006 [1983]; Emberling 1997; Hobsbowm and Ranger 1983).
114.Cohen 1999:54; Schwartz 2014:106.
115.Kraemer 2007:39–54.
116.Cohen 2006:216.
117.Wilken 2012:6–16.
118.Magness 2011:8–9, 24–25; Wilken 2012:18. But MacCulloch (2010:90) discusses Jesus’s flaunting of halakha and other “outrageous inversions of normality.”
119.Wilken 2012:20–23.
120.Cohen 2006:34–35.
121.MacCulloch 2010:100; Wilken 2012:23.
122.Henderson 1998:40–49; Wilken 2012:37–46.
123.Or “freedom in Christ” (Galatians 2:4), see Wilken 2012:22.
124.Wilken 2012:19–20.
125.Konner 2003:104–105; Wilken 2012:21.
126.Wilken 2012:129.
127.For example, the Epistle to Diognetus (2nd century AD) boasts of the unification of Christians throughout the known world (Wilken 2012:47).
128.Konner 2003:104; Wilken 2012:105–106. Jensen (1996) argues that the prominent role of women in early Christianity represented an early step forward in women’s liberation.
129.MacCulloch 2010:97–102.
130.Freidenreich 2011:102.
131.Wilken 2012:37–38.
132.Wilken 2012:39.
133.Similarly, starting with the composition of the Mishnah (AD 200), Jewish food laws grew stricter. In part, this may have been a way to keep Jews separate from their neighbors (Kraemer 2007).
134.Freidenreich 2011:121–122.
135.Freidenreich 2011:205–207.
136.Wilken 2012:122–123. Christian intolerance of alternative ideologies was not focused solely on Judaism; e.g., the destruction of the Greek Magical Papyri (Acts 19:10) in Egypt.
137.Schwartz 2014:135.
138.Schwartz 2014:101,137.
139.Augustine of Hippo 2007:401.
140.Augustine is recycling Philo’s (De Agricultura 32) rumination hypothesis. Note the similarity to the Babylonian tablet “the pig has no sense” (Lambert 1996:215).
141.Fabre-Vassas 1997:245–246.
142.Root 1988:129.
143.Fabre-Vassas 1997:247.
144.For example, Psalms 80:13 (a boar ruins the fertile fields of Israel); Proverbs 11:22 (jewelry in a pig’s snout is compared to an indiscrete woman).
145.Grant 1999:6–7; Magness 2011:51–53.
146.This is perhaps a reference to Proverbs 11:22.
147.Wilken 2012:100–102.
148.Fabre-Vassas 1997:301. Or perhaps skin diseases: pigs and “leprosy” (probably a general term for dermatitis) were allegedly connected in Egyptian thought (e.g., Plutarch, Moralia, Isis and Osiris 8.353–354).
149.Thurston and Attwater 1990:108–109.
150.Fabre-Vassas 1997:296.
1.Ball 2016:65–104.
2.Endress 2002:156–163.
3.Irwin 1996.
4.Although Islam is considerably more orthodoxic than Judaism (Cohen 2006:52–53).
5.Aslan 2011:146.
6.Aslan 2011.
7.Crone 1996:6–8.
8.Several other key Muslim traditions were adopted from Judaism: fasting, honoring the Sabbath (changed from Saturday to Friday), and prayer oriented toward a specific place––Mecca in the case of Muslims (Aslan 2011:101–102).
9.All translations of the Quran are from the Sahih International version, https://quran.com.
10.The ban on animals sacrificed to other gods is made more explicit in the New Testament (Acts 21:25; 1 Corinthians 10:27–31).
11.Freidenreich 2011:135.
12.Freidenreich 2011:131–143.
13.Freidenreich 2011:134.
14.Cohen 1999:54; Schwartz 2014:106.
15.Schimmel 1985:71–73.
16.McCorriston and Martin 2009; Uerpmann et al. 2000. Although note that pigs were raised at Petra in the Nabataean kingdom (Studer 2007).
17.Freidenreich 2011:133; Rodinson 1999.
18.E.g., Monchot 2014.
19.Insoll 1999:5.
20.For example, 12th–13th century Tell Tuneinir in the Middle Khabur, 2 percent (Loyet 2000); Haftavan Tepe in the Fars region, 0 percent (Azadeh Mohaseb and Mashkour 2017); Siraf on the Persian Gulf from the 8th to the 16th centuries, <1 percent (von den Driesch and Dockner 2002); medieval Bastam in northwestern Iran, <1 percent (Boessneck and Kokabi 1988:218). No pig remains are reported from Bahrain, Kuwait, or the Arabian Peninsula (Monchot 2016; Uerpmann 2017).
21.For example, Çadır Höyük, 17 percent in 6th–11th centuries (Steadman et al. 2015:112–116); Amorium, 12 percent in 6th–11th centuries (Silibolatlaz-Baykara 2012); Horum Höyük, 14 percent in 12th–13th centuries (Bartosiewicz 2005); Tell Hadidi, 9 percent, and Ta’as, 4 percent, in the Late Byzantine/Early Islamic periods (Clason and Buitenhuis 1978); Kaman-Kalehöyük, 8 percent in 16th–17th centuries (Hongo 1997). However, pigs were uncommon (<1 percent) at early Islamic levels at Kınık Höyük (Highcock et al. 2015).
22.Stein 1988:327–328. And about 26 percent at nearby Zeugma in the 6th–10th centuries (Charles 2013; Rousseau et al. 2008).
23.Louise Bertini, personal communication. Bertini also reported large numbers of pigs at Kom al-Ahmar. For fauna from 10th–15th century North Africa, see MacKinnon 2017:475.
24.Epstein 1971:330.
25.Cope 1999. Note: Cope provides MNIs but not NISPs. Pigs were also common at Bet She’an, but declined over time: Ummayad, 27 percent; Abbasid,(5 percent; and Mamluk, 4 percent (Manor et al. 1996).
26.Bar-Oz and Raban-Gerstel 2015:100; Brown 2016; Horwitz 1998.
27.Walmsley 1988.
28.Reilly in Walmsley et al. 1993:220–221.
29.Brown 2016.
30.Pines et al. 2017.
31.Epstein 1971:330–331.
32.Raban-Gerstel et al. 2011.
33.Taxel et al. 2017. The authors did not publish measurements of bones, so it is impossible to say whether they came from domestic pigs or wild boar.
34.On Egypt, see Epstein (1971:330), who stated it was “still customary to rear young wild boar together with horses to keep the latter in health,” citing Hartmann (1864:226), who referred to “reports from several credible witnesses.” On Morocco, see Frazer (1913:31), citing Leared (1876:301), who noted that Moroccan Muslims draw an “affinity between devils and swine.”
35.Murray 1935:89.
36.Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 2017.
37.Barak-Erez 2007:4.
38.Louise Bertini, personal communication.
39.Mayton 2009.
40.Iran, 50 million; Turkey, 32 million; Syria, 18 million; Iraq, 6.6 million; Egypt, 5.6 million; Jordan, 3.2 million; Israel, 500,000. Data from Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 2017.
41.Hart 1973; Portes and Haller 2005.
42.There are several other shantytowns where Zabaleen reside (Haynes and El-Hakim 1979). In total, there are about 70,000 Zabaleen families (Fahmi and Sutton 2010a).
43.Fahmi and Sutton 2010a; Haynes and El-Hakim 1979; Miller 1990.
44.Fahmi and Sutton 2010a:1768; Haynes and El-Hakim 1979.
45.Haynes and El-Hakim 1979:103; Miller 1990:127.
46.Estimates vary between 190,000 and 350,000 pigs (Fahmi and Sutton 2010a:1774).
47.Fahmi and Sutton 2010a; Slackman 2009a, 2009b.
48.Fahmi and Sutton 2010a:1775.
49.E.g., El Habachi 2017; Guénard 2013; Kingsley 2014b.
50.Kingsley 2014a.
51.Barak-Erez 2007:33–35.
52.Barak-Erez 2007:60.
53.Barak-Erez 2007:3.
54.Barak-Erez 2007:4.
55.Barak-Erez 2007:69–79.
56.Barak-Erez 2007:12.
57.Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations 2017.
58.Barak-Erez 2007:81–105.
59.Traubman 2005.
60.Blunt 1881:124–125.
61.Austen Henry Layard (1903:173–174) recounted a similar story of a wild boar goring his horse during a hunt near Mosul.
62.O’Connor 2017.
63.For the recent history of Egyptian wild boar, see Epstein 1971; Keimer 1932; Manlius and Gautier 1999.
64.Epstein 1971:226.
65.For example, Jordan’s recent struggles to control the wild boar populations (Namrouqa 2017).
66.Hattem 2014.
67.Hattem 2014.
68.Levy-Rubin 2018.
69.Grafton 2003:33.
70.Coope 1993.
71.For example, the killing of Christians’ pigs by Muslim soldiers after the siege of Qasr Ibrim in Sudan in 1173 (ElMahi 1991:23; Epstein 1971:332); attacks on pork butcher shops in Dar es Salaam in 1993 (Chesworth 2018:398); and the 2009 pig culls in Egypt.
72.Root 1988:129.
73.E.g., Hordes 2005. Marrano is a slur—still offensive today—against converted Jews or their descendants. There is some debate about the derivation of this epithet. Although it is spelled and pronounced the same way as Spanish marrano (hog), some have argued it derives from other sources, such as mura’in (hypocrite in Arabic). It is unclear if the word was originally used by Christians or by other Jews against conversos and crypto-Jews (see Hordes 2005:5–7).
74.Fabre-Vassas 1997:112.
75.Clarke-Billings 2016.
76.Fabre-Vassas 1997:99.
77.Fabre-Vassas 1997:103–108.
78.Fabre-Vassas 1997:108; Schacher 1974.
79.Wex 2005:67–68.
80.Wex 2005:67.
81.Wex 2005:100–101.
82.Berger 1979; Talmage 1972.
83.Berger 1979:117–118.
84.Berger 1979:217.
85.Quoted in Lindsay 2005:119.
86.Rubin 1997.
87.Kurban and Tobin 2009:31.
88.Ijzereef 1989.
89.Insoll 1999.
90.Blench 2000; Epstein 1971.
91.ElMahi 1991; Spaulding and Spaulding 1988.
92.E.g., Schorsch 2018:2.
93.E.g., Linfield 2019:142.
94.Schorsch 2018:9–19.
95.The 1885 Pittsburgh Platform declared the food taboos antithetical to modern Jewish practice (Konner 2003:225–243; Sussman 2005).
96.Pew Research Center 2015:88.
97.Sussman 2005.
98.Pew Research Center 2015:88.
99.http://www.goodmuslimbadmuslim.com.
1.Reich 2018.
2.Diamond 1997.
3.Zeder 2012b.
4.Ervynck et al. 2001.
5.Arbuckle 2013; Price and Arbuckle 2015.
6.Englund 1995.
7.Collins 2006.
8.Murray 1935:89.
9.Coon 1951; Harris 1974.
10.Zeder 1991.
11.See Cline 2014.
12.Freidenreich 2011.
13.Sykes 2015:165–167.
14.Legal Information Institute: https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/cannibalism.
15.Weber 1992 [1930]:123.