The Days Before Battle

On 21 July 1483, Richard III left Windsor Castle for a royal tour of his realm, and after a few days a plot to rescue the two princes, who were still believed to be held in the Tower of London, was exposed. The plan was to set fire to parts of London as a distraction before storming the Tower. According to John Stow’s Annals of England, the plot was led by John Cheney, esquire of the body and master of the bodyguard to Edward IV and Margaret Beaufort, while Robert Ruffe, William Davy, John Smith and Stephen Ireland were also involved. Over fifty conspirators were arrested and included men who had worked under Cheney in the royal household. It was also reported that they had been in contact with Henry Tudor as, even at this early stage of Richard’s reign, plans may have been made to put Henry on the throne. In instructions given to Dr Thomas Hutton, who was sent to the Duke of Brittany to renew a commercial treaty which ‘by diverse folks of simple disposition’ was supposed to have expired in the death of Edward IV, is the following passage:

Item, He shall seek and understand the mind and disposition of the duke, anenst Sir Edward Wydville and his retinue, practising by all means to him possible, to unsearch and know if there be intended any enterprise out of land, upon any part of this realm, certifying with all diligence all the views and depositions there from time to time.

Failure did not deter the conspirators and another plot was soon being hatched. This time it was centred on John Welles, maternal half-brother of Margaret Beaufort from the manor of Maxey in Northamptonshire, which he shared with his mother. However, the plot was soon uncovered and Welles fled the country to join Henry in France. Up until then, all the plots had been relatively small in scope, but unbeknown to Richard a full-scale rebellion involving the Woodvilles, Edward IV’s displaced supporters and the Tudors, was being planned and would set large swathes of southern England against him.

In the meantime, Richard continued with his royal tour and by 8 August had reached Warwick, where he stayed for a week. The king must have been growing concerned as to who else would turn against him, for on 17 August he ordered Nicholas Spicer to assemble 2,000 Welsh billmen at Leicester, and for Buckingham to head a commission into treason. Little did he know Buckingham had already changed his allegiance.

Rebellion

It is difficult to understand why Buckingham changed sides in support of Henry Tudor, as Richard had heaped titles and lands on him, making him one of the wealthiest men in the land. Vergil says that it was because Richard would not grant him lands formerly owned by the Duke of Hereford, but it is hard to believe greed was his only motive. After the ‘Hastings’ plot, John Morton, Bishop of Ely, was sent to Brecon Castle and into the custody of Buckingham. The silver-tongued Morton was a long-time ally of Margaret Beaufort, who played a significant part in earlier plots, and it may have been him who turned Buckingham. However, Hall suggests that Buckingham may have been involved in the plot even earlier, having met his second cousin, Margaret Beauchamp, on the road between Worcester and Bridgnorth. Perhaps whilst in his care, Morton played on Buckingham’s vanities and told him all the conspirators wanted to see him on the throne? After all, he did have a claim to the Crown through Thomas Woodstock, the youngest son of Edward III. Perhaps it was a re-awakened desire for vengeance after the death of his father at the First Battle of St Albans in 1458 and his grandfather at Northampton in 1460? Or even his family ties to the Woodvilles, having married the dowager queen’s sister, Catherine Woodville, over eighteen years earlier? No doubt the conspirators wanted him on board as a high-ranking figurehead and for his military strength. Buckingham claimed that he could field 1,000 men and John Rous reported that Buckingham had boasted that not since Warwick had so many men worn a single badge. Whatever his motives, Buckingham was firmly on board by 24 September when he wrote to Henry asking him to assemble an army and invade England.

By this time, Richard had reached Pontefract, where his son Prince Edward had joined him. From here they travelled to York, arriving on 29 September to a tumultuous welcome. Around the same time, he became aware of Robert Morton’s (John’s brother) and Bishop Woodville’s involvement in a plot. He probably suspected Buckingham as well, as both the Crowland Chronicle and Vergil say Richard ordered a close watch on him.

Henry had been making plans for his return since early September, and Margaret Beaufort used Dr Christopher Urswick, her priest, as a messenger to inform her son of events in England. To help finance his return, Margaret also dispatched Hugh Conway (a servant of her husband) to Henry with a large sum of money raised in London. In addition, Duke Francis II of Brittany gave him ships, money and men, and according to Vergil 5,000 men were assembled at the port of Paimpol in readiness for the invasion.

The date for the revolt was set for 18 October 1483 (according to the later attainder). Men from Kent, Essex and Surrey would assemble at Maidstone, Gravesend and Guildford, and march on London in a feint, hoping to keep the royal forces busy, whilst others would gather at Newbury and Salisbury. The Bishop of Exeter and his brother, Sir Edward Courtenay, would lead a rebellion in Devon and Cornwall from their base in Exeter. Buckingham would lead an army from Brecon and meet with Courtenay and Henry Tudor, who would land on the south-west coast with a large army. However, it appears that through either impetuosity, poor co-ordination or communication, the men of Kent launched their rebellion on the 10th. Not only that, but they announced that Buckingham was their leader, drawing attention to his involvement. The Duke of Norfolk immediately sent 100 of his own men to block the Thames crossing at Gravesend, preventing the men of Kent and Essex from joining forces, and gathered others to defend the capital.

ACT OF ATTAINDER

This was an act of Parliament whereby the faction in power could convict its political opponents of treason without bringing them to trial. It simply declared anyone named in the act to be guilty of treason and subject to the loss of all civil rights and the forfeiture to the Crown of all property. Because anyone so convicted was said to be ‘corrupt of blood’, all heirs and descendants of attainted persons were disinherited, thus allowing the confiscated property to be parcelled out among members and supporters of the winning faction.

Richard was in Lincoln when news of the rebellion reached him the following day. He immediately wrote to York saying that Buckingham had turned traitor and requested as many mounted troops as they could muster to meet at Leicester on 21 October. Richard also wrote to the Lord Chancellor requesting his seal, saying:

And whereas we by God’s grace intend to advance us towards our rebel and traitor the Duke of Buckingham, to resist and withstand his malicious purpose, as lately by our other letters we certified you our mind more at large; for which cause it behoveth us to have our great seal here, we being informed that for such infirmities and diseases as ye sustain, ye may not in your person to your ease conveniently come unto us with the same.

Here, loved be God, is all well, and truly determined, and for to resist the malice of him that had best cause to be true, the Duke of Buckingham, the most untrue creature living: whom with God’s grace we shall not be long ‘till that we will be in that parts, and subdue his malice. We assure you there was never falser traitor purveyed for; as this bearer Gloucester shall show you.

He remained at Lincoln for five or six days, making plans to crush the rebellion. Commissions of array were sent throughout England. Richard’s leading nobles such as Lord Lovell also summoned their own retinues, all to meet at Leicester. We are told that Lord Stanley’s son George, Lord Strange, left Lathom in Lancashire with 10,000 men, although his destination remains unknown. Some of these commissions would remain unanswered, however, as retainers such as William Stoner (a leading supporter of Lord Lovell) declared their support for the rebels. One of the biggest difficulties now was to judge who was friend and who was foe.

We do not know how many took part in the rebellion, but Stow says 5,000 men rebelled in Kent alone, and there were 500 recorded indictments in Exeter, suggesting that it was on a very large scale in the region. They came from all walks of life and from the 878 pardons issued afterwards by Richard, there was twelve nobles and over 200 clergy.

On 18 October, Buckingham unfurled his standard at Brecon Castle and marched on Weobly, the seat of Walter Devereux, Lord Ferrers, and gathered men as he went. From here he rapidly marched through the Forest of Dean, to Gloucester, where he intended to cross the River Severn and join with the Courtenays, who had raised their standard in the name of Henry Tudor and were marching from the west. However, ten days of continual rain had caused the Severn to burst its banks, smashing bridges and making fords impassable. Cattle, which were intended to provide food for the army, were drowned in their pastures, so the scarcity of supplies compounded his problems. Unable to communicate with or join Courtenay, Buckingham was forced to return to Weobly. Many of Buckingham’s Welshmen viewed the failure to cross the Severn as a bad omen and, despite promises and threats, his army began to melt away. Meanwhile, Sir Thomas Vaughan of Tretower, who had probably been tasked by Richard to watch Buckingham, was advancing on his rear after plundering Brecon Castle. Buckingham fled, and we are told that he sought shelter at Lacon in Shropshire with Ralph Bannaster, ‘whom he above all men loved, favoured, and trusted’.

As Richard continued his journey south, warships were stationed in the Channel to keep a careful watch for any ships approaching or leaving the country. He arrived at Grantham on 19 October, where he received the Great Seal in the Angel Inn, in the presence of Sir Thomas Stanley and the earls of Northumberland and Huntingdon. Richard then headed for Leicester, via Melton Mowbray, to meet his gathering army. By this time, the greater part of the south was in open rebellion. During his stay at Leicester he put forth a proclamation offering £1,000 or £100 a year for life, on the capture of the Duke of Buckingham; 1,000 marks (approximately £660) for the Marquis of Dorset (who had escaped from sanctuary and gathered an army in Yorkshire), or his uncle Lionel, Bishop of Salisbury, the son and brother of the widowed queen; and 500 marks on the arrest of other leading insurgents. The following day a vice-constable was nominated, and invested with extraordinary powers to judge and execute, without delay, any rebels that were captured or delivered into his hands. Richard and his army left Leicester on 23 October, arriving at Coventry on the 24th. On receiving news that Buckingham and Henry Tudor were to join in the south, he set off towards Salisbury.

Around 29 October, no doubt lured by the huge reward offered by Richard, Bannaster handed Buckingham over to the Thomas Mytton, sheriff of Shropshire. On 1 November, Sir James Tyrell and Giles Wellesbourne escorted him to Salisbury where, once in custody, according to Grafton’s Chronicle, Buckingham named many of his co-conspirators and requested an audience with Richard, who had just arrived with his army. Richard refused, and on 2 November 1483 Henry Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, was summarily executed in the Market Place, Salisbury, possibly in the courtyard of the Blue Boar Inn.

Henry did not leave Brittany until around 31 October, no doubt delayed by the same storms that were hampering Buckingham. We are told that he had at least seven ships with 515 men on board each one. However, the storms scattered his fleet and only two ships reached England, which were anchored off Poole at the beginning of November. Unsure of what success Buckingham might have enjoyed, Henry sent a boat to reconnoitre the coast; a large group of men waited for him on the shore, saying they were Buckingham’s followers and urged him to land. Henry erred on the side of caution, choosing to wait for more news. He then received word of Buckingham’s execution; it had been a trap and the men on the shore were Richard’s, so he raised anchor and sailed on to Plymouth before crossing the Channel again, landing in Brittany in mid-November. Without Henry or Buckingham, the rebellion faded away, without a pitched battle and little bloodshed. Many of the rebels quietly slipped out of England to Brittany and to Henry; however, Richard’s troubles were only just beginning.

On Christmas morning 1483 Henry was in Rennes Cathedral, where he swore an oath to marry Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Edward IV, in front of his supporters. The unification of the houses of York and Lancaster was not a new idea and it appears that John Morton had discussed it with Buckingham during his incarceration, although Henry’s mother, Margaret Beaufort, might have proposed it much earlier. For Henry, it meant that there was no going back.

The Storm Clouds Gather

Richard was at Canterbury on 10 January and at Sandwich six days later. He then returned to London for his one and only Parliament. The Parliament met at Westminster on 22 January and King Richard opened it in person, with the Bishop of Lincoln, as Lord Chancellor, making the customary speeches. On the following day, the commons elected Sir William Catesby, who was a member from Northamptonshire and had been Richard’s Chancellor of the Exchequer since 30 June 1483, as their speaker. Eighteen ‘private’ statutes and fifteen ‘public’ statutes were passed over the following month. The first of the private statutes was the Titulus Regius (Title of the King), which reiterated why Richard and his heirs should be on the throne. Then, in the wake of Buckingham’s rebellion came a series of attainders against those who took part, including Henry and his uncle, Jasper Tudor. The first attainder was against a total of ninety-two men across the south of England; the second act was just for the clergy, such as Morton; and the third was reserved for Margaret Beaufort. The remainder of the acts were related to the economy, including a series of statutes that sought to address the problem being faced by English merchants against what was seen as unfair foreign economic competition. Parliament was dissolved on 20 February and Richard headed north to Nottingham.

Richard had already begun to prepare for another invasion, for in December 1483 he recruited William Clowke of Gelderland as gunmaker and on 18 January made an agreement with John Bramburgh to make gunpowder. By this time, the use of cannons was becoming increasingly important on the battlefield, and twenty-five years earlier Margaret of Anjou had increased the royal arsenal to over 100 guns. Many of these must have been either lost or were outdated, as on 27 February Richard ordered seven serpentines on carts and twenty-eight hacbushes with frames. As the threat of invasion grew, Richard appointed Roger Bykeley on 5 March to commandeer all necessary workmen and weapons for the defence of the realm, and six days later appointed Patrick de la Mote, ‘Chief Cannoneer or Master Founder’, along with two gunners. Around the same time, he bought twenty new guns and two serpentines, as well as sending a large quantity of longbows and crossbows, with 400 sheafs of arrows, over 100 bow strings and 200 bills. The Cinque Ports, a series of coastal towns in Kent and Sussex, were ordered to send out ships to watch the movements of the Bretagne vessels, and a strong fleet under Sir Thomas Wentworth was stationed in the Channel to guard the approaches to the English coast. Ships were purchased from the Spaniards to increase the naval force and extend its operations to the coasts of Scotland and France. John Lord Scrope of Bolton was nominated captain and governor of the fleet and commissioners were appointed ‘to take mariners in the king’s name, for the furnishing of the ships, and to do service upon the sea’. These ships were called the Andrew, Michael, Bastion and Tyre, and were destined for service in the north. It was one of the earliest instances of seamen being pressed into the king’s service.

Tragedy struck during April when Prince Edward died at Middleham Castle, and all the accounts tell of how Richard was struck with grief. On 27 April Richard left Nottingham for York, where he is believed to have held a funeral for his son. Receiving more invasion threats, he first spent the summer at Middleham, then at Pontefract, Scarborough, York and Durham. In May, Richard received intelligence that Sir Edward Woodville was preparing to attack either Dover or Sandwich and sent Lord Cobham to the coast to counter the threat; several English ships and their captains were captured by the French off the north coast. There was also trouble on the Scottish border and Richard was forced to dispatch an expeditionary force to deal with it.

In Europe, Brittany was experiencing its own problems; there had been a number of French incursions on its borders and its ruler, Duke Francis, had been taken seriously ill. For a while at least, its treasurer, Phillip Londais, who was much friendlier towards the English, was running the country. They sent ambassadors to England, anxious to renew their truce. As a sweetener, Richard offered Duke Francis the revenue of the earldom of Richmond, which Henry Tudor had claimed for himself, and agreed to send John Grey, Lord Powys, and 1,000 archers to help defend Brittany’s borders. In return, Richard asked that Henry be either placed under close arrest or extradited. Agreement was reached on 8 June and formally declared two days later. John Morton, who had escaped to Flanders in the aftermath of the rebellion, probably became aware of the plan through Margaret Beaufort, who would have heard it from her husband. He dispatched Christopher Urswick to warn Henry, who by this time had been placed under house arrest at Vannes, the capital of Brittany. On hearing the news, Jasper Tudor secretly crossed into Anjou, and two days later Henry and five of his followers left Vannes under the pretext of visiting a follower in a nearby village. Disguising himself as a groom, Henry and his followers fled into France, with troops sent by Londais hot on their heels. Duke Francis then allowed the rest of Henry’s supporters to follow, also giving them 700 livres from his own purse.

Henry was welcomed at the French court and set up his own court-in-exile at Montargis in the Loire Valley after being given 3,000 livres to arm his men. By August he had over 300 supporters with more arriving every week, including Richard Fox, a noted cleric who was studying at the University of Paris. Not all the desertions were in Henry’s favour, however. Thomas Grey, the Marquis of Dorset, had been with Henry since the rebellion and tried to escape back to England just before the invasion. Humphrey Cheney and Matthew Baker came after him, catching up at Lihons-sur-Santerre. He was ‘persuaded’ to return and had to remain in France during the invasion. Dorset never recovered his status after Henry was enthroned and was confined in the Tower in 1487, not being released until after the Battle of Stoke on 16 June. It is thought that Dorset may have been one of Richard’s spies and was trying to warn of the impending invasion.

Relations with the French rapidly deteriorated and several naval battles followed. An assault on the last bastion of England in France, Calais, was also expected, but it never materialised. At this time, France was in political turmoil. Aged only 13, Charles VIII had succeeded to the throne of France the previous year; his health was poor and he was regarded by his contemporaries as of a pleasant disposition, but foolish and unsuited for the business of the state. In accordance with Louis XI’s wishes, the regency of the kingdom was granted to his 22-year-old sister, Anne of Beaujeu, who was assisted by her 43-year-old husband, Pierre Beaujeu of Bourbon, and a council of twelve men. In May 1484 the king’s closest cousin, Duke Louis of Orléans, and a number of other lords, supported by Duke Francis of Brittany, attempted to depose the regent. The insurrection that followed is now known as the ‘Mad War’ and it lasted until November 1485, when, by a mixture of diplomacy and shows of force, Anne succeeded in breaking the revolt without a major battle.

In a long proclamation dated 22 June 1484, Richard launched a blistering attack on Henry; it started:

Forasmuch as the king our sovereign lord hath certain knowledge that Piers Bishop of Exeter, Jasper Tydder [Tudor], son of Owen Tydder, calling himself Earl of Pembroke, John late Earl of Oxon, and Sir Edward Wodeville [Woodville], with other divers his rebels and traitors disabled and attainted by the authority of the high court of parliament, of whom many be known for open murders, advoutres [adulterers], and extortioners contrary to the pleasure of God, and against all truth, honor, and nature, have forsaken their natural country, taking them first to be under th’ obeisance of the Duke of Bretagne, and to him promised certain things which by him and his counsel were thought things greatly unnatural and abominable for them to grant, observe, keep, and perform, and therefore the same utterly refused. The said traitors, seeing the said duke and his council would not aid nor succour them nor follow their ways, privily departed out of his country into France, and there taking them to be under the obeissance of the king’s ancient enemy Charles calling himself King of France … the said rebels and traitors have chosen to be their captain one Henry Tydder, son of Edmund Tydder, son of Owen Tydder, which of his ambitiousness and insatiable covetous encroacheth and usurpeth upon him the name and title of royal estate of this realm of England, where unto he hath no manner, interest, right, or colour, as every man well knoweth, for he is descended of bastard blood.

And over this our said sovereign lord willeth and commandeth all his said subjects to be ready in their most defensible array to do his highness service of war, when they by open proclamation, or otherwise shall be commanded so to do, for resistence of the king’s said rebels, traitors, and enemies. Witness myself at Westminster, the 22nd day of June, in the second year of our reign.

Richard’s problems were continuing at home. William Collingbourne, a sergeant of the pantry under Edward IV and a tenant of Margaret Beaufort, met with John Turberville, a relation of John Morton, around 3 July in Partsoken Ward in London. Together they arranged to send Thomas Yate to Henry Tudor, requesting that he invade on the anniversary of the last rebellion. Collingbourne then posted a verse on the door of St Paul’s; it read:

The satirical verse poked fun at Richard and his chief advisors, Richard Ratcliffe, William Catesby and Lord Lovell. Although the exact date is not known, Collingbourne was caught and arraigned on 18 July, and was hung, drawn and quartered soon after, a method reserved specifically for traitors. Turberville, on the other hand, was only put in prison and appears to have escaped to Brittany.

At the end of August, messengers arrived in London from the French monarch, requesting letters of protection for ambassadors appointed to treat for peace; Richard issued them on 1 September. Meanwhile, sporadic uprisings were continuing in England, and around the end of October Sir William Brandon started an armed revolt that began in Colchester and spread into Hertfordshire. It included both his sons, Thomas and William, and Richard’s own squire, John Risley. There is precious little information as to the events surrounding the revolt, except that it failed and the two younger Brandons, along with Risley, escaped to join Henry. Around the same time, Richard became aware of a plot to rescue John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, who had been held in Hammes Castle near Calais since 1475. Oxford had commanded the Lancastrian van at the Battle of Barnet in April 1471 and fled to France after Edward IV’s restoration. It is probable that the two plots were linked as the indictments against the Brandons say that they were assisting both Henry and Oxford. William Bolton was sent to bring Oxford back to England on 28 October; however, he was too late as Oxford had persuaded the captain of Hammes, James Blount, to defect. Molinet suggests that Blount had been corresponding with Stanley about his defection for some time. They had both fled with John Fortescue, porter of Calais, to Henry in France, leaving the garrison, which remained loyal to Blount, in charge of the castle. Oxford was such a distinguished soldier that, according to Vergil, when Henry met the earl in Angers ‘he was ravished with joy incredible’. Not long after the escape, Lord Dinham, governor of Calais, laid siege to Hammes. Oxford was soon to return with a relief force and whilst he attacked the besiegers from the rear, Thomas Brandon led thirty men along a secret path through the marsh and into the castle. It would be the following January before Richard would recover the castle, and only then after he had issued a pardon to those inside.

In September, whilst at Nottingham, Richard opened negotiation with the Scottish king and proposed a marriage between the king’s son and his own niece, Lady Anne de la Pole, daughter of the Duke of Suffolk and sister of the Earl of Lincoln, whom he had nominated as his successor. On 20 September, the marriage contract was signed and a three-year peace treaty agreed. This meant that Richard’s northern border was secure and he could concentrate his forces in the event of an invasion by Henry. By 10 November, Richard was back in the south touring Kent, before returning to London on 28 November.

At about the same time, Henry began to write to his supporters and potential supporters in England. According to Molinet, urged on by both Oxford and Stanley, he began to style himself as king, signing his letters ‘HR’ in the royal manner:

Right trusty, worshipfull, and honourable good friends, and our allies, I greet you well. Being given to understand your good devoir and intent to advance me to the furtherance of my rightful claim due and lineal inheritance of the Crown, and for the just depriving of that homicide and unnaturall tyrant which now unjustly bears dominion over you, I give you to understand that no Christian heart can be more full of joy and gladness than the heart of me your poor exiled friend, who will, upon the instance of your sure advertise what powers ye will make ready and what captains and leaders you get to conduct, be prepared to pass over the sea with such forces as my friends here are preparing for me. And if I have such good speed and success as I wish, according to your desire, I shall ever be most forward to remember and wholly to requite this your great and most loving kindness in my just quarrel.

The king had only been in London a few days when information reached him that the French, despite their requests for a peace treaty, were trying to undermine him. In Windsor and other towns ‘seditious manifestoes’ appeared, instigated by ‘false inventions, tidings, and rumours’ emanating from sources in France. Accordingly, on 6 December Richard addressed a letter to the mayor of Windsor, ordering him to check such attempts to foment discord and division between himself and his nobles:

Forasmuch as we be credibly informed that our ancient enemies of France, by many and sundry ways, conspire and study the means to the subversion of this our realm, and of unity amongst our subjects, as in sending writings by seditious persons with counterfeit tokens, and contrive false inventions, tidings, and rumours, to the intent to provoke and stir discord and disunion betwixt us and our lords, which be as faithfully disposed as any subjects can suffice. We therefore will and command you strictly, that in eschewing the inconveniences aforesaid you put you in your uttermost devoir of any such rumours, or writings come amongst you, to search and inquire of the first showers or utterers thereof; and them that ye shall so find ye do commit unto sure ward, and after proceed to their sharp punishment, in example and fear of all other, not failing hereof in any wise, as ye intend to please us, and will answer to us at your perils.

This letter was also published as a royal proclamation in other towns, and one of its first consequences was the arrest of Sir Robert Clifford in Southampton. Clifford was given a quick trial, taken to Tower Hill and executed, but not before his supporters had attempted a rescue en route. Richard’s mention of ‘our ancient enemies of France’ in his proclamation raises some interesting questions, as the French were publicly suing for peace with Richard at this time. With the political turmoil in France, it is unlikely that they were in a position to do anything, although clearly Richard thought that there was a credible threat of an invasion, dispatching Sir Gilbert Debenham and Sir Philip Bothe with a strong force to Harwich. But who was it that was going to invade, Henry or the French? And would anyone attempt a seaborne invasion in December? On 8 December, Richard issued a general commission of array, asking commissioners to perform a head count and to check that all men were well horsed and harnessed. He must have thought an invasion was imminent, as ten days later instructions were issued to the commissioner of array for the counties of Surrey, Middlesex and Hertford:

… to call before them all the knights, squires, and gentlemen within the said counties, and know from them what number of people, defensibly arrayed, every of them severally will bring at half a days’ warning, if any sudden arrival fortune of the king’s rebels and traitors.

Richard remained in London, but suffered another personal blow on 16 March when his wife Anne died, probably from tuberculosis. Rumours that Richard was going to marry his niece had been circulating since Christmas and this only served to fuel them. In reply, Richard was forced to make several very public denials.

At the beginning of May, Anne of Beaujeu finally offered Henry the support he needed to mount an invasion: a grant of 40,000 livres and a large loan. She also gave Henry a unit of between 1,000 and 4,000 French troops (depending on the source) under the command of Philbert de Chandée. These soldiers were all trained in the Swiss way of war with pike and halberd and probably came from the defunct camp at Pont de l’Arche. He was also given between 500 and 1,000 Scottish soldiers: the horse captained by Alexander Bruce of Earlshall; the foot by John of Haddington and Henderson of Haddington. If Sir George Buck’s History of the Life and Reign of Richard III, published in 1646, is to be believed, it is also possible that Duke Francis sent an additional 2,000 auxiliaries, on top of his own followers, who by this time numbered in excess of 400 men; however, this cannot be substantiated. A fleet of around twenty ships commanded by Guillaume de Casenove (known as Coulon) was assembled at Harfleur on the mouth of the river Seine to take the army to England. Whilst his army and fleet were made ready, Henry waited at Rouen to meet his senior commanders. He would be leaving Sir John Bourchier and the Marquis of Dorset behind, possibly because the French needed hostages, but also because they could not be trusted.

With fresh threats of an invasion, Richard returned to Nottingham on 12 June, where he could respond to threats in any part of the country. On 22 June, letters were sent to Richard’s sheriffs and commissioners of array instructing them to be ready to defend the realm against rebels and traitors, and another letter stated that all knights, squires and gentlemen should be ready at an hour’s notice. Sir George Neville, son of Lord Abergavenny, put to sea to patrol the Channel whilst Lord Lovell and another fleet prepared for an invasion along the south coast. Richard could do no more but wait.

According to Grafton, Henry had a spy at the very top of Richard’s administration: Morgan Kydwelly, attorney-general. Kydwelly warned Henry that Lord Lovell was lying in wait at Southampton and informed him that Reginald Bray awaited his landing at Milford Haven, with large supplies of money raised by Margaret Beaufort. He also advised him to land in Wales as soon as possible as this part of the kingdom was less rigidly watched.

On 1 August 1485, Henry Tudor, self-styled King of England sailed out of Harfleur to face Richard and take his crown.

Invasion

Henry landed at Dale, near to Milford Haven, on 7 August a little before sunset; messengers were immediately sent ahead to inform the Stanleys and the Talbots of the landing. The next morning they marched to Haverfordwest, then, finding no opposition, continued for another 8km (5 miles). They soon received the welcome news that Pembroke was ready to support Jasper Tudor, their earl. The constable of Pembroke, Richard Williams, unable to stop their advance, raced the 322km (200 miles) to Nottingham to inform Richard of the landing. As the army reached Carmarthen, rumours reached them that Rhys ap Thomas and Sir Walter Herbert were barring their way. A unit of cavalry was sent to investigate, only to find Richard Griffith and a body of men waiting to join them, while Sir John Morgan and a few more troops joined soon after. We know little of the route Henry then took, except it was deeper into Wales and towards the lands of the Stanleys and not towards London or Nottingham as would be expected. This was probably to gather more men before a decisive encounter.

NEWS TRAVELS FAST!

Richard established a system of messengers where riders were positioned 32km (20 miles) apart. A message could be passed from one to the other, much like the Pony Express of the Old West. This way, any news could travel 100 miles per day.

Richard received the news of the landing on 11 August. A small number of his nobles, such as George, Lord Strange, Thomas Stanley’s son, were already at Nottingham. So too was the Spanish commander Juan de Salaçar, who under an agreement with the Holy Roman Emperor, Maximilian I, had arrived with a unit of troops. Richard began to gather his army, immediately contacting his supporters and sending out commissions of array. He sent for Sir Robert Brackenbury, lieutenant of the Tower, who according to Vergil was told to bring Thomas Bourchier, Walter Hungerford and others Richard did not trust. He also summoned Sir Thomas Stanley, but he refused and claimed he had sweating sickness, although in reality he had either probably already left to join Henry or was trying to stay out of the forthcoming battle. Lord Strange tried to leave Nottingham but was caught. The Crowland Chronicle tells us that Strange then revealed to Richard that he, William Stanley and Sir John Savage had joined Henry. Lord Strange, probably under duress, then wrote to his father, describing his plight and expressing the need for him to come to the king’s aid. Richard, in the meantime, declared Sir William Stanley and Sir John Savage traitors. By this time, York had agreed to send eighty men and Norfolk had ordered his supporters to gather at Bury St Edmunds on 16 August.

Henry continued his advance towards Richard and by 14 August had reached Machynlleth, having passed through Cardigan and Aberystwyth. On 16 August the ever-growing army, which now included Rhys Fawr Merududd and his men, camped at Welshpool. On 17 August they had reached Shrewsbury only to find the gates shut, but the timely arrival of Rowland Warburton, sent by Sir William Stanley, helped smooth the way forward; the rebels were now in England. Gilbert Talbot joined soon after with another 400–500 men; Sir Richard Corbet, Sir William Stanley’s stepson, added another 800 men. On 19 August Henry reached Stafford and finally met Sir William Stanley, who was camped at Stone, 12km (8 miles) away, with between 3,000 and 5,000 men. From now on, Sir William Stanley was going to act as Henry’s vanguard, staying ahead of the main army for the rest of the journey. Together they marched down Watling Street, the old Roman road, from which they could strike at Leicester or London.

On the same day, according to Vergil, Richard left Nottingham in square battle formation, reaching Leicester as the sun was setting. Here he waited for his army to gather. Men under Norfolk, Suffolk and Northumberland poured into the city, as did the men raised under commissions of array from nearby towns such as Coventry and Northampton; the latter commanded by Sir Roger Wake, Catesby’s brother-in-law. Tradition has it that Richard stayed at the White Boar Inn (later called the Blue Boar) in Northgate Street, although it is possible that he stayed in the castle.

Henry’s army arrived at Tamworth on the evening of 20 August, having passed through Litchfield. Here he was joined by Walter Hungerford and Thomas Bourchier, who had either escaped Brackenbury or were set free near Grafton Regis, home of the Woodvilles. According to Vergil, Henry was at the rear of the column with a guard of twenty men, which is somewhat unusual as the rear was the most vulnerable to attack and therefore not the safest place to be. At some point, he appears to have become detached from the main army and did not return until the following morning. Where he went is not known, although he told his followers afterwards that he had been conferring with ‘secret friends’.

On Sunday 21 August Henry went to talk with Sir William and the newly arrived Lord Thomas Stanley, who were camped at Atherstone, and, according to Vergil, they greeted each other cheerfully and planned the forthcoming battle. No doubt they were aware that Richard’s army was much larger and that they needed some kind of advantage if they were to win. So they decided to choose where the battle would be fought and to wait for Richard to come to them. They knew that Richard had to come down the old Roman road now called Fenn Lane and it just so happened that there was a marshy flat plain, with a ridge of high ground running parallel with the road. The marsh would limit the use of cavalry and reduce the effectiveness of Richard’s artillery. If they positioned troops on the high ground, they would control the road and force Richard to fight at a disadvantage.

It appears from payments made ‘by us and our company at our late victorious fields’ after Henry had been crowned that the army was dispersed around the area. By late August the majority of the grain would have been harvested and would have provided a plentiful supply of food for the army. Atherstone, Witherley, Mancetter, Fenny Drayton, Atterton and the Abbot of Merevale Abbey all received compensation for loss of corn and grain, but it was Witherley and Fenny Drayton that were paid the most, suggesting that the bulk of the army was billeted there. It is not clear where Henry stayed, although some have suggested Merevale Abbey, a mile away from Atherstone; there is also a field just north of the town traditionally called ‘Royal Meadow’ so it may have been there.

There is tantalising evidence that an advance guard from Richard’s army clashed with Henry’s or Stanley’s men whilst at Atherstone, as there are records of six men being killed on 20 August. These included Richard Boughton, sheriff of Warwickshire and Leicestershire. John Kebell, commissioner of array for Rearsby in Leicestershire, is also recorded as dying the following day. Also, on mid-eighteenth-century maps of the area, there is a landmark called ‘Bloody Bank’ just north of the town where the clash may have taken place.

Having been informed of Henry’s location by his scourers, battle standards unfurled and ready to fight, Richard and his army marched over Bow Bridge, out of Leicester and along the Fosse Way on 21 August. Advancing towards Henry, Richard’s army must have marched along Fenn Lane, stopping and setting up their camps on the top of the ridge of high ground the same day. From here they could not only control the road, but could also observe any movement on the plain. It appears that the majority of the army was camped either side of the road, outside the villages of Sutton Cheney and Stapleton. There was also a camp on top of Ambion Hill, although we do not know whether it was a small unit or a whole battle that camped there. It certainly would have been an ideal place to observe Henry’s movements. We are also told that once night fell, they could even see the fires of at least one of Henry’s camps, probably at Atterton, which was only 5km (3 miles) away. A full-scale battle the next day was now inevitable.

1483
24 September	Buckingham writes to Henry asking for support
10 October	The men of Kent launch their rebellion
18 October	The main rebellion starts
19 October	Richard hears of Buckingham’s rebellion whilst at Lincoln and orders his army to meet at Leicester on 21 October
23 October	Richard’s army marches south
	Buckingham’s army is stopped at Gloucester
29 October	Buckingham is captured
31 October	Henry sails from Brittany to England
2 November	Buckingham is executed at Salisbury
2 or 3 November	Henry arrives on the coast of England, but, fearing a trap, returns to Brittany
25 December	Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond, takes oath to marry Elizabeth of York, eldest daughter of Edward IV

1484
22 January	Richard holds his one and only Parliament
April	Richard’s son, Prince Edward, dies at Middleham Castle
May	Threat of a raid on Sandwich or Dover by Sir Anthony Woodville; Richard sends Lord Cobham to counter the threat
	Border skirmishes with the Scots
June	Henry escapes from Brittany to France
July	Collingbourne’s rebellion; Collingbourne is captured and executed
20 September	Richard agrees a three-year peace treaty with Scotland
October	Brandon’s rebellion; the plot is discovered and the ringleaders flee to France
November	John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, escapes custody at Hammes Castle and joins Henry
December	Serious threat of invasion; Richard sends troops to Harwich
1485
16 March	Richard’s wife Anne dies
Early May	Henry is given the support he needs to launch another invasion
16 June	Richard moves the court to Nottingham and prepares for invasion

1485
1 August	Henry sails from Harfleur to Wales; Richard is at Nottingham
7 August	Henry and his army land at Dale near Milford Haven in Wales
11 August	Richard hears of the landing and mobilises his army
14 August	Henry reaches Machynlleth in Wales
17 August	Henry is at Shrewsbury
19 August	Henry meets Sir William Stanley at Stafford; Richard leaves Nottingham for Leicester where he will meet his army
20 August	Henry reaches Tamworth in the evening
21 August	Morning: Richard and his assembled army leave Leicester; Henry meets with the Stanley’s at Atherstone. Evening: Richard’s army arrives at Sutton Cheney and sets up camp