1 See, e.g., Mattos, Das cores do silêncio; Sheriff, Dreaming Equality; Caulfield, “Interracial Courtship”; Abreu, “Mulatas, Crioulos, and Morenas”; and Fischer, Poverty of Rights.
2 See tables in IBGE, Brasil, 222; and Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, História dos índios, 14.
3 Vainfas, “História indígena,” 45; João José Reis, “Presença negra,” 82. In some areas, like São Paulo, Indian slavery persisted into the eighteenth century; see John Monteiro, Negros da terra.
4 Vainfas, “História indígena,” 51; Boxer, Race Relations, 98–99.
5 Alvará of 7 June 1755, cited in Russell-Wood, Black Man in Slavery, 43.
6 Exceptions, however, frequently occurred in practice. Russell-Wood, Black Man in Slavery, 67–72.
7 Ibid., 30.
8 Bergad, Comparative Histories of Slavery, 1–12, 60–61, 285. These three states together (Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro, and São Paulo, in that order) would have just over half the nation's slaves by 1874. João José Reis, “Presença negra,” 91.
9 Unlike Spanish America, the former Portuguese colony managed to hold together in the years following independence. But it was by no means free of conflict. For an overview of recent literature questioning the long-presumed “smoothness” of this transition, see Weinstein, “Erecting and Erasing Boundaries,” nn. 14–19.
10 The literature on abolition is vast. For a classic overview, see Conrad, Destruction of Brazilian Slavery. More recent interpretations stress the role of the enslaved themselves; see, e.g., Chalhoub, “Politics of Disease Control”; Machado, O plano e o pânico; and Graden, “An Act ‘Even of Public Security.’”
11 Famous examples include von Martius, “How the History of Brazil Should Be Written”; and Alencar, O guarani. On this trend, see John Monteiro, “Heathen Castes,” 710–13.
12 Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, “Política indigenista,” 141–47.
13 Vainfas, “História indígena,” 53; Nobles, Shades of Citizenship, 104.
14 John Monteiro, “Heathen Castes,” 713–16; Sommer, Foundational Fictions, 21, 155–56. See also Kraay, “Between Brazil and Bahia.”
15 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 129–30; Celia Azevedo, Onda negra, medo branco, 64–70; Skidmore, Black into White, 38–44; Haberly, Three Sad Races. On free people of color during the Empire, see Richard Graham, “Free African Brazilians.”
16 Nabuco, O abolicionismo, 22–23, cited in Skidmore, Black into White, 23.
17 Celia Azevedo, Onda negra, medo branco, 77–82; Skidmore, Black into White, 21–24.
18 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 36–37. Cf. Elciene Azevedo, Orfeu de carapinha; Chalhoub, Visões da liberdade; and Grinberg, Liberata.
19 Skidmore, Black into White, 24. Cf. Grinberg, O fiador; and Mattos, Das cores do silêncio.
20 The literature on these transformations is extensive (see discussions in chaps. 1 and 2 of this book). For an introduction, see Skidmore, Black into White. For an introduction to parallel trends in Latin America more broadly, see Martínez-Echazábal, “Mestizaje.”
21 Freyre, Casa-grande e senzala.
22 For this critique in Brazil and in Latin America more broadly, see Warren, Racial Revolutions, 234–42; Wade, Race and Ethnicity, chaps. 2 and 3; Weinstein, “Erecting and Erasing Boundaries”; and Andrews, “Afro-Latin America.” The long tradition of studying “race” and “race relations” in Brazil primarily through a black-white continuum (a tradition to which my own work is heir) is evident in leading studies from the 1940s through the 1990s, such as Pierson, Negroes in Brazil; Bastide and Fernandes, Brancos e negros; Fernandes, A integração do negro; Degler, Neither Black nor White; Skidmore, Black into White; Andrews, Blacks and Whites; and Hanchard, Orpheus and Power.
23 Excepting the 1970 census, which did not include a color question at all, the categories índio and indígena appeared only in 1960 and 1991, respectively. Nobles, Shades of Citizenship, 104–5. Even amarelos (literally “yellows,” or people of Asian descent), excluded from the myth of Brazil's three foundational races and making up (together with indigenous people) less than 1% of Brazil's current population, consistently appeared as a census category from the 1940s through 2000. Telles, Race in Another America, 45; IBGE, Brasil, 222.
24 Guimarães, Classes, raças e democracia.
25 Abdias do Nascimento, in “Inaugurando o Congresso do Negro,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 1; emphasis mine.
26 For an introduction to these studies and their effects on contemporary views of race relations, see Maio, “UNESCO and the Study of Race”; and Motta, “Paradigms in the Study of Race Relations.” I discuss specific studies further in chap. 4.
27 While pretos made up 15% of the population in 1890, they were only 6% in 2000. Those classified as pardo remained relatively stable at 41% and 40% between those years; and those classified as branco rose from 44% in 1890 to become a national majority of 54% in 2000. Figures from João José Reis, “Presença negra,” 94. On the many reasons for this trend, see Telles, Race in Another America, 38–40, 44.
28 Telles, Race in Another America, 91–94; Nobles, Shades of Citizenship, chap. 3.
29 Telles, Race in Another America, 223–24, 215.
30 Foremost among these studies are Cardoso and Ianni, Cor e mobilidade social; Fernandes, A integração do negro; Ianni, Raças e classes sociais; Thales de Azevedo, Democracia racial; Nelson do Valle Silva, “White-Nonwhite Income Differentials”; Hasenbalg, Discriminação e desigualdades raciais; Fontaine, Race, Class, and Power; Andrews, Blacks and Whites; Lovell, Desigualdade racial; Reichmann, Race in Contemporary Brazil; and Telles, Race in Another America.
31 Valladares, Impact of African Culture.
32 Cited from the revised and expanded version of the position paper, published as Abdias do Nascimento, “O genocídio,” 86, 124, 128.
33 Cited in Abdias do Nascimento, “Sitiado em Lagos,” 291; emphasis mine.
34 See, e.g., Degler, Neither Black nor White; Toplin, “Reinterpreting Comparative Race Relations”; Toplin, Freedom and Prejudice; Andrews, Blacks and Whites; Daniel, Race and Multiraciality; Skidmore, “Bi-racial U.S.A. vs. Multi-racial Brazil”; Skidmore, Black into White; Hanchard, Orpheus and Power; Twine, Racism in a Racial Democracy; Winant, Racial Conditions; Winant, “Racial Democracy”; Marx, Making Race and Nation; Mitchell, “Blacks and the Abertura”; and Turner, “Brown into Black.” For revisionist critiques elsewhere in Latin America, see, e.g., Helg, Our Rightful Share; Richard Graham, Idea of Race; Wright, Café con Leche; and Gould, To Die in This Way.
35 See Bourdieu and Wacquant, “On the Cunning of Imperialist Reason”; Bairros, “‘Orfeu e poder’”; Fry, “O que a cinderela negra tem a dizer”; Fry, “Por que o Brasil é diferente?”; Matta, “Notas sobre o racismo”; Risério, A utopia brasileira; and Denise Ferreira da Silva, “Facts of Blackness.”
36 For examples of this critique, see Hanchard, “Resposta”; and French, “Missteps.” For a range of Brazilian responses to the Bourdieu/Hanchard polemic, see the special issue of Estudos Afro-Asiáticos 24 (2002). For an overview of these debates in the scholarship on Brazil and Latin America, see Wade, “Images of Latin American Mestizaje.” In the last few years, these debates over the effects of fusionist vs. segregationist racial systems have been articulated, in Brazil, with debates over the desirability of affirmative action policies and the forms they should take. For a nuanced introduction to these linkages, see Pinho, Mama Africa, 10–22.
37 Andrews, “Afro-Latin America,” 196.
38 E.g., Telles, Race in Another America; Andrews, Afro-Latin America; and Chasteen, National Rhythms.
39 In addition to the works cited in n. 1, see Costa, Brazilian Empire, chap. 9; Fry, “Politics, Nationality”; Tiago de Melo Gomes, Um espelho no palco; Seigel, Uneven Encounters; and Pinho, Mama Africa.
40 De la Fuente, Nation for All; de la Fuente, “Myths of Racial Democracy”; Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba; Scott, Degrees of Freedom.
41 See, e.g., the essays in the issue of Patterns of Prejudice devoted to exploring the question of “belonging,” especially Kannabiran, Vieten, and Yuval-Davis, “Introduction”; and Yuval-Davis, “Belonging and the Politics of Belonging.” See also Kannabiran, Vieten, and Yuval-Davis, Situated Politics of Belonging; and John Crowley, “Politics of Belonging.”
42 Abdias do Nascimento, “Prefácio à 2a edição,” in Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1982).
43 Burdick, “Lost Constituency”; Andrews, Blacks and Whites; Hanchard, Orpheus and Power; Telles, “Ethnic Boundaries.”
44 For an insightful critique of how “political agents” who advocate for their group's belonging simultaneously “use these ideologies and projects in order to promote their own power positions within and outside the community,” see Yuval-Davis, “Belonging and the Politics of Belonging,” 205.
45 Cf. Scott, “Public Rights.”
46 See, e.g., Skidmore, Black into White; Renato Ortiz, Cultura brasileira; and Mota, Ideologia.
47 Guimarães, Classes, raças e democracia, chap. 5; Weinstein, “Racializing Regional Difference.”
48 See “A Final Note on Language and Race,” in Ferrer, Insurgent Cuba, 10–12.
1 In Brazil, Paulista is used to refer to inhabitants of the state of São Paulo (whether or not they live in its capital); Paulistano refers only to inhabitants of the city. In chapter 1, which deals with writers in both the city and the state of São Paulo, I therefore use primarily the first term. In subsequent chapters, which focus almost exclusively on writers in the city of São Paulo, I use Paulistano more frequently.
2 B. Florencio and F. J. de Oliveira, “Nosso programma,” Baluarte, 15 November 1903, 1.
3 In 1888, when the monarchy abolished slavery in Brazil, most people of color were already free (by birth) or had been freed through earlier legislation or individual efforts. Though most writers in the early-twentieth-century black press had been born free, some (like Lino Guedes) were the children of slaves (Malinoff, “Modern Afro-Brazilian Poetry,” 49); for them, the humiliating memory of the enslavement of one or both of their parents would have given the term “emancipation” especially powerful meaning and might have guided their own activist leanings. Cf. Zeuske, “Two Stories,” 192.
4 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 42–53; Love, “Political Participation.” Popular participation through political meetings and elections was robust during the Republic, but electoral outcomes were highly managed through networks of clientage. Richard Graham, Patronage and Politics.
5 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 42–53; Hahner, Poverty and Politics, chap. 6; Mattos, Das cores do silêncio; Machado, O plano e o pânico. For an overview of recent trends in the study of postemancipation society in Brazil, see Scott, “Brazil.”
6 Skidmore, Brazil, 72.
7 Maciel, Discriminações raciais, 91–92, 98–100; José G. Pereira, “São Benedito,” 293–97; Domingues, “Um ‘templo de luz.’”
8 On vagrancy, see, among others, Andrews, Blacks and Whites; Celia Azevedo, Onda negra, medo branco; Chalhoub, Trabalho, lar e botequim; Fausto, Crime e cotidiano; and Olívia M. Gomes da Cunha, Intenção e gesto.
9 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 133–34.
10 On scientific racism and immigration, see Skidmore, Black into White; Stepan, Hour of Eugenics; Borges, “‘Puffy, Ugly, Slothful and Inert’”; and Schwarcz, O espetáculo das raças.
11 G. V. de Lapouge, Les sélections sociales, cited in F. J. Oliveira Vianna, Evolução, 185.
12 On whitening and immigration, see Skidmore, “Racial Ideas and Social Policy”; Skidmore, Black into White; Seyferth, “Construindo a nação”; and Andrews, Blacks and Whites.
13 F. J. Oliveira Vianna, Evolução, 185.
14 Skidmore, Black into White; Andrews, “Brazilian Racial Democracy.”
15 João José Reis, “Presença negra,” 94.
16 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 54–58, 88–89; Love, São Paulo, 10–12.
17 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 21; Love, São Paulo, 26.
18 Butler, Freedoms Given, 69, 71.
19 For the years between 1872 and 1940, the percentage of whites in the state of São Paulo jumped from 51.8 to 84.9, that of pardos dropped from 28.2 to only 4.7, and that of pretos decreased from 20.1 to 7.3. Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 247–54. Figures for Rio are from Costa Pinto, O negro, 73. Racially segmented data in Brazil are notoriously complex, since race or color categories are not “real” in an objective sense and since many factors influence how a person is categorized (or self-categorizes). Yet however imperfect, this data consistently shows significant differences in the relative proportions of pretos, pardos, and brancos in the cities of São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and Salvador da Bahia over the course of the twentieth century. The differences are worth noting, not just because they suggest the varying proportions of people of African descent in each place, but also because they point to differences in the ways census counters (and subjects themselves) assigned color categories in different regions. In the case of the pardo/preto distinction analyzed here, the relatively small number of people categorized as “pardos” in São Paulo (compared to Rio de Janeiro), and the fact that these few pardos were (by 1940) outnumbered almost 2 to 1 by pretos, suggests the greater statistical and symbolic salience of the category preto in that city as a term to designate nonwhites. As several scholars have shown, this more dichotomous pattern of race relations in São Paulo (and indeed, in other cities of the Brazilian South, where European immigration was heaviest), in which the term preto came to designate anyone of visible African ancestry regardless of lighter or darker skin (or of social status), corresponds to widespread perceptions that nonwhites (both pretos and pardos) suffered discrimination to a nearly indistinguishable degree in these regions. For a discussion of these studies, and the pardo/preto distinction in São Paulo specifically, see Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 250–51.
20 Weinstein, “Racializing Regional Difference,” 243. See also Sevcenko, Orfeu extático, esp. 137–41.
21 Butler, Freedoms Given, 67; Fernandes, The Negro, 61.
22 On industrialization in São Paulo, see Weinstein, For Social Peace in Brazil; and Dean, Industrialization of São Paulo. On foreigners as both owners of industry and favored employees, see Butler, Freedoms Given, 70; and Andrews, Blacks and Whites, chaps. 3 and 4.
23 Hasenbalg, Discriminação e desigualdades raciais, 254–55. See also Fernandes, The Negro, chap. 1; and Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 88–89.
24 Flávio Gomes, Negros e política, 28.
25 Fernandes, The Negro, 76. The term Negroes appears in the English translation (used here) of Fernandes's work, but the informant's original term is negros. See Fernandes, A integração do negro, 107.
26 Fernandes, A integração do negro, 117–18.
27 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 124–28; Fernandes, A integração do negro, 117–18.
28 Fernandes, The Negro, 77.
29 Male writers in the black press are the most frequent subjects of these photographs, though readers and association members of both sexes sometimes appeared as well; see, e.g., the many photos in O Clarim d'Alvorada (hereafter Clarim), 24 January 1926, and the portrait of Arlindo Ribeiro, a graduate of a training course at the Força Pública (São Paulo's armed guard), posing in sharp military attire, in Clarim, 20 February 1927, 4.
30 Bastide, “A imprensa negra,” 55–60; Andrews, Blacks and Whites, chap. 5.
31 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 139–43; Butler, Freedoms Given, 78–83.
32 J. C. Leite, in Silva and Leite, E disse, 45.
33 There are no statistics on the early papers’ print runs, but copies of each issue almost certainly numbered well under one thousand—the lower end of the estimate for Clarim, probably the most popular paper of the 1920s. See Ferrara, A imprensa negra, 246.
34 See F. B. de Souza, “O passado,” Bandeirante, April 1919, 1; the editors’ “Vencendo a encosta,” Bandeirante, August 1918, 1; A. Rodrigues, [untitled], Kosmos, 21 February 1923, 1; and the editors’ “Aos leitores,” Alfinete, 9 March 1919, 1. On the press's fragility, see Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness,” 154–55; Bastide, “A imprensa negra,” 50; and Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 128.
35 Two of the most widely used collections of black newspapers are the microfilm sets made by the Biblioteca Nacional (Rio de Janeiro) and by political scientist Michael Mitchell (see bibliography), both filmed in the 1970s and 1980s from the collections of black press veterans. São Paulo's Biblioteca Municipal and the Arquivo Leuenroth at UNICAMP (Campinas, São Paulo) also house important collections.
36 In addition to the above-cited works on the black press of São Paulo, see also Pinto, “Movimento negro”; Domingues, A nova abolição, chap. 1. See Domingues's introduction for a useful overview of recent works (especially Brazilian M.A. theses and Ph.D. dissertations) on the black press.
37 Bastide, “A imprensa negra,” 51.
38 Benedito Florencio of Baluarte (later of Getulino) was well known among Campinas's and São Paulo's community of color as an orator (see Silva and Leite, E disse, 38), as was Abilio Rodrigues of Kosmos (see F. B. de Souza, “Um appello aos associados do Gremio,” Kosmos, January 1923, 1). This trend continued in the 1920s and 1930s (see chaps. 2 and 3). See also J. C. Leite, “História dos nossos periódicos,” Alvorada, May 1947, 5–6; and Butler, Freedoms Given, 92.
39 F. B. de Souza, “O passado,” Bandeirante, April 1919, 1. See also in the same issue, “Collaboração,” 4, on editors’ use of their paper to revive the words of a colleague (Joaquim Cambará) “forever quieted by death.” Souza appears with the formal title of “orador” in “Centro Smart,” Liberdade, 4 April 1920, 2–3.
40 F. B. de Souza, “Illusão,” Alfinete, 9 March 1919, 1. See also A. Rodrigues, “Alfinetadas,” Alfinete, 30 October 1921, 1; and F. B. de Souza, “Observando,” Kosmos, 16 March 1924, 1.
41 J. C. Leite, in Silva and Leite, E disse, 48, 33.
42 Souza does not specify the woman's identity, though given the name of the venue they rented—Itália Fausta (Magnificent Italy)—it would not be surprising if she were a white Italian immigrant or of Italian descent. F. B. de Souza, “Uma explicação,” Liberdade, 28 September 1919, 2. On Souza, see also, in the same issue, Matuto, “Vagando,” 1.
43 Details about editors’ jobs are from “Gentes e fatos de outras épocas,” Voz da Raça, 1 April 1933, 4, except those regarding Aguiar, which are from Silva and Leite, E disse, 41.
44 Fernandes, The Negro, 78.
45 See also the story of “F” (most likely Francisco Lucrécio), who had to request money from a relative's former employer to buy dentistry books. Ibid., 150–51.
46 “O Baluarte,” Baluarte, 15 January 1904, 1; mission statement, Menelik, 17 October 1915, 1. See also the editors’ aspirations to address a state, national, and global audience, in “Aos leitores,” Alfinete, 28 August 1921, 1.
47 Editors, “O Menelik,” Menelik, 17 October 1915, 1. See also the editors’ exposition of a mission of “concord” for their newspaper in “Em marcha,” Bandeirante, April 1919, 1; and Bastide, “A imprensa negra,” 51.
48 H. de F. Leite, “Preconceitos de raça,” Alfinete, 3 September 1918, 1–2.
49 J. M. Latino Coelho, “A palavra,” Kosmos, 21 February 1923, 1.
50 Editors, “Um reptro de honra,” Xauter, 16 May 1916, 1; see also T. Camargo's exchanges with Z. K. in Kosmos, December–January 1922–23.
51 Other prominent editors and writers who were also poets include Lino Guedes and Gervásio de Moraes of Getulino and Jayme de Aguiar of Clarim. Leite remembered the importance of intricately metered poetry to “anyone with claims to being an intellectual,” in Silva and Leite, E disse, 33.
52 On the close ties between status as “men of letters” and citizenship rights in Brazil and Latin America more broadly in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Kirkendall, Class Mates; and Rama, Lettered City, chap. 5.
53 Ferrara, A imprensa negra, 58.
54 Even earlier, a news-clipping agency requested copies of Baluarte to help “advertise” the newspaper and offered to send Baluarte’s editors relevant articles from the mainstream press. Editors, “Echo da impresa [sic],” Baluarte, 15 January 1904, 2.
55 Skidmore, Black into White, 221–22.
56 The exceptions were a very few societies made up of women (these did not leave behind any known newspapers; their stories remain to be told). Butler, Freedoms Given, 83. Photos of Lavinia Horta and of Benta de Oliveira, presidents of Grupo das Margaridas and Brinco de Princezas, respectively, appear in Clarim, 24 January 1926, 3.
57 S. O., “O Baluarte,” Baluarte, 15 January 1904, 2.
58 Women appeared occasionally, but very infrequently, as contributors to the black press in the first decades of the century. On the limited role of women, particularly as writers, in the black press, see Pinto, “O movimento negro em São Paulo,” 53. As Giovana Xavier's new research suggests, however, women's scarce presence as writers may belie their influence over many aspects of the content and organization of these newspapers. See Xavier, “‘Leitoras.’”
59 Editors, “Nosso programma,” Baluarte, 15 November 1903, 1.
60 A. Oliveira, “Aos nossos leitores,” Alfinete, 22 September 1918, 1. On the centrality of education and literacy to the project of racial uplift, see also in Alfinete, B. Fonseca, “Patrícios!,” 22 September 1918, 2; and A. Oliveira, “Aos leitores,” 9 March 1919, 1.
61 E.g., B. D. de Campos, “O asseio,” Baluarte, 15 January 1904, 3–4.
62 Pery-Kito, “A propósito de um texto,” Kosmos, 20 April 1924, 1; see also the lyrics of Kosmos's anthem, which proclaimed Kosmos an “ideal kingdom,” both cited in Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 141–42.
63 Weinstein, “Racializing Regional Difference,” 244.
64 Writers frequently praised São Paulo in terms that echoed the state's dominant discourse: it was the “cosmopolitan city par excellence”; it was “in the vanguard of almost all national initiatives”; it was a “glorious” state with “formidable progress.” See, e.g., “A theoria do preconceito,” Getulino, 5 October 1924, 1; “Nosso dever,” Progresso, 26 September 1929, 1; “Os negros da América do Norte,” Clarim, 5 February 1928, 1; and “Apresentação,” Clarim, 6 January 1924, 1.
65 On ideas of female honor in mainstream Brazilian society during the Republic, see Caulfield, In Defense of Honor.
66 J. d'Alencastro, “Grave erro!,” Bandeirante, September 1918, 2–3.
67 See “Carta aberta,” Alfinete, 12 October 1918, 2; “Centro Recreativo Smart,” Alfinete, 9 March 1919, 3; and “O pessoal do Colombo,” Liberdade, 14 July 1919, 2. On the broader range of attacks in the gossip columns, see Butler, Freedoms Given, 92–93.
68 Cf. Fernandes, The Negro, 116–21; and Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 69, 84. The black newspapers’ gossip columns also closely patrolled the economic behavior of men: for instance, Alfinete, 28 August 1921, 3–4.
69 Conde, “14 de julho,” Liberdade, 3 August 1919, 1. See also M. Assumpção, “Negros retintos no parlamento francês,” Getulino, 8 June 1924, 1.
70 See, e.g., F. Júnior, “Um depoimento agradável,” Alfinete, 4 January 1919, 2; and unsigned, “13 de maio,” Kosmos, 18 May 1923, 1, describing abolition as the “commemoração da fraternidade dos brasileiros.”
71 B. Florencio, “O advento da República,” Baluarte, 15 November 1903, 1. Florencio's praise of the Republic echoed the political sympathies of the teachers and other professionals who made up his literary society in Campinas, among whom were politicians and journalists from the Republican Party. José G. Pereira, “São Benedito,” 293–97. On the influence of French Republicanism in the Brazilian Republic, see Carvalho, A formação das almas.
72 J. d'Alencastro, “Grave erro!,” Bandeirante, September 1918, 2–3.
73 A. Oliveira, “Aos nossos leitores,” Alfinete, 22 September 1918, 1. See also A. Rodrigues, “Preto e branco,” Kosmos, 18 April 1923, 1. In an unusually early use of that term, Rodrigues dismissed the “true Brazilian democracy” (referring in part to equal relations among the races) as “pure illusion.”
74 A. Oliveira, “A verdade,” Alfinete, 12 October 1918, 1; emphasis mine.
75 On these immigration plans and on the government's attempts to block them, see Hellwig, African-American Reflections; Meade and Pirio, “In Search of the Afro-American ‘Eldorado’”; Skidmore, Black into White, 193; Lesser, “Are African-Americans African or American?”; Tiago de Melo Gomes, “Problemas no paraíso”; and Seigel, Uneven Encounters, 192–98.
76 Love, São Paulo, 11.
77 Skidmore, Black into White, 192–98; Seigel, Uneven Encounters, 196.
78 Proceedings of 29 July 1921, in Anais da Câmara dos Deputados (1923): 623–37.
79 J. d'Alencastro, “Grave erro!,” Bandeirante, September 1918, 2–3; J. d'Alencastro, “Em ferro frio,” Bandeirante, April 1919, 4. For interpretations of d'Alencastro's quote that stress racial whitening, see Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 136; and Seigel, Uneven Encounters, 191.
80 See, e.g., J. d'Alencastro, “Em ferro frio,” and the bold denunciations of police racism in G. R. de Silva, “Os agentes de polícia em acção,” both in Bandeirante, April 1919, 2.
81 Both veterans of the black press (like J. C. Leite in “História dos nossos periódicos,” Alvorada, May 1947, 5–6) and historians of the black press cite Getulino as transformative, the first explicitly activist black newspaper; Ferrara, A imprensa negra, 45.
82 It is possible from this phrasing that they also had their own printing press, though this is unlikely given the cost of such machinery. Editors, “O nosso apparecimento,” Getulino, 5 August 1923, 1.
83 Details on the editors’ former employment are from Maciel, Discriminações raciais, 91. On Campinas's contemporary press and O Diário do Povo, see Mariano, “História da imprensa.” On the influence of the labor press on black newspapers more broadly, see Flávio Gomes, Negros e política, 33.
84 Florencio, “Cartas d'um negro,” Getulino, 23 September 1923, 1.
85 Though earlier papers had occasionally mentioned the affairs of people of color abroad (particularly in the United States), the editors of Getulino pursued these themes more vigorously, in part due to increased coverage in mainstream Brazilian newspapers of people of color abroad. (Cf. Silva and Leite, E disse, 40.) Internal evidence from Getulino suggests that editors sought out information about Africa and the diaspora from international publications like L'Illustration (France) and National Geographic magazine (United States), as well as from correspondents’ occasional travels abroad: Getulino, 20 January 1924, 1; 8 June 1924, 1. Coverage of Africa and the diaspora was prominent in the paper: on Ethiopia: 20 January 1924, 1; 6 July 1924, 2; on blacks in France: 8 June 1924, 1; on Garveyism and pan-Africanism: 27 January 1924, 2; 3 February 1924, 2; 17 August 1924, 1; 26 October 1924, 2; 23 November 1924, 4; 30 November 1924, 1; on the Ku Klux Klan: 23 November 1924, 1; on the impact of black participation in World War I on race relations worldwide: 4 November 1923, 1; 10 February 1924, 1.
86 G. de Moraes, “A mocidade,” Getulino, 5 August 1923, 1.
87 Unsigned, no title, Getulino, 12 August 1923, 1.
88 Editors, “Respondendo III,” 19 August 1923, 2. For more on the rivalry between O Getulino and A Protectora, see Maciel, Discriminações raciais, 95–96.
89 “A immigração dos negros,” O Paiz, 11 May 1923, cited in Lesser, “Are African-Americans African or American?,” 125. For more on the controversy surrounding Abbott's proposal and his visit, see, in addition to the sources cited in n. 75, Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 137.
90 B. Florencio, “Cartas d'um negro,” Getulino, 23 September 1923, 1 (in which he also indicated that his rivals in A Protectora supported Abbott); see also his untitled article, 19 August 1923, 1; “Cartas d'um negro II,” 30 September 1923, 1; and “Cartas d'um negro,” 21 October 1923, 3.
91 See, e.g., “Cartas d'um negro,” Getulino, 21 October 1923, 3.
92 Proceedings of 22 October 1923, Anais da Câmara dos Deputados (1928): 140–49. Fidelis Reis further detailed his plans for the nation in Reis, Paiz a organizar. For more on these debates, see Skidmore, Black into White, 194–96.
93 Proceedings of 27 December 1923, Anais da Câmara dos Deputados (1929): 378–90. Only three years later, a survey of prominent Brazilians nationwide confirmed Reis's position, with a vast majority expressing a negative view of past and potential African “immigration.” Levine, “Some Views.”
94 “Os negros americanos,” O Jornal, 24 November 1923, 1.
95 Proceedings of 27 December 1923, Anais da Câmara dos Deputados (1929): 381–82.
96 Moraes published frequently in leading mainstream newspapers on issues related to law, race, and slavery. His books include a comparative study of race relations in Brazil and the United States: Moraes, Brancos e negros.
97 Moraes, “Brancos, negros e mulatos,” Getulino, 30 December 1923, 1; and “Os negros nos Estados Unidos e no Brasil,” Getulino, 13 January 1924, 1.
98 Ibid.
99 Details about Camargo's employment are from Voz da Raça, 1 April 1933, 4, according to which Camargo had, in 1915, edited the black newspaper O Binóculo out of the São Paulo neighborhood of Barra Funda (I have not been able to find any issues).
100 See the following exchange of angry letters, all in Kosmos: Z. K. (José Martinho de Moura Baptista), “Carta aberta, Exmo. Snr. Sargento Theophilo Fortunato de Camargo,” December 1922, 1–2; Theophilo Camargo, “Carta aberta,” January 1923, 3; and Z. K., “Carta aberta,” 21 February 1924, 2–3. News of the expulsion (Camargo is not mentioned by name, but preceding issues strongly suggest he is the object of the editors’ dislike) appears in “Gremio dramático e recreativo Kosmos,” 18 April 1923, 3.
101 Aside from Camargo's own articles cited below, see, e.g., the recurring column on national politics, “Política e políticos.”
102 Proceedings of 22 October 1923, Anais da Câmara dos Deputados (1928): 147.
103 T. Camargo, “Echos do projecto F. Reis,” Elite, 20 January 1924, 1, reprinted in Getulino, 27 January 1924, 2.
104 T. Camargo, “A propósito do projecto F. Reis” (presumably from issue 1 of Elite, of December 1923 or January 1924, not available), reprinted in Getulino, 20 January 1924, 1.
105 A. de Camargo, “A reação,” Getulino, 9 November 1924, 1.
106 G. de Moraes, “O negro no século XX,” Getulino, 20 December 1924, 1.
107 B. Florencio, “Os pretos em São Paulo,” Getulino, 21 September 1924, 1; see also articles with the same title on 28 September 1924, 1, and 5 October 1924, 1; as well as B. Florencio, “Carta aberta,” 2 November 1924, 1.
108 B. Florencio, “Carta aberta,” Getulino, 2 November 1924, 1.
109 B. Florencio, “Os pretos em São Paulo,” Getulino, 28 September 1924, 1.
110 Ibid.; T. Camargo, “Echos do projecto F. Reis,” Elite, 20 January 1924, 1; G. de Moraes, “O negro no século XX,” Getulino, 20 December 1924, 1.
111 The article, from A Gazeta of 24 September 1924, is partially reprinted in E. Oliveira, “A theoria do preconceito,” Getulino, 5 October 1924, 1.
112 E. Oliveira, “A theoria do preconceito,” Getulino, 5 October 1924, 1; B. Florencio, “Os pretos em São Paulo,” Getulino, 21 September 1924, 1.
113 G. de Moraes, “Carta de um negro,” Clarim, 13 May 1927, 7–8. The term foreigner and the phrase “foreigners in the land of their birth” entered some of the scholarship on race in Brazil as well, perhaps through black informants. Florestan Fernandes described the position of blacks in early-twentieth-century São Paulo as “strangers in a foreign city.” Fernandes, The Negro, 32.
114 Editors, “A miséria,” Baluarte, 15 January 1904, 1; A. Oliveira, “Aos nossos leitores,” Alfinete, 3 September 1918, 1; Editors, “Os desejáveis,” Getulino, 7 October 1923, 1. The Getulino editors’ idea that blacks should take responsibility for their own low position in society was yet another source of their ongoing polemic with rival A Protectora; see “Respondendo IV,” Getulino, 26 August 1923, 2.
115 See, e.g., “Prefere-se branca,” Getulino, 11 November 1923, 1. For examples of these racist advertisements, see Freyre, Ordem e progresso, 224–26.
116 E. Oliveira, “A theoria do preconceito,” Getulino, 5 October 1924, 1. See also the mock-dictionary entry for “nacional” (defined as “a synonym for preto or mulato in the jargon of certain journalists”) in Getulino, 5 August 1923, 3.
117 B. Florencio, “Os pretos em São Paulo,” Getulino, 28 September 1924, 1, and 5 October 1924, 1.
118 These details are from Silva and Leite, E disse, 23–53. On children of color working as agregados in the homes of Italians in this period, see Fernandes, The Negro, 37.
119 Silva and Leite, E disse, 25, 52.
120 Leite re-creates a fictional version of such an encounter between an Italian and a Brazilian of African descent (set against the backdrop of a cosmopolitan “Babel”-like cortiço or tenement) in his stylized account of his experiences as a young black activist, O alvorecer de uma ideologia. Ibid., 52, 281.
121 Ibid., 52. See also Fernandes, A integração do negro, 211.
122 Indeed, in early-twentieth-century Bahia, mainstream newspapers ran articles mocking Menelik's pretensions to greatness and civilization, presenting him as an object of exotic ridicule. Albuquerque, “Esperanças de boaventuras,” 223–24.
123 Silva and Leite, E disse, 27.
124 Ibid., 33.
125 M. Cintra (pseud. for Jayme de Aguiar), “Um dever,” 2 March 1924, 2–3; H. da Cunha, “Evolução,” 24 July 1926, 1; J. C. Leite, “E, após a liberdade,” 30 August 1925, 1, all in Clarim.
126 Butler, Freedoms Given, 73–74; Silva and Leite, E disse, 23–25.
127 See n. 42.
128 B. H. Ferreira, “Que atrevimento!,” Getulino, 4 November 1923, 2.
129 B. Florencio, “Os pretos em São Paulo,” Getulino, 5 October 1924, 1.
130 Ferreira further tarred the Pasquino writer as “a buffoon and an outsider, who comes to criticize those [black people] to whom their country's constitution has granted liberty and equality!” B. H. Ferreira, “Que atrevimento!,” Getulino, 4 November 1923, 2.
131 B. Florencio, “Os pretos em São Paulo,” Getulino, 5 October 1924, 1. Like Ferreira, Florencio suggested that foreigners’ racism was “criminal” as well as “barbaric”—this latter term a classic designation of foreignness.
132 B. H. Ferreira, “Que atrevimento!,” Getulino, 4 November 1923, 2.
133 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 85–89. On Rio de Janeiro, see McPhee, “‘New 13th of May.’”
134 “Concurso de beleza,” Getulino, 21 October 1923, 1.
135 U. C., “Fusão das raças,” 7 October 1923, 1, and 2 March 1924, 1; E. Oliveira, “A theoria do preconceito,” 5 October 1924, 1, all in Getulino.
136 Unsigned [Leite], “Naziunale,” Clarim, 6 January 1924, 4.
137 Bananére, La divina increnca.
138 See Matuto's columns “Chegando,” 23 November 1919, 3; and “Narração de um caipira,” 12 September 1920, 2, and 31 October 1920, 2, all in Liberdade.
139 J. d'Alencastro, “Grave erro!,” Bandeirante, September 1918, 2–3.
140 D. Nascimento, “O Menelik,” Menelik, 17 October 1915, 1.
141 Lesser, “Are African-Americans African or American?”
142 T. Camargo, “A propósito do projecto F. Reis,” reprinted in Getulino, 20 January 1924, 1.
143 C. Guerra, “Cartas negras,” Getulino, 20 December 1924, 13.
144 A. Vasconcellos, “Correio de Lisboa,” 27 January 1924, 2, and 3 February 1924, 2; unsigned, no title, 21 September 1924, 2; C. Guerra, “Cartas negras,” 20 December 1924, 13, all in Getulino.
145 See, e.g., “A Abyssinia,” 20 January 1924, 1; “A Rainha de Sabá era negra,” 6 July 1924, 2; “Um grande homem de raça negra: O chefe dos Bamanguatos,” 28 October 1923, 3; “Um congresso monstro de negros,” 26 October 1924, 2, all in Getulino.
146 Maciel, Discriminações raciais, 192.
147 A. Marques, “A nossa missão,” Getulino, 20 December 1924, 13.
148 Mary Santos, “Luz e liberdade,” Getulino, 26 August 1923, 1.
149 Getulino, 13 May 1926, 1.
150 E. Oliveira, “A theoria do preconceito,” Getulino, 5 October 1924, 1.
151 Unsigned, “Os negros,” Clarim, 26 July 1925, 4.
1 For discussions of the Mãe Preta campaign on different grounds, see Seigel, Uneven Encounters, chap. 6; Tiago de Melo Gomes, Um espelho no palco, chap. 4; and Barros, Corações de chocolat, 268–82. On the deceptively similar figure of the Black Mammy in the United States, and attempts to monumentalize her, see Manring, Slave in a Box; and McElya, Clinging to Mammy, chap. 4.
2 On the history of these reforms and popular responses to them, see, e.g., Benchimol, Pereira Passos; Needell, Tropical Belle-époque; Needell, “Revolta contra vacina”; Meade, “Civilizing” Rio; and Carvalho, Os bestializados.
3 Cândido de Campos, “O Brasil deve glorificar a raça negra, erguendo um monumento à Mãe Preta: A significação desta figura luminosa,” A Notícia, 5 April 1926, 1.
4 Many of the articles Campos reprinted in A Notícia originally appeared in a wide range of other publications, mostly from Rio but often from other Brazilian cities. I indicate the provenance of the original only when relevant to my argument. Unless otherwise noted, all articles from the Mãe Preta campaign cited in this section are from A Notícia. Further, for the many articles that formally begin with the headline “Monumento à Mãe Preta,” I cite only their first subtitles, when available, in the interests of space and clarity.
5 Cf. Mitchell, “Miguel Reale.”
6 C. Esher, “Monumento à Mãe Preta,” Diário Nacional, 1 November 1928, 3.
7 Sandra Lauderdale Graham, House and Street, 117–31.
8 Campos, “O Brasil deve glorificar a raça negra,” 5 April 1926, 1. See also Cândido de Campos, “Como repercutiu a idéa de ‘A Notícia’ no seu editorial de hontem,” 6 April 1926, 4; unsigned, “O monumento à Mãe Preta,” 7 April 1926, 3; and unsigned, “Glorificando a raça negra,” 9 April 1926, 4.
9 Campos, “O Brasil deve glorificar a raça negra,” 5 April 1926, 1.
10 W. Luís, “Carta do Dr. W. Luís, presidente eleito da República, a Vicente Ferreira,” 23 April 1926, 1.
11 Ibid.
12 Campos, “O Brasil deve glorificar a raça negra,” 5 April 1926, 1.
13 For firsthand accounts of elite men's experiences with amas de leite in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Sandra Lauderdale Graham, House and Street, 35.
14 From Diário da Noite, 27 September 1928, in Clarim, 6 January 1929, 2. See also in the same issue of Clarim (p. 2), a reprint of an article from Correio Paulistano (date unclear; 27 September 1928?) on “the sweet Mãe Negra, all goodness, who with her white milk fed the ‘little master’ and made him sleep with her songs and stories.”
15 Caulfield, In Defense of Honor, 79–81; Besse, Restructuring Patriarchy, chap. 1; Sevcenko, Orfeu extático.
16 Caulfield, “Getting into Trouble,” 155–56.
17 A. de S., “Uma idéa feliz,” reprinted 15 May 1926, 3. See also M. Rodrigues, “Mãe Preta,” 9 and 10 April 1926, 3, calling her a symbol of “the good times, when Brazilian society had not yet fallen into this degradation.” Another writer complained of the “tormented evolution through which, unhappily, our family life has been moving, [which has] led to the disappearance of that figure”; unsigned, “Monumento à Mãe Preta,” 15 April 1926, 4.
18 On nativist sentiments in São Paulo and Rio, see Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 151–52; Fausto, “Imigração e participação”; McPhee, “‘New 13th of May,’” 165–67, 174–76; and Sevcenko, Orfeu extático, 138–40, 238–50. Cf. Caulfield, “Getting into Trouble,” 166–68.
19 B. Costallat, “Monumento à Mãe Preta,” reprinted 24 April 1926, 3. See also A. de S., “Uma idéa feliz,” 15 May 1926, 3.
20 C. Carneiro, “Uma carta de applauso e um donativo enviados à ‘A Notícia,’” 8 April 1926, 4. See also Coelho Neto, “A Mãe Preta,” 23 April 1926, 3.
21 See A. Torres, “Gratidão à raça negra,” 4 May 1926, 3; and Cândido de Campos, “O Brasil deve glorificar a raça negra, erguendo um monumento à Mãe Preta: O applauso de cinco illustres escriptores,” 13 April 1926, 1.
22 Abreu, “Mulatas, Crioulos, and Morenas”; Seigel, “Point of Comparison,” 228–30.
23 Campos, “O Brasil deve glorificar a raça negra,” 5 April 1926, 1.
24 Ibid.
25 Rodó, Ariel; Martí, Cuba, Nuestra América.
26 Vasconcelos, Cosmic Race.
27 Fernando Ortiz, Contrapunteo cubano.
28 For an overview of these works, see Martínez-Echazábal, “Mestizaje.”
29 For the “Manifesto antropófago” (1928), see Andrade, Obras completas. On the modernist movement, see Dunn, Brutality Garden, chap. 1; and Skidmore, Black into White, 176–79.
30 Skidmore, Black into White, 185–90.
31 Campos, “O Brasil deve glorificar a raça negra,” 5 April 1926, 1. Nearly every promonument article reprinted by Campos mentioned blacks’ “affection”; the following refer specifically to Comte's “affective race”: J. Santos, “Uma idéa em marcha,” 22 April, 1926, 3; J. de O. Brasil, “A ‘União da Alliança’ abre uma subscripção entre os seus socios,” 1 May 1926, 4; P. Calmon, “Mãe Preta,” 27 May 1926, 4; E. de Moraes, quoted in Campos, “O Brasil deve glorificar a raça negra, erguendo um monumento à Mãe Preta: O applauso ardente do Dr. Evaristo de Moraes à suggestão de ‘A Notícia,’” 7 April 1926, 1. See also S. de Navarro, “13 de maio,” Clarim, 13 May 1927, 1.
32 On the later Comte's influence on Republican thought, see Carvalho, A formação das almas, 21–31. On Comte's ideological shift, see Pickering, “Angels and Demons.”
33 Brasil, “A ‘União da Alliança,’” 1 May 1926, 4.
34 Unsigned, “Monumento à Mãe Preta,” 15 April 1926, 4; A. de S., “Uma idéa feliz,” 15 May 1926, 3.
35 A. de S., “Uma idéa feliz,” 15 May 1926, 3.
36 A. Torres, “Gratidão à raça negra,” 4 May 1926, 3.
37 Unsigned, “Mãe Preta,” reprinted 17 April 1926, 3. See also Coelho Neto, “A Mãe Preta,” 23 April 1926, 3.
38 Cf. Seigel, “Point of Comparison,” 219–21.
39 Campos, “O Brasil deve glorificar a raça negra,” 5 April 1926, 1.
40 S. de Laboreiro, “Mãe Preta,” 3 June 1926, 3.
41 Moraes, in Campos, “O applauso ardente,” 7 April 1926, 1. See also E. de Moraes, “A propósito da raça negra,” 27 May 1926, 4.
42 On nationalism and anti-U.S. sentiment in the 1920s, see Skidmore, Black into White, chap. 5.
43 Moraes, in Campos, “O applauso ardente,” 7 April 1926, 1.
44 Cândido de Campos, “Como repercutiu a idéa de ‘A Notícia,’” 6 April 1926, 4.
45 See Silva and Leite, E disse, 70–71. Visits to newspaper offices appear to have been a common strategy, at least in Rio, by popular sectors (like members of black carnival clubs) seeking coverage of their activities or free advertising. Coutinho, Os cronistas de Momo, 63–64.
46 Silva and Leite, E disse, 61. Information on Ferreira in this and the next paragraph is drawn from Silva's interview with Leite, 61–66.
47 Campos, “Como repercutiu a idéa de ‘A Notícia,’” 6 April 1926, 4.
48 On this lecture and Ferreira's participation, see also “Dr. Baptista Pereira,” Clarim, 1 July 1928, 1.
49 A speech Ferreira delivered in São Paulo's Centro Cívico Palmares in 1927 in honor of Cândido de Campos, titled “Mulher Negra,” includes these elements and provides some insight into his thought. It is partially reprinted in Clarim, 28 September 1929, 3, and 27 October 1929, 3. See also his “O Dia da Mãe Negra,” Clarim, 13 May 1928, 10.
50 Mentions of São Paulo's FHC appear in Clarim, 22 June 1924, 1; Menelik, 17 October 1915, 3; and Clarim of 27 October 1929, 4 (mentioning a “Confederação dos Homens de Cor”). On Rio's, see Getulino, 21 September 1924, 1. Chicago Defender owner-publisher Robert Abbott was inducted into Rio's FHC on his visit to Brazil in the early 1920s, according to an article in that paper of 14 April 1923, 2. Seigel, Uneven Encounters, 227.
51 J. B. de Camargo, quoted in Campos, “Um officio da Federação dos Homens de Cor a ‘A Notícia,’” 14 April 1926, 2.
52 A Federação does not appear to have survived in archives or collections of Brazil's black press, nor does it appear in most secondary works on Brazil's black press, with the important exception of Seigel, Uneven Encounters, 182, 220.
53 As historian Marc Hertzman insightfully points out, Rio is a “missing middle” in most histories of early-twentieth-century black politics, activism, or “race relations” in Brazil, lost between attention to São Paulo's race-based organizations and Bahia's Afro-Brazilian religious entities. Hertzman, “Celebration and Punishment,” introduction. Defining racial activism in ways that exclude Rio's patterns of racial identification and politics in the early twentieth century could reinforce ideas about the political passivity of poor and working-class Cariocas more generally (see, e.g., Carvalho, Os bestializados). For a critique of images of “passive, moderate” Carioca workers, particularly blacks, see Velasco e Cruz, “Puzzling Out Slave Origins,” 206–8.
54 Fernandes, The Negro, 189–205, 209.
55 Cited in Costa Pinto, O negro, 73.
56 Coutinho, Os cronistas de Momo, 89–141.
57 Skidmore, Black into White, xvii; Costa, Brazilian Empire, 241.
58 As I noted in chapter 1, Bernardo Vianna, a worker who moved from Rio to São Paulo in the 1920s, claimed to be “shocked” by his inability to find a job as a factory worker in that city, a situation he attributed to São Paulo's extreme racism. “Os pretos em São Paulo,” Getulino, 21 September 1924, 1. See also the story by a young migrant who claimed that “São Paulo is the worst place for Negroes. In Rio there is more tolerance than there is here.” Fernandes, The Negro, 398.
59 See, e.g., Meade, “Civilizing” Rio; Carvalho, Os bestializados; Needell, “Revolta contra vacina”; Chalhoub, Cidade febril; álvaro Nascimento, “Um reduto negro”; McPhee, “‘New 13th of May’”; and Velasco e Cruz, “Puzzling Out Slave Origins.”
60 McPhee, “‘New 13th of May,’” 158.
61 Chalhoub, Trabalho, lar e botequim.
62 On the role of African-descended people in the development of Rio's samba and carnival, see Roberto Moura, Tia Ciata; Hermano Vianna, Mystery of Samba; Raphael, “Samba and Social Control”; McCann, Hello, Hello Brazil; and Sandroni, Feitiço decente. On musical and theatrical precursors to the themes expressed in this period, see Abreu, “Mulatas, Crioulos, and Morenas”; and Erminia Silva, Circo-teatro. On the often tense but nonetheless extensive collaborations between whites and musicians of color in Rio's nascent music industry, see Hertzman, “Surveillance and Difference,” esp. part 3.
63 On samba, see H. da Cunha, “Os homens pretos e a evolução social,” Clarim, 20 February 1927, 2; J. C. Leite, “Evocações,” Clarim, 13 May 1924, 2; and J. Dantas, “Salomés negras,” Progresso, 13 January 1929, 6. I am grateful to Marc Hertzman for this wonderfully insightful contrast (personal communication, 7 August 2009) and for the broader suggestion to include performers of color more thoroughly in the category of Carioca “black intellectuals” (something I have barely begun to do here, due to constraints of time and space).
64 Hertzman, “Making Music and Masculinity.”
65 J. C. Leite remembers Jayme Camargo, the president of Rio's FHC, as a Paulista who founded the FHC as one of the many race-based organizations in his native city. Silva and Leite, E disse, 43–44.
66 Articles about the brotherhood and its Mãe Preta–related activities appeared in A Notícia on (among other dates) 10 April, 17 April, 21 April, 30 April, 1 May, 3 May, 14 May, and 19 August 1926.
67 For a historical overview, see Kiddy, Blacks of the Rosary. On Rio in particular, see Soares, Devotos da cor.
68 Cândido de Campos, “Louvando a idéa do monumento à ‘Mãe Preta,’” 17 April 1926, 1.
69 Gomes and Seigel, “Sabina's Oranges,” 22; Barros, Corações de chocolat, 268–82.
70 Though lay brotherhoods were important institutions in São Paulo's black community—even for some members of the class of color—they did not enjoy this sort of prominence among city elites. See Amaral, Os pretos do Rosário.
71 O. de Castro, quoted in Cândido de Campos, “A solennidade religiosa de hoje na Igreja do Rosário,” 3 May 1926, 1.
72 Cândido de Campos, “O Brasil deve glorificar a raça negra, erguendo um monumento à Mãe Preta: Palavras do cónego Olympio de Castro, vigário da egreja do Rosário e S. Benedicto dos Homens de Cor,” 10 April 1926, 1.
73 Information on Santos is from Clarim, 6 January 1929, 4; and Flávio Gomes, Negros e política, 54.
74 J. C. Leite, quoted in Butler, Freedoms Given, 103.
75 Ibid., 104.
76 S. de Navarro, “13 de maio,” Clarim, 13 May 1927, 1. Cf. Wexler, Tender Violence, 63–65.
77 Ivan, “Monumento symbolico à Mãe Preta,” Getulino, 13 May 1926, 3.
78 Moysés Cintra (Jayme de Aguiar), “A Mãe Preta,” Clarim, 25 April 1926, 1.
79 See, e.g., S. de Navarro, “Mãe Preta,” Clarim, 13 May 1927, 1; and Ivan, “Monumento symbolico à Mãe Preta,” Getulino, 13 May 1926, 3. This tendency continued for the rest of the decade; see Helios [Menotti del Picchia], “Monumento à Mãe Preta,” Clarim, 28 September 1929, 4; and D. R. de Castro, “Mãe Negra,” Progresso, 19 August 1928, 2.
80 Cândido de Campos, “Está constituida a commissão central para a effectivação da idéa,” A Notícia, 11 May 1926, 1.
81 Annaes do Conselho Municipal do Rio de Janeiro, 1 June–31 July 1926 (1926): 484; Annaes da Câmara dos Deputados 1926, vol. 12 (1929): 15–21, 40–41. See also the speech by Congressman Gilberto Amado, reprinted in Cândido de Campos, “Luminoso parecer do deputado Gilberto Amado na Commissão de Finanças,” A Notícia, 8 November 1926, 1.
82 A monument to the Mãe Preta was eventually built in downtown São Paulo in the 1950s, though in a very different style than the one proposed for Rio in the 1920s. I discuss the monument in chapter 5.
83 Black newspapers in São Paulo expressed disappointment at the unraveling of the monument plans; see, e.g., Lino Guedes (no title), Clarim, 15 January 1927, 3; and their reprinting of Vagalume, “E o monumento?,” 28 September 1929, 1.
84 Editors, “Vida nova,” Clarim, 5 February 1928, 1.
85 J. C. Leite, “O negro para o negro,” Clarim, 1 July 1928, 1.
86 Particularly clear examples of this conscious shift include “Palavras aos paes negros,” Clarim, 13 May 1927, 3; and F. B. de Souza, “Na Penha,” Clarim, 28 September 1929, 1.
87 Unfortunately, the text of Ferreira's speech has been lost, but an adaptation of his speech and an account of the history of the Mãe Preta campaign in Rio can be found in Clarim, 6 January 1929, 1–2, as well as in Silva and Leite, E disse, 40–41.
88 Ibid., 40.
89 Leite, “O Dia da Mãe Preta: Apello à culta imprensa brasileira,” Clarim, 28 September 1928, 1.
90 Silva and Leite, E disse, 40. Clarim received congratulatory notes and articles from papers including (from São Paulo): Correio Paulistano, Diário da Noite, São Paulo Jornal, Jornal do Commercio, Nota do Dia, Folha da Manhã, Folha da Noite, Diário Nacional, and O Estado de S. Paulo; (from Campinas): O Correio Popular; (from Santos): A Tribuna, A Folha; (from Rio): O Jornal, O Globo, and A Notícia, “and many others from the interior and from other states, which we cannot mention for lack of space.” Clarim, 6 January 1929, 1.
91 Unsigned, “O Dia da Mãe Preta,” Progresso, 12 October 1928, 2. See also J. C. Leite, “O Dia da Mãe Preta,” Clarim, 28 September 1928, 1.
92 Silva and Leite, E disse, 41.
93 J. C. Leite, “O Dia da Mãe Preta,” Clarim, 28 September 1928, 1.
94 Unsigned, “Idea erronea da raça opposta,” Clarim, 18 August 1929, 4.
95 Silva and Leite, E disse, 73–76; Butler, Freedoms Given, 104–6.
96 Leite, “À mocidade negra,” Clarim, 13 May 1929, 4.
97 See A. V. dos Santos, “Congresso da Mocidade Negra Brasileira: Mensagem aos negros brasileiros,” Clarim, 9 June 1929, 1; and Leite's series of articles titled “À mocidade negra” in Clarim on the following dates in 1929: 3 March, 7 April, 13 May, 9 June, 14 July, 18 August.
98 Leite, “À mocidade negra,” Clarim, 7 April 1929, 1.
99 For examples, see Carlos Moura, A travessia, 350, 363, 382, 383, and 387.
100 On the “genre” of wet-nurse photographs, see Filha, A fotografia e o negro, 71. For examples, see Carlos Moura, A travessia, 627, 636; and Ermakoff, O negro na fotografia, 98–103.
101 On debates surrounding this painting's provenance and the identity of its subjects, see Schwarcz, Emperor's Beard, 26. Historian Roderick Barman suggests that whether or not the painting is actually of Pedro II, it would have been understood as such in the 1920s (Barman, personal communication, 11 January 2008). Members of São Paulo's black press at the time of the holiday campaign certainly saw it this way; see the reprint of this portrait, and its description as “Pedro II in the arms of his babá [nanny],” in G. de Moraes, “Mãe Preta,” Auriverde, 13 May 1928, 2; and “O Dia da Mãe Negra,” Tribuna Negra, September 1935, 2.
102 For an example of the emperor's popularity in this period, see Alves de Lima, Recordações. I am grateful to Roderick Barman for this reference.
103 Vagalume, “E o monumento?,” Clarim, 28 September 1929, 1.
104 D. R. de Castro, “Mãe Negra,” Progresso, 19 August 1928, 1–2.
105 Y. de Camargo, in “O Dia da Mãe Preta em Botucatu,” Clarim, 27 October 1929, 3.
106 D. de Campos and Y. de Camargo, in ibid.
107 Unsigned [Leite?], “A Bahia assistiu no dia 28 de setembro, uma manifestação inédita no Brasil,” Clarim, 24 November 1929, 4; see also M. Cintra [J. de Aguiar] “A Mãe Preta,” Clarim, 25 April 1926, 1.
108 Unsigned, “Os reparos do Fanfulla reflectem nova investida do fascio [Fanfulla’s criticisms reflect renewed fascist attack],” Diário Nacional, 10 October 1929, 1.
109 L. de Sousa, “A imprensa independente de São Paulo, sempre vigilante e patriótica, mais uma vez, demonstrou que, ‘O Brasil ainda é dos Brasileiros,’” Clarim, 27 October 1929, 1, 4. See also Leite, “À mocidade negra,” Clarim, 13 May 1929, 4.
110 Santos, “Congresso da Mocidade Negra Brasileira,” Clarim, 9 June 1929, 1.
111 “Concurso de beleza,” Getulino, 21 October 1923, 1. (See chap. 1.)
112 The black press perceived, and commented on, this shift of opinion among the Paulista elite. Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 87–88.
113 Fausto, “Imigração e participação,” 22–23. Fausto describes several earlier episodes in which the Diário Nacional denounced Italian immigrants’ fascism.
114 Unsigned, “Os reparos do ‘Fanfulla,’” Diário Nacional, 10 October 1929, 1.
115 “Cultuando a Mãe Preta,” Correio Paulistano, 28 or 29 September 1929 [date unclear], cited in “A nossa victória do 28 de setembro,” Clarim, 6 January 1929, 1–2. See also the reprint of an article from the Diário Nacional [n.d.]: “Centenário do café: O Hércules de ébano. A raça soffredora e forte na glorificação mais alta: a do trabalho,” Clarim, 15 October 1927, 1. On nativism as a shared ideology among Brazilians of color and a subset of white elites in early-twentieth-century Rio de Janeiro, see McPhee, “‘New 13th of May.’”
116 Unsigned [Leite?], “Do passado consciência . . .,” Clarim, 21 October 1928, 1.
117 Raul, “Há negros no Brasil, sim,” Clarim, 6 January 1929, 2. See also Leite, “A nossa raça é uma raça mestiça superior,” Clarim, November 1928, 2.
118 See Ferrara, A imprensa negra, 57.
119 Ivan, “Monumento symbolico à Mãe Preta,” Getulino, 13 May 1926, 3.
120 Helios, “Mãe Preta,” Clarim, 28 September 1929, 4.
121 Ferrara, A imprensa negra, 57.
122 Ivan, “Monumento symbolico à Mãe Preta,” Getulino, 13 May 1926, 3.
123 Booker, “O continente negro,” Clarim, 15 January 1927, 4. See also unsigned, “A África berço da humanidade,” Progresso, 31 August 1929, 2; and unsigned, “Na África,” Progresso, 13 January 1929, 3.
124 A. H. Mattar, “O unico povo livre do occidente africano,” Clarim, 1 July 1928, 2.
125 See, e.g., Progresso, 31 August 1929, 3, on pan-Africanism; on enthusiasm for black culture in Europe, see Progresso, 13 January 1929, 6; 24 February 1929, 1; and 24 March 1929, 1.
126 On Ethiopia (Abyssinia), see Clarim, 15 January 1927, 4, and 24 November 1929, 1; and Progresso, 13 January 1929, 5; 28 April 1929, 2; and 23 June 1929, 2. Ras Tafari, as Haile Selassie, would become even more famous in the Brazilian black press (as elsewhere in the world) after 1930, when he was named emperor of Ethiopia, and during the second Italo-Ethiopian war (1935–36).
127 Leite, “Cinco annos de clarinadas,” Clarim, 6 January 1929, 1. See also H. Cunha, “Evolução,” Clarim, 24 July 1926, 1.
128 Unsigned, “Gesto nobre,” Progresso, 7 September 1928, 3. On the symbolism of the Syrian-Lebanese monument, see Lesser, Negotiating National Identity, 55.
129 Unsigned, “Gesto nobre,” Progresso, 7 September 1928, 3.
130 On the statue of Gama, see Progresso, 31 August 1929, 2; 31 October 1929, 1–2, 4–5; and 24 November 1929, 1; on the creation of Progresso as an instrument for drumming up support for the Luiz Gama bust, see Silva and Leite, E disse, 88. On their support for the Mãe Preta monument, see Progresso, 19 August 1928, 1–2; 12 October 1928, 1–2; and 26 September 1929, 2.
131 Kim Butler argues, for instance, that awareness of the Syrio-Lebanese monument sparked Progresso’s fund-raising initiative for the Gama bust. Butler, Freedoms Given, 110. A bust of Luiz Gama was installed in São Paulo's Largo do Arouche in the early 1930s. Michael Mitchell, personal communication, 25 June 2010.
132 The details of the monument are from Lesser, Negotiating National Identity, 55–59.
133 Silva and Leite, E disse, 40.
134 Helios, “Monumento symbolico à Mãe Preta,” Clarim, 28 September 1929, 4.
135 See chap. 5.
1 On the Vargas regime, see, among others, Fausto, Revolução de 1930; and Levine, Vargas Regime. On paternalism in particular, see Levine, Father of the Poor?; and Wolfe, “‘Father of the Poor.’”
2 Quoted in Wolfe, “‘Father of the Poor,’” 84.
3 On ideologies of brasilidade, see Williams, Culture Wars in Brazil; Lenharo, Sacralização; Angela de Castro Gomes, A invenção do trabalhismo, chap. 6; and Dávila, Diploma of Whiteness. On antiracism in government propaganda, see Raphael, “Samba and Social Control,” 106–8.
4 Freyre directly credits Boas's view in Freyre, Casa-grande e senzala, 7. On Freyre's intellectual trajectories, see Needell, “Identity, Race, Gender”; Skidmore, “Raízes”; and Benzaquen de Araújo, Guerra e paz.
5 On Boas's influence in anthropology, see Stocking, Shaping of American Anthropology.
6 Freyre, Casa-grande e senzala, 301.
7 Romo, “Rethinking Race and Culture,” 32n2. Elsewhere in his text, Freyre lauded the “superiority of the black to the Indian” (Freyre, Casa-grande e senzala, 302).
8 Costa, Brazilian Empire, 244–46; Needell, “Identity, Race, Gender.”
9 Freyre, Casa-grande e senzala. On black and white children, see 344–45; on amas de leite, see 339–44; quote is from 9; on fraternity or fraternization (confraternização), see also, e.g., 341 and 344.
10 The term is from Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, chap. 4.
11 Landes, City of Women, 7.
12 Details from Freyre's night on the town, including his journal entries and an excerpt from his article, appear in Hermano Vianna, Mystery of Samba, 1–9.
13 On the reception of Freyre's work, see Benzaquen de Araújo, Guerra e paz.
14 Borges, “Recognition of Afro-Brazilian Symbols”; Raphael, “Samba and Social Control”; Hermano Vianna, Mystery of Samba; McCann, Hello, Hello Brazil.
15 McCann, Hello, Hello Brazil, chap. 2; Raphael, “Samba and Social Control,” chap. 3. McCann not only highlights these restrictions but shows how sambistas worked within and against them.
16 Dávila, Diploma of Whiteness; Lenharo, Sacralização; Lesser, “Immigration and Shifting Concepts.”
17 On the revolt, see Weinstein, “Racializing Regional Difference.”
18 McCann, Hello, Hello Brazil, chaps. 2 and 3.
19 Roberto Moura, Tia Ciata.
20 Harding, Refuge in Thunder, 13.
21 On the meanings of ethnicity or nação in the Brazilian context, see Nishida, Slavery and Identity; Verger, Fluxo e refluxo; Lima, “O conceito de ‘nação’”; and Maria Ines C. de Oliveira, “Quem eram os ‘negros da Guiné’?”
22 On this and previous slave revolts in Bahia, see João José Reis, Slave Rebellion.
23 João José Reis, “Candomblé,” 118.
24 Albuquerque, “Esperanças de boaventuras”; Fry, Carrara, and Martins-Costa, “Negros e brancos”; Butler, Freedoms Given, 171–89.
25 Butler, Freedoms Given, 53–55, 170–71; Harding, Refuge in Thunder, esp. 13–14, 55.
26 I capitalize Candomblé when referring to the religion and lowercase it when referring to communities and spaces of worship. Cf. Harding, Refuge in Thunder, xix; João José Reis, “Candomblé,” 132n2. On the broader social roles of terreiros, see Butler, Freedoms Given, 47, 194–200; Harding, Refuge in Thunder, 78–79, 108–16; and Paul Johnson, Secrets, Gossip, and Gods, 35–51.
27 Landes, City of Women, 16, 50. Cf. Mattos, Das cores do silêncio.
28 Butler, Freedoms Given, 50–59. Census figures in this paragraph are from 134.
29 Bairros, “Pecados no ‘paraíso racial.’”
30 “A hierarquia das raças—cor, trabalho, e riqueza após a abolição em Salvador,” and “A Frente Negra Brasileira na Bahia,” in Bacelar, A hierarquia das raças, 41–87, 143–57; Thales de Azevedo, Les élites de couleur.
31 Freyre, Ordem e progresso, cxxxvii.
32 A Tarde, 18 August 1917, cited in Albuquerque, “Santos, deuses e heróis,” 104. See also newspaper reports decrying the Africanness of Bahian carnival at the turn of the century in Raymundo Nina Rodrigues, Os africanos, 237–38. Cf. Filho, “Desafricanizar as ruas,” 241; Albuquerque, “Esperanças de boaventuras”; and Fry, Carrara, and Martins-Costa, “Negros e brancos.”
33 See the summaries of newspaper reports in Raymundo Nina Rodrigues, Os africanos, 353–72; and Ramos, O negro brasileiro, 106–9. On the repression of nineteenth-century Candomblé, see Harding, Refuge in Thunder; and João José Reis, “Candomblé.”
34 Raymundo Nina Rodrigues, Os africanos; Raymundo Nina Rodrigues, O animismo.
35 Lühning, “‘Acabe com este santo.’”
36 Ramos, Negro in Brazil, 26–27, 99–103, 124. Cf. Dantas, Vovó nagô, 150–61; and Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, chap. 4. On Ramos's work in the 1930s, see Campos, Arthur Ramos.
37 Risério, “Bahia com ‘H.’”
38 Gilberto Freyre, Manifesto regionalista (1926), quoted in Dantas, Vovó nagô, 159.
39 Ibid., 196–97. Borges dates this process even earlier. Borges, Family in Bahia, 31.
40 “As festas da Mãe Preta,” Diário de Notícias, 30 September 1929, 1.
41 See, e.g., “Brasilidade,” Diário da Bahia, 26 November 1932, 4.
42 Butler, “Africa”; João José Reis, “Candomblé”; Harding, Refuge in Thunder, 72–73.
43 Olinto, Brasileiros na África; Guran, Agudás; Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, Negros, estrangeiros; Verger, Fluxo e refluxo; Freyre, “Acontece”; Laotan, Torch-Bearers; Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, 38–72; Mann, Slavery and the Birth of an African City.
44 Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, 118–20, 306–7n31; Pierson, Negroes in Brazil, 243; Olinto, Brasileiros na África, 168, 265–67.
45 Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, 38–72.
46 Butler, Freedoms Given, 200–201; Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, 118–27; Dantas, Vovó nagô, 202–3. See also Martiniano do Bomfim, “Os ministros de Xangô,” in Congresso Afro-Brasileiro, O negro, 233–36.
47 Quoted in Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, 115.
48 Cf. Paul Johnson, Secrets, Gossip, and Gods.
49 Butler, “Africa,” 144; Olinto, Brasileiros na África, 265–67.
50 Butler, “Africa”; Paul Johnson, Secrets, Gossip, and Gods, 75–76. For different perspectives on this point, see Capone, La quête; Dantas, Vovó nagô; Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, chap. 1; and Serra, águas do rei.
51 Dantas, Vovó nagô, 203.
52 Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, 46, 62; Braga, Na gamela do feitiço, esp. chap. 2.
53 Herskovits, Myth; Herskovits, “Social Organization.”
54 Pierson, Negroes in Brazil, 238. Landes similarly praised “the unique quality of [Bahia's] Negro folk life”; Landes, City of Women, 7.
55 Congresso Afro-Brasileiro, Estudos; Congresso Afro-Brasileiro, O negro. On the congresses, see Levine, “First Afro-Brazilian Congress”; Romo, “Rethinking Race and Culture”; Butler, Freedoms Given, 206–9; and Dantas, Vovó nagô, 192–201.
56 Carneiro, quoted in Dantas, Vovó nagô, 195. For transcriptions of some of that radio and newspaper coverage, see Lühning, “‘Acabe com este santo,’” 216–17.
57 Butler, Freedoms Given, 203–4. On the changing gender composition of Candomblé leadership, see João José Reis, “Candomblé.”
58 Filho, “Desafricanizar as ruas,” 254–55. Cf. Joaquim, O papel da liderança religiosa feminina.
59 Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, 60; Velho, Guerra de orixá, 14.
60 Weinstein, “Racializing Regional Difference.”
61 Unsigned, “Samba, o hymno nacional da malandragem,” Progresso, 31 July 1931, 4.
62 See, e.g., the following in Progresso: “A musa negra e os seus triumphos na Europa,” 13 January 1929, 2; “Salomés negras,” 13 January 1929, 6; “Na civilizada Europa, os rhythmos da música negra provocam enthusiasmo e reclamam applausos,” 24 March 1929, 1; and “Villalobos,” 26 September 1929, 3.
63 Getúlio Vargas, interview with the press on 10 October 1938, quoted in Lenharo, Sacralização, 113. On Vargas's immigration policies and actions against internal immigrant groups, see Levine, Vargas Regime, 167; and Dávila, Diploma of Whiteness, 65.
64 See, e.g., Clarim, 7 December 1930; and Progresso, 30 November 1930.
65 Butler, Freedoms Given, 113.
66 “Estatutos da FNB,” A Voz da Raça, 15 April 1933, 3.
67 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 148–49; Butler, Freedoms Given, 115–17; Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness,” 131.
68 A Voz da Raça, 29 April 1933, 1.
69 Following a meeting of suffragist women with Vargas, the new electoral code of 1932 enfranchised women (subject to the same literacy restrictions as men). Hahner, “Feminism, Women's Rights,” 101.
70 Butler, Freedoms Given, 118–19; Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 151. See also Francisco Lucrécio's testimony in Barbosa, Frente Negra Brasileira, 54–55.
71 See “Judas da Raça,” “O que necessitamos,” and “A leaderança” in Clarim, 8 November 1931.
72 See Leite's accounts in Barbosa, Frente Negra Brasileira, 66–68; and Silva and Leite, E disse, 94–104.
73 See “Correspondencia,” “Agora vae,” “Um caso anormal,” and “Um caso sério,” Chibata, February 1932.
74 “O nosso pasquim e o Dr. Veiga dos Santos,” Chibata, March 1932.
75 See Clarim, 27 March 1932; Leite in Barbosa, Frente Negra Brasileira, 68–69; and Silva and Leite, E disse, 99–100.
76 “O empastellamento d’A Chibata,” Diário Nacional, 22 March 1932; see also Folha da Manhã of the same day.
77 See A. V. dos Santos, As raízes históricas do patrianovismo.
78 See, e.g., “Eduquemos nosso povo,” Clarim, 13 May 1932, 2; and “Patriavelha” (a playful comment on the conservatism of “patrianovismo”), Chibata, February 1932, 1.
79 He also called freedom of the press “liberal stupidity” and “freedom of libel,” in A. V. dos Santos, “Critiqueiros,” A Voz da Raça, 22 April 1933, 1.
80 Domingues, “‘Pérolas negras,’” 207.
81 Silva and Leite, E disse, 103–4; Barbosa, Frente Negra Brasileira, 70. On the Frente's support for Vargas in this revolt, see Olavo Xavier, “Milicianos de fé,” A Voz da Raça, 29 April 1933, 4. On the Black Legion (and its split with the Frente), see Domingues, “‘Pérolas negras.’”
82 Ferrara, A imprensa negra, 68.
83 See, by A. V. dos Santos, “Em marcha,” 3 June 1933, 1; “A árvore da FNB,” 25 March 1933, 2; “Alerta!,” 1 April 1933, 1; by Menelik, “Do meu canto,” 22 April 1933, 4; and by J. B. Feliciano, “A união faz a força,” 22 April 1933, 2; all in A Voz da Raça.
84 A. V. dos Santos, “Aos frentenegrinos, aos negros em geral e aos demais patrícios, especialmente trabalhadores e produtores,” A Voz da Raça, 29 April 1933, 1.
85 I. V. dos Santos, “Liberdade utópica,” A Voz da Raça, 13 May 1933, 1. Euclydes de Oliveira (who helped popularize the phrase in the mid-1920s) also expressed hope that the Revolution of 1930 would reverse his situation as “a foreigner in my own homeland.” “A arrancada para o infinito,” Progresso, 30 November 1930, 1.
86 In A Voz da Raça: Santos, “Aos frentenegrinos,” 29 April 1933, 1; “Apelo à economia,” 28 October 1933, 1. On Jews as communists, see also A. V. dos Santos, “Resposta a um boletim,” 9 December 1933, 1. Ironically, São Paulo's secret police, who often confused black activism with communism, arrested Arlindo's brother Isaltino on charges of communism in 1936. Police files record Isaltino's fervent rejection of this accusation and his assurances of national loyalty. Carneiro and Kossoy, A imprensa confiscada, 54–55.
87 On the Frente's support for Vargas, see “O memorável pleito de 3 de maio,” A Voz da Raça, 6 May 1933, 1.
88 A. V. dos Santos, “A situação aparente dos negros,” A Voz da Raça, April 1936, 1. Arlindo Santos laid out his monarchist ideas in his Idéias que marcham no silêncio.
89 Cf. Oliveira, “Quem é a ‘gente negra’?,” 64, 90.
90 Santos, “A situação,” A Voz da Raça, April 1936, 1.
91 The militarized call for members to participate as “soldiers” of “disciplined battalions,” with Frente leaders as commanders, appears at its clearest in A. V. dos Santos, “Aos frentenegrinos!,” A Voz da Raça, 18 March 1933, 1. See also P. P. Barbosa, “Com que interesse?,” A Voz da Raça, 8 April 1933, 1.
92 A. V. dos Santos, “Que o negro brasileiro não se iluda! . . .,” A Voz da Raça, 15 December 1934, 1; on militias, see A Voz da Raça, 29 April 1933, 3–4.
93 The lyrics of the Frente's hymn appear in A Voz da Raça, 29 April 1933, 3. Cf. Fernandes, The Negro, 211–12; and Butler, Freedoms Given, 121–23.
94 Interview in Barbosa, Frente Negra Brasileira, 37–38.
95 Ibid., 18, 42, 50–51.
96 “Secção feminina,” A Voz da Raça, November 1937, 3.
97 A. V. dos Santos, “A afirmação da raça,” A Voz da Raça, 10 June 1933, 1; Santos, “Resposta,” A Voz da Raça, 9 December 1933, 1. Support for Italy and Germany's fascist regimes continued in later years; see (in A Voz da Raça) A. V. dos Santos, “Fogo neles!,” 6 January 1934, 1; C. Gonçalves's call for a “fuherer [sic] for the black race,” November 1936, 1, 4; and P. P. Barbosa, “Apreciando,” October 1936, 1–2.
98 Santos, “A situação,” A Voz da Raça, April 1936, 1.
99 Butler, Freedoms Given, 118, 123; Barbosa, Frente Negra Brasileira, 17–18.
100 Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness,” 135–37.
101 Levine, Vargas Regime, 73–79.
102 Much work still remains to be done on the role of blacks in leftist organizations. According to édison Carneiro in 1933, “It is well known that blacks have constituted an enormous contingent of the ranks of the Brazilian Communist Party.” Congresso Afro-Brasileiro, Estudos, 240. Cf. Risério, Uma história, 498–504. People of color appeared far more frequently in the records of São Paulo's political police for their links to the Left and labor unions than for involvement in specifically race-based activities; see Carneiro and Kossoy, A imprensa confiscada, 54–55.
103 Interview with M. O. Ribeiro, in Barbosa, Frente Negra Brasileira, 90.
104 In A Voz da Raça: J. B. Mariano, “Chegou o momento,” 22 April 1933, 1; Santos, “Em marcha,” 3 June 1933, 1; J. B. Feliciano, “Em defesa de Palmares,” 20 May 1933, 1; H. Costa, “Bandeira da FNB,” August 1936, 1; A. V. dos Santos, “Datas históricas,” April 1937, 1.
105 A. V. dos Santos, “Marchando,” A Voz da Raça, 28 April 1934, 4.
106 In A Voz da Raça: A. V. dos Santos, “A afirmação da raça,” 10 June 1933, 1; also A. V. dos Santos, “Irmãos negros,” 15 April 1933, 1, on our “African and Indigenous [Bugre] ancestors”; and Henrique Dias, “Discurso que eu não disse,” 14 April 1933, 1.
107 A. V. dos Santos, “O mulato,” A Voz da Raça, 29 April 1933, 3.
108 On the black race as a “family” united “across time and space,” see, in A Voz da Raça, A. V. dos Santos, “A árvore da FNB,” 25 March 1933, 2. On pride in black “blood,” see the recruitment ads on 8 April 1933, 3.
109 Santos, “Aos frentenegrinos,” A Voz da Raça, 29 April 1933, 1.
110 A series of early articles in A Voz da Raça reveals the process by which “fraternity” and “equality” quickly shifted from guiding principles to empty fictions of the Republic: A. V. dos Santos, “Alerta!,” 1 April 1933, 1; J. B. Feliciano, “A união faz a força,” 22 April 1933, 2; H. de Campos, “O destino da raça negra no Brasil,” 9 December 1933, 1. For a denunciation of “Brazilian sentimentalism,” see J. B. Feliciano, “O negro na formação do Brasil,” 24 June 1933, 1.
111 Santos, “Marchando,” A Voz da Raça, 28 April 1934, 4.
112 Silva and Leite, E disse, 97–99. See Clarim, issues of 28 September 1930, 1931, 1940.
113 J. Guaraná de Santana, “Manifesto,” Correio de São Paulo, 21 July 1932, reproduced in Flávio Gomes, Negros e política, 71–72. On citizenship as soldiering in the Black Legion, see Flávio Gomes, Negros e política, 68–74.
114 A. V. dos Santos, “A FNB e um artigo do Snr. Austregesilo de Athayde,” A Voz da Raça, 25 March 1933, 1.
115 Interview with Francisco Lucrécio, in Barbosa, Frente Negra Brasileira, 46.
116 “Menelik,” “Do meu canto,” A Voz da Raça, 22 April 1933, 1. A retrospective article on the newspaper O Menelik (A Voz da Raça of 31 March 1934, 4) conspicuously omits discussion of its African namesake. A letter from Mário Ferreira of the Tribuna d’África in Lourenço Marques expressing a desire to receive issues of A Voz da Raça appears on 18 March 1933, 4, but A Voz da Raça’s editors do not reciprocate by reprinting anything about Portuguese Africa.
117 See Clarim, 25 January 1930, 4; 13 April 1930, 3–4; 23 August 1930, 4; and 28 September 1930, 4. O Progresso also continued its coverage of Africa and the diaspora: “Continente Negro,” 31 January 1930, 5; “O nascimento da questão racial da África do Sul,” 31 July 1930, 1; “Throno preto,” 31 July 1930, 2; “Curiosa confederação economica dos negros africanos,” February 1931, 3; “Alheios a pecuinhas, com o seu trabalho, Africanos assombram a Europa,” 31 July 1931, 2.
118 Clarim, 7 December 1930, 4.
119 See esp. Clarim, 26 July 1931, 4; 28 September 1931, 4; 20 December 1931, 4. Leite describes his interest in Garveyism, despite its limited appeal in contemporary São Paulo, in Silva and Leite, E disse, 77–82.
120 On Ethiopia, see “O caso da Abyssinia e o mundo negro,” Clarim, March 1935, 1; and J. C. Leite, “Mundo negro,” Tribuna Negra, September 1935, 3. Other diasporic references appear in Tribuna Negra, September 1935, 2; and Cultura, March 1934, 3–5.
121 A. V. dos Santos, “Alerta!,” A Voz da Raça, 1 April 1933, 1; Santos, “A afirmação,” A Voz da Raça, 10 June 1933, 1. See also the exoticizing poem “Macumba,” casting its practitioners as “barbarous” and “infantile,” in A Voz da Raça, November 1937, 3.
122 Castelo Alves, “Flores do campo,” A Voz da Raça, 20 May 1933, 1.
123 Silva and Leite, E disse, 141.
124 Prandi, Os candomblés de São Paulo, 21.
125 Silva and Leite, E disse, 113–17.
126 Scholars emphasize different reasons for the Frente's eventual demise, ranging from the national political climate to authoritarian tendencies within the organization itself. See, e.g., Butler, Freedoms Given, 126–27; Fernandes, The Negro, 220–21; and Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 155.
127 Coverage of the Mãe Preta celebrations appears in Diário de Notícias, 27, 28, and 30 September 1929; Diário da Bahia, 27 and 29 September 1929; and A Tarde, 27 and 29 September 1929.
128 Cid Teixeira, cited in Bacelar, A hierarquia das raças, 148. “A Bahia assistiu no dia 28 de setembro, uma manifestação inédita no Brasil,” Clarim, 24 November 1929, 4.
129 Letter from members of the Centro Operário to the Sociedade Protectora dos Desvalidos, 1 July 1893, cited in Butler, Freedoms Given, 140.
130 “A Bahia assistiu,” Clarim, 24 November 1929, 4.
131 Butler, Freedoms Given, 138–39. See also “O Centro Operário e o seu 32 anniversário,” A Noite, 8 May 1926, 1.
132 “A Bahia assistiu,” Clarim, 24 November 1929, 4.
133 “O Clarim d'Alvorada na Bahia,” Clarim, 23 August 1930, 1.
134 “Grandes homenagens serão prestadas hoje à Mãe Preta na Bahia,” Clarim, 28 September 1929, 4; “Um apello aos negros bahianos” and “A Bahia assistiu,” Clarim, 24 November 1929, 1, 4; obituary of Ascendino dos Anjos, Clarim, 21 June 1931, 2.
135 Bacelar, A hierarquia das raças, 145–46; Butler, Freedoms Given, 129–30.
136 “Os intuitos da ‘Frente Negra da Bahia,’” Diário da Bahia, 26 April 1933, 3.
137 See coverage of the Frente Negra da Bahia's activities in Diário da Bahia, 10 May 1933; 3, 17, and 21 June 1933. Cf. Bacelar, A hierarquia das raças, 147.
138 See, e.g., Diário da Bahia, 2, 14, 21, and 31 March 1933. Cf. ibid., 149.
139 I have not found any issues of this newspaper; a brief description appears in Diário da Bahia, 16 and 17 February 1933, 2.
140 “Os intuitos,” Diário da Bahia, 26 April 1933, 3; and “A ‘Frente Negra,’ pretos novos na própria terra,” Diário da Bahia, 28 December 1932, 3.
141 “Os intuitos,” Diário da Bahia, 26 April 1933, 3.
142 “O dia 13 de maio na Frente Negra,” Diário da Bahia, 13 May 1933, 3; and “Realisado o programma a ‘Frente Negra’ traçou para o 13 de maio,” Diário da Bahia, 14 May 1933, 2.
143 See cites in Bacelar, A hierarquia das raças, 148. See also M. P. de Assumpção [Alakija], “Negros retintos no parlamento francês,” Getulino, 8 June 1924, 1.
144 Butler, Freedoms Given, 142.
145 Ibid., 131; Bacelar, A hierarquia das raças, 150–55.
146 Thales de Azevedo, Les élites de couleur, 98.
147 Conceição, “Cultura como alienação,” 2.
1 In calling the period between 1946 and 1964 the “Second Republic,” I follow the nomenclature employed by most U.S.-based scholars of Brazil. Note that in Brazil this period is most commonly known as the “Fourth Republic” (with the Second being Vargas's years as provisional and constitutionally elected president [1930–37] and the Third being the Estado Novo [1937–45]), though practices also vary.
2 R. J. Amaral, “Combatamos o bom combate,” Alvorada, January 1946, 1.
3 A. Guerreiro Ramos, “Apresentação da negritude,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 11; emphasis mine.
4 On this transition, see Fausto, Concise History, 229–33; Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, chap. 2.
5 For a brief overview of the scholarship on this subject, see Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 147n59. Cf. Fischer, Poverty of Rights, part 2, chap. 3. See also the oral histories in Mattos and Rios, Memórias do cativeiro, 248–49. Prominent black thinkers associated with the Frente Negra of the 1930s shared this positive view of Vargas; see, e.g., interviews with F. Lucrécio and M. O. Ribeiro, in Barbosa, Frente Negra Brasileira, 55, 87. Yet they expressed almost unanimous disappointment at Vargas's decision to shut down independent black political organizations (see interviews with A. Barbosa, F. Lucrécio, J. C. Leite, and others).
6 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 186–88.
7 Silva and Leite, E disse, 138.
8 Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness,” 141.
9 Silva and Leite, E disse, 111.
10 Ibid., 142–44; Butler, Freedoms Given, 126; Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness,” 142. See also Alvorada, September 1945, 2.
11 “Manifesto da democracia,” Jornal de São Paulo, 13 April 1945, cited in Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness,” 143.
12 Bastide, “A imprensa negra,” 54.
13 Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness,” 143. Leite, like editors of other black newspapers, largely gave up publishing O Clarim during the Estado Novo (though at least one issue, from 28 September 1940, came out of this period).
14 Interview with Aristides Barbosa, in Barbosa, Frente Negra Brasileira, 27–29.
15 IBGE, Recenseamento geral de 1940. Censo demográfico: Estado de São Paulo (Rio de Janeiro, 1950), table 30, p. 24, cited in Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 101.
16 Ibid., 126–27.
17 In 1940, out of a total preto and pardo population of 862,255 statewide, only 344 pretos and pardos had graduated from college, and 1,717 had graduated from high school. By 1950, the high-school graduation figures had doubled, but the number of college graduates dropped (to 265). IBGE, Recenseamento, 1940: São Paulo, table 25, p. 18; IBGE, Recenseamento geral de 1950. Censo demográfico: Estado de São Paulo (Rio de Janeiro, 1954), table 21, p. 24, both cited in ibid., 159.
18 Figures on employment rates by type of employment are from IBGE, Recenseamento, 1940: São Paulo, table 30, pp. 24–25, cited in ibid., 126–27.
19 Literacy rates were for Brazilians over age five: pretos, 59% for men and 44% for women; pardos, 76% for men and 64% for women. Figures from “Alfabetização em relação à cor, nos estados,” Gustavo Capanema Collection, CPDOC, cited in Dávila, Diploma of Whiteness, 73. The national average in 1940 for pretos was 15.8%, for pardos, 21.5%, and for whites, 39.5%. IBGE, Recenseamento geral de 1940. Censo demográfico: Estados Unidos do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1950), table 17, pp. 28–29, cited in Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 255.
20 In some areas of public service, pardos outnumbered both pretos and whites, though they likely occupied lower-rank positions than their white counterparts. Costa Pinto, O negro, 94.
21 Census figures from 1940 on the employment of people over age ten in the city of Rio showed, for instance, only 343 preto men and 996 pardo men working in liberal professions, compared to 12,837 white men. Ibid., 91.
22 Ibid., 125–49. Cf. Fischer, Poverty of Rights.
23 See “A Frente Negra solidária com o Ministro de Trabalho,” A Noite (Rio de Janeiro), 25 January 1937; and Semog and Nascimento, Abdias Nascimento, 88.
24 Joselina da Silva, “A União dos Homens de Cor,” 223–24.
25 See J. S. de Melo's and J. B. da Silva's interventions in the first Congresso do Negro Brasileiro (Rio de Janeiro, 1950), in Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1968), 228, 240–41. Cf. Costa Pinto, O negro, 260–63.
26 On the UHC's activities (and those of a spin-off group often confused with the UHC, the União Cultural dos Homens de Cor), see Costa Pinto, O negro, 260–64.
27 Indeed, a document from Rio's political police (dated 28 June 1978) identified Silva as having been a member of the Communist Party in 1945 and 1956. APERJ, Fundo Polícias Políticas, Setor Informação 146, p. 1431.
28 J. B. da Silva, “Patrocínio, o visionário,” A Voz da Negritude, 2 (special supplement), in Himalaya, 8 October 1953.
29 According to Costa Pinto's interview with J. S. de Melo in 1952, the group was getting ready to launch the occasional supplement A Voz da Negritude as an independent newspaper; this does not appear to have happened. Costa Pinto, O negro, 259.
30 “Reorganização da Frente Negra Brasileira,” A Luta, 29 April 1954.
31 J. B. da Silva, “Patrocínio, o visionário,” A Voz da Negritude, 2, in Himalaya, 8 October 1953. See also Joselina da Silva, “A União dos Homens de Cor,” 224.
32 Many thanks to Marc Hertzman for his help in elaborating this point. On the music industry in this period, and tensions and alliances between black artists and white artists and managers, see McCann, Hello, Hello Brazil, chap. 4; and Hertzman, “Surveillance and Difference,” chaps. 5 and 8.
33 Much like UHC members, the editors of and contributors to a contemporary Carioca black publication, Redenção, considered themselves to be “foremost among those who believe that the black problem in Brazil is more of an economic nature, and about education, than it is about race or color” (Unsigned [editors], “Qualquer brasileiro pode ser oficial de nossa marinha de guerra,” Redenção, 30 December 1950, 1; see also Aloysio da Silva, “Racismo,” same issue and page, and Miguel Guilherme Cavalieri, “A questão dos negros nos colégios,” Redenção, 9 December 1950, 5). Article after article in the two known issues of this paper, dated 9 and 30 December 1950, stress the importance of education, economic integration, or political participation in the advancement of people of color. Also like members of the UHC, the editors of Redenção emphasized on several occasions that though their journal was dedicated to “negros” and to the “moral, economic, and cultural uplift of their ethnic group,” its contributors were “a group of men of goodwill: negros, brancos, and pardos” (José Bernardo, “Não somos de promessas,” and João Conceição, “Convocação,” in Redenção, 9 December 1950, 1; see also José Bernardo, “Sou o que sou,” Redenção, 30 December 1950, 1). Though in these and other articles writers conceded that specifically race-based prejudice continued to exist in some sectors of Brazilian society, they overwhelmingly cast the problem of black and brown Brazilians as the problem of political and economic exclusion, shared across a Brazilian “povo” made up of many races.
34 My discussion of Nascimento's life in the next few paragraphs is drawn from Semog and Nascimento, Abdias Nascimento.
35 Cf. Silva and Leite, E disse, 140–41; Alves, “We Are All Equal,” 181. Nascimento gives the date (incorrectly, it appears) as 1937. Semog and Nascimento, Abdias Nascimento, 78.
36 Semog and Nascimento, Abdias Nascimento, 87–88.
37 Figures are from Ferrara, A imprensa negra, 268.
38 “Manifesto da Convenção Nacional do Negro Brasileiro,” in Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1982), 111–12.
39 A. Guerreiro Ramos, “Apresentação da negritude,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 11.
40 Cf. Ferrara, A imprensa negra, 142; Bastide, “A imprensa negra,” 54.
41 Unsigned, “Aos negros de São Paulo, ao povo em geral,” Mundo Novo, 23 September 1950, 7; and Armando de Castro [director of Mundo Novo], “Um representante do negro no legislativo bandeirante,” ibid., 2.
42 Unsigned [Nascimento?], “Os negros e as eleições,” Quilombo, January 1950, 3; Nascimento, “Candidatos negros e mulatos,” Quilombo, February 1950, 1. On the TEN's political activism, see Darién Davis, Avoiding the Dark, 201–3.
43 Burns, History of Brazil, 387; Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 64.
44 Figures from IBGE, Recenseamento geral de 1950. Censo demográfico: Estados Unidos do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro, 1956), table 17, pp. 20–21, cited in Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 255.
45 Burns, History of Brazil, 396. By 1962, 25% of the population was registered to vote.
46 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 188.
47 In Novo Horizonte, issues between May 1946 and September 1947.
48 Costa Pinto, O negro, 263.
49 See, e.g., Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 181–88; Hanchard, Orpheus and Power, 104–9.
50 On literacy campaigns, see “Teatro Experimental do Negro,” Quilombo, December 1948, 7; and Alvorada, September 1945, 4.
51 Nascimento, for instance, addressed a letter to the heads of all major political parties in 1950, requesting information on any black candidates in order to advertise their positions for free in Quilombo. “O TEN dirige-se aos partidos políticos,” Quilombo, March–April 1950, 5.
52 Nascimento, “Nós,” Quilombo, December 1948, 1, 6. See also the opinions of Ironides Rodrigues, a law student who later collaborated with Quilombo and stressed a nonpartisan approach to “black valorization,” in Guimarães and Macedo, “Diário Trabalhista,” 147.
53 Nascimento attempted an alliance with the Communist Party early on in his efforts to organize the TEN but soon turned away, angered by the party's failure to address race as a problem independent of class. Semog and Nascimento, Abdias Nascimento, 147–49. On Nascimento's eventual preference for the PTB, see Guimarães and Macedo, “Diário Trabalhista,” 163.
54 See, e.g., unsigned [Leite?], “Nem tudo que reluz é ouro,” Alvorada, April 1946, 4; and J. S. de Melo, “A voz da negritude: Um toque de reunir,” Himalaya, 12 August 1950, 2. Cf. Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 186.
55 Mitchell, “Racial Consciousness,” 157.
56 Silva and Leite, E disse, 149.
57 Unsigned [Leite?], “Declaração aos negros do Brasil,” and “Nossa obra é de solidariedade humana,” Alvorada, September 1945, 1. See also J. de Oliveira, “Hino à nova Alvorada,” Novo Horizonte, June 1946, 2.
58 Unsigned [Leite or Amaral], “As eleições de 2 de dezembro,” Alvorada, December 1945, 4. Such celebrations of Brazil's democratic process (and of President Dutra as the victor) were common in 1945–46; see, e.g., “Parabéns ao Brasil,” Alvorada, December 1945, 1; and Senzala, January 1946, 5.
59 L. Lobato, “Advertência,” Senzala, January 1946, 14.
60 Unsigned [Leite or Amaral], “As eleições de 2 de dezembro,” Alvorada, December 1945, 4. On blacks’ inherent sense of democratic and civic duty, see also unsigned [Amaral?], “Novos tempos,” Alvorada, February 1947, 1; Amaral, “O negro não tem problemas?,” Alvorada, September 1945, 1; and “Civismo e compreensão,” Alvorada, December 1945, 1.
61 W. Machado, “Desapareceu o vermelho da folhinha,” Novo Horizonte, June 1947, 1. For more criticisms of Brazilian democracy, see O. P. dos Santos, “A campanha deve ser iniciada,” Novo Horizonte, June 1950, 2; and A. de O. Camargo, “Diretrizes,” Senzala, January 1946, 11.
62 Cited in Costa Pinto, O negro, 270n35.
63 Alvorada, November 1945, 1.
64 Leite, “Nosso ideal de liberdade,” Alvorada, May 1947, 1. See also Leite, “A nova abolição,” Alvorada, May 1946, 1; J. P. Teixeira, “Problemas específicos dos negros brasileiros,” Novo Horizonte, September 1954, 5; L. Guedes, “O eterno desamparado,” Novo Horizonte, July 1947, 1; unsigned, “Os negros que se previnam,” Alvorada, March 1946, 1; A. do Nascimento, “Problemas e aspirações do negro,” Diário Trabalhista, 23 January 1946, 5, cited in Guimarães and Macedo, “Diário Trabalhista,” 148–49; and J. Conceição, “Convocação,” Redenção, 9 December 1950, 1.
65 See, e.g., A. Negreiros, “Que liberdade, que democracia?,” Alvorada, September 1946, 4; Costa Rego, “Venha uma segunda abolição!,” Novo Horizonte, March 1948, 4; unsigned, “Despertar na conciência nacional,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 3; and unsigned, “Vitória grandiosa de ‘Redenção’ no seu primeiro número,” Redenção, 30 December 1950, 4. The idea and phrase “second abolition” had made appearances in the black press of earlier years (see, e.g., Kössling, “O discurso policial”). But it moved to center stage in this period.
66 Unsigned [Leite?], “13 de maio,” Alvorada, May 1947, 1. See also “A nova abolição,” Alvorada, May 1946, 1; “Tribuna, imprensa e abolição,” Alvorada, May 1946, 4; and J. C. Leite, “As duas etapas da liberdade,” Novo Horizonte, November–December 1954, 1.
67 Unsigned [Leite?], “Os negros e a democracia,” Alvorada, January 1946, 1.
68 Interestingly, this predates Hannah Arendt's famous formulation of the “right to have rights” in Arendt, “The Rights of Man”; and Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism.
69 Nascimento, “Nós,” Quilombo, December 1948, 1.
70 Cited in Maio, “A questão racial,” 183.
71 “Manifesto da Convenção Nacional do Negro Brasileiro,” in Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1982), 111–12.
72 Cf. Guimarães and Macedo, “Diário Trabalhista,” 150.
73 Nascimento, “Os negros brasileiros lutam por suas reivindicações,” Diário Trabalhista, 15 January 1946, 5, cited in ibid. 149–50. According to the authors, Sebastião Rodrigues Alves, Aguinaldo Camargo, and Ironides Rodrigues, close colleagues of Nascimento, probably contributed to this column. In Rio, Nascimento and others also distributed the manifesto directly to the offices of leading political parties. Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1982), 84–85.
74 The proposed amendment and its justification appear in proceedings of 17 June 1946, Anais da Assembléia Constituinte (1948): 278–79. Though the PTB became the party most closely linked to black demands in this period, even its members, and Fontenelle in particular, were initially cautious about publicly taking on the topic of racial discrimination. Guimarães and Macedo, “Diário Trabalhista,” 162–63.
75 Nogueira had initially proposed a narrower amendment (proposal 1087), which specified that “any citizen, without regard to color,” would be allowed “entrance into the Diplomatic, Military . . ., and Civil” professions. Gilberto Freyre was a cosigner of this proposed amendment. By 22 August 1946, however, Nogueira appeared together with Fontenelle as the sponsor of Fontenelle's original, broader amendment (proposal 1089), which was more closely in line with black activists’ original demands. Proceedings of 24 August 1946, Anais da Assembléia Constituinte (1950): 410.
76 On Japanese immigration, 27 August 1946, Anais da Assembléia Constituinte (1950): 71–76; on anti-Semitism, 9 July 1946, Anais da Assembléia Constituinte (1949): 40–44. For more on Nogueira's background, see Guimarães and Macedo, “Diário Trabalhista,” 176.
77 13 May 1946, Anais da Assembléia Constituinte (1948): 408–14. See also Nogueira's speeches of 15 March and 24 August 1946.
78 See, in Alvorada: “Questão racial no Brasil,” March 1946, 4; “Tribuna, imprensa e abolição,” May 1946, 4; “Preconceito,” June 1946, 4; “Sem distinção de raça ou de côr,” September 1946, 8; and Arlindo Alves, “Preconceito de côr é crime de lesa-patria?,” March 1947, 4. See also O. Paraná, “Preconceitos,” Novo Horizonte, June 1947, 4; “Prossegue a cruzada para a segunda abolição,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 9; and S. Campos, “Muito pouco para nós,” Novo Horizonte, September 1946, 2.
79 24 August 1946, Anais da Assembléia Constituinte (1950): 410–13.
80 Diário da Assembléia, 28 August 1946, 4,404, cited in Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1982), 85–86.
81 For the full text of the letter and details of its publication, see ibid., 109–11.
82 For the text of Barreto Pinto's speech, see Quilombo, May 1949, 6. For U.S. coverage: Special to the Pittsburgh Courier, “[Police?] Chase Negro Actors from Big Rio Hotel: Jim Crow in Brazil Protested,” Pittsburgh Courier, 12 March 1949, 1–2. For exchanges between the Courier and Quilombo, see Quilombo, December 1948, 1; June 1949, 6–7; and May 1950, 5.
83 “Dutra contra o racismo,” Quilombo, February 1950, 4.
84 For a fuller account of these events, see Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1982), 71–72; Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 184–86. The black press also commented on them extensively: “Corajosa afirmação,” Alvorada, February 1947, 1; Leite, “Preconceito casa grande e senzala,” Alvorada, March 1947, 1; A. Alves, “Preconceito de côr é crime de lesa-patria?,” Alvorada, March 1947, 4; “O pagóde racial no Brasil,” Alvorada, April 1947, 4; R. de Queiroz, “Linha de Côr,” Quilombo, December 1948, 2 (reprinted from O Cruzeiro, 24 May 1947); “Prossegue a cruzada para a segunda abolição,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 8–9.
85 Oliveira, quoted in unsigned, “O preconceito existe!,” Correio Paulistano, 16 July 1950, 7–8. See also “Apresentado projeto cominando penas para discriminação racial,” Correio Paulistano, 18 July 1950, 3.
86 Unsigned, “Despertar na conciência nacional,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 3. An article by W. Machado takes the absence of these universal rights to be a measure of racial discrimination: “Black people do not enjoy the Rights of Man”; “Desapareceu o vermelho da folhinha,” Novo Horizonte, June 1947, 1. See also “A Declaração dos Direitos do Homem,” Quilombo, June 1949, 9; “União dos homens de côr do Rio de Janeiro,” Novo Horizonte, October 1954, 1; “Democracia racial,” Quilombo, June 1949, 7; and A. E. dos Santos, “História são fatos discursivos de uma nacionalidade,” Redenção, 9 December 1950, 2; Bernardo, “Não somos de promessas,” Redenção, 9 December 1950, 1; Costa Pinto, O negro, 262.
87 A. Negreiros, “Que liberdade, que democracia?,” Alvorada, September 1946, 4.
88 R. J. Amaral, “Vacillantes primeiros passos,” Alvorada, June 1946, 1. The hundreds of signers of the letter to Truman included Abdias do Nascimento of the TEN; Abigail Moura of the Afro-Brazilian Orchestra; Solano Trinidade, poet and president of the Center for Afro-Brazilian Culture; and Aguinaldo Camargo, president of the Black National Convention. The letter asked for Truman's intervention in the case of three black U.S. citizens who had been condemned to die in the electric chair in Georgia. The authors of the letter, speaking on behalf of the “democratic conscience of the black Brazilian,” called this a “legalized lynching,” a “crime against democracy, which guarantees the respect of life and liberty to all men, regardless of color or racial origin”; “Protestam diretores de diversas entidas [sic] brasileiras,” Novo Horizonte, May 1948, 1–2. On the comparison with the United States, see also “Civilização ou barbárie?,” Alvorada, August 1946, 4; and José Soares, “Contraste,” Novo Horizonte, July 1946, 3.
89 For the full text of the law and its justification, see Diário do Congresso Nacional, July 1950, 5513.
90 “O Senado condena a discriminação de cor,” Quilombo, May 1949, 2.
91 Diário do Congresso Nacional, June 1950, no. 115. Cf. Hanchard, Orpheus and Power, 181n15.
92 Quoted in unsigned [Nascimento or Guerreiro Ramos?], “Prossegue a cruzada para a segunda abolição,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 8.
93 The most compelling evidence for this interpretation appears in Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 184–85. See also Hanchard, Orpheus and Power, 108.
94 See, e.g., unsigned [Nascimento or Guerreiro Ramos?], “Prossegue a cruzada para a segunda abolição,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 8; and “O projeto-lei Afonso Arinos,” Himalaya, 12 August 1950, 5.
95 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 185.
96 Guimarães, Classes, raças e democracia, 137. See also “The Myth of Racial Democracy,” in Costa, Brazilian Empire, 234n1. The vast majority of secondary sources that attribute the term to Casa-grande do so in a general way, as received knowledge. Those which specifically cite the term's appearance, with page numbers, reference editions of Freyre's major works from the 1940s (usually the 1946 English translation, The Masters and the Slaves, for which Freyre wrote a new preface that does include the term racial democracy [xii]). See, e.g., Andrews, “Brazilian Racial Democracy,” 6n13.
97 Bastide's influential articles, titled “Itinerário da democracia,” appeared in the Diário de São Paulo on 17, 24, and 31 March 1944. Guimarães, Classes, raças e democra-cia, 145–46. On Ramos, see Campos, Arthur Ramos, 204–5, 255n19; and Guimarães, “Africanism and Racial Democracy,” 70–71.
98 Guimarães, Classes, raças e democracia, 145–46.
99 Nascimento, “Candidatos negros e mulatos,” Quilombo, February 1950, 1.
100 “Aos negros de São Paulo, ao povo em geral,” Mundo Novo, 23 September 1950, 7.
101 A. de Athayde, “Comemoração do abolicionismo,” Novo Horizonte, June 1950, 2.
102 Freyre, “A atitude brasileira,” Quilombo, December 1948, 8.
103 See, e.g., G. de O. Barbosa, “Preconceito,” Notícias de ébano, October 1957, 3; A. Guerreiro Ramos, “Apresentação da negritude,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 11; and J. C. Leite, “Em pé na cozinha,” Alvorada, March 1948, 4.
104 Nascimento, quoted in “Inaugurando o Congresso do Negro,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 1.
105 E.g., “Prefácio à 2a edição,” in Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1982), 9–10; Guimarães, Classes, raças e democracia, 95.
106 Pierson, Negroes in Brazil. On the effects of Pierson's U.S. experiences on his Brazilian research, see Bacelar, A hierarquia das raças, chap. 3.
107 Maio, “UNESCO and the Study of Race,” 121–24; Campos, Arthur Ramos, 202–6. For an example of Ramos's later approach to the study of black Brazilians, see Arthur Ramos, Aculturação negra. For examples of his antiracist and pro–social science tracts, see Ramos, Guerra; and Ramos, As ciências sociais.
108 Maio, “UNESCO and the Study of Race,” 122–24.
109 For this interpretation, see Telles, Race in Another America, 42–44; Maio, “UNESCO and the Study of Race”; Wade, Blackness and Race Mixture, chap. 2; and Andrews, “Brazilian Racial Democracy.”
110 For Fernandes, who saw racism as an anachronism left over from slavery, racial discrimination would tend to disappear as Brazil became a more developed capitalist society and as blacks became more fully integrated into the broader working class. While Costa Pinto was much more skeptical about the market's ability to improve race relations (he feared capitalism would worsen racism in subsequent decades), he nonetheless saw racism not as an independent phenomenon but as a distorted manifestation of class competition. Fernandes, A integração do negro; Costa Pinto, O negro. See also Wagley, Race and Class; and Thales de Azevedo, Les élites de couleur.
111 Maio, “UNESCO and the Study of Race,” 124.
112 For this perspective, see Motta, “Paradigms in the Study of Race Relations”; and Bacelar, A hierarquia das raças, chap. 3.
113 Marcos Chor Maio, “Costa Pinto e a crítica ao ‘negro como espetáculo,’” in Costa Pinto, O negro, 40.
114 Villas Bôas, “Passado arcaico,” 58.
115 Maio, “Costa Pinto e a crítica ao ‘negro como espetáculo,’” in Costa Pinto, O negro, 40.
116 Wade, Blackness and Race Mixture, 38.
117 See, e.g., Bastide and Fernandes, Relações raciais; Fernandes, A integração do negro; Costa Pinto, O negro; Wagley, Race and Class; and Thales de Azevedo, Les élites de couleur.
118 A. Ramos, “A mestiçagem no Brasil,” from “Democracia racial,” Quilombo, May 1949, 8, and R. Bastide, “O movimento negro francês,” from “Democracia racial,” Quilombo, May 1950, 3.
119 A. de Athayde, “Homens como nós,” Novo Horizonte, July 1947, 4 (from O Cruzeiro, 8 March 1947).
120 W. Machado, “Desapareceu o vermelho da folhinha,” Novo Horizonte, June 1947, 1.
121 R. J. do Amaral, “Apêlo ao bom senso,” Alvorada, April 1946, 1.
122 Ibid.; emphasis mine.
123 J. C. Leite, “As duas etapas da liberdade,” Novo Horizonte, November–December 1954, 1. See also an article by Ruth Guimarães arguing against the ongoing folklorization of blacks and against depictions of blacks as seekers of favors; through education, Brazilians of color could “conquer the right” to enter into all areas of Brazilian society: “Nós, os negros,” Novo Horizonte, March 1948, 4.
124 A. de Camargo, “Negro, você é importante!,” Novo Horizonte, July 1947, 1.
125 S. C. Teixeira, “28 de setembro,” Alvorada, October 1947, 3.
126 A. de Athayde, “Homens como nós,” Novo Horizonte, July 1947, 4 (from O Cruzeiro, 8 March 1947).
127 C. Rego, “Venha uma segunda abolição,” Novo Horizonte, March 1948, 4 (from A Tribuna de Santos, 19 March 1948).
128 G. Campos, “Que virá depois,” Novo Horizonte, June 1946, 1.
129 W. D. Silva, “E assim viemos,” Novo Horizonte, September 1946, 2.
130 Unsigned [Leite?], “Estudos brasileiros sobre o negro,” Niger, September 1960, 5.
131 “Mundo negro,” Alvorada, April 1947, 3. In general, the column tracked the accomplishments of U.S. blacks in the arts, in the military, in sports, and in labor politics, as well as their experiences of racism. Twice there appeared articles on Africa—Liberia, specifically. But these highlighted Liberia's history as part of a broader history of African Americans (in the narrow sense). See “Centenário da Libéria,” Alvorada, August 1947, 3; and “écos do centenário da Libéria,” Alvorada, October 1947, 3.
132 “Um sorriso d’África,” Novo Horizonte, December 1946, 3.
133 “Na África,” Senzala, February 1946, 13.
134 J. Conceição, “Para frente, todos!,” Quilombo, May 1949, 5.
135 Unsigned [Leite?], “Nossa obra é de solidariedade humana,” Alvorada, October 1945, 1.
136 A. Z., “A situação social do negro,” Novo Horizonte, June–July 1949, 4 (from Jornal de Debates).
137 Ibid.
138 L. Bastos, “Para onde vae a afrologia?,” Clarim, 28 September 1940, 4.
139 Ibid. See also A. Z., “A situação,” Novo Horizonte, June–July 1949, 4.
140 Unsigned [Nascimento and/or Guerreiro Ramos], “O 1° Congresso do Negro Brasileiro,” Quilombo, January 1950, 1.
141 “Universalidade da natureza humana,” A Voz da Negritude, 1, in Himalaya, 8 October 1953.
142 See J. B. da Silva, “A inutilidade dos congressos,” in Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1982), 239–45. Silva's original speech was not preserved, but his interventions in the ensuing debate were. See also J. B. da Silva, “Guerreiro Ramos,” in Himalaya, 30 September 1953, 4; and Costa Pinto, O negro, 261.
143 J. S. de Melo, “A voz do negro: Um toque de reunir,” Himalaya, 12 August 1950, 2.
144 J. B. da Silva, “Salgado Filho e os negros,” Himalaya, 12 August 1950, 2.
145 Silva and Leite, E disse, 153. According to Leite, it was Jorge Prado Teixeira, a young black man from São Paulo's interior active in São Paulo's black press, who facilitated contacts between black activists and UNESCO researchers—most famously, as informants for Fernandes's A integração do negro.
146 Guimarães, “Africanism and Racial Democracy,” 71.
147 Unsigned [Leite?], “Estudos brasileiros sobre o negro,” Niger, September 1960, 5. See, among many references, an article in Alvorada calling Ramos a “great friend of black Brazilians” (“Servindo à humanidade,” September 1945, 4); one in Quilombo on Ramos's death titled “A morte de um grande amigo” (January 1950, 3); and one in Novo Horizonte hailing Bastide as a “sincere friend of the blacks of São Paulo” (October 1945, 1).
148 “Prefácio à 2a edição,” in Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1982), 9–10.
149 Nascimento and Nascimento, Quilombo, 7–8.
1 F. Sabino, “Semente de ódio,” Diário Carioca of 16 July 1949; “Racismo, no Brasil!,” Quilombo, May 1950, 5 (from O Globo, 13 April 1950). See also sociologist Paulo Duarte's articles in O Estado de São Paulo, 16 and 17 April 1947, accusing black activist organizations of being aggressively antiwhite.
2 G. Freyre, “A atitude brasileira,” Quilombo, December 1948, 8.
3 A. Nascimento, “Convite ao encontro,” Quilombo, May 1950, 5 (from A Folha do Rio, 6 May 1950). See also A. de O. Camargo, “Diretrizes da Convenção do Negro Brasileiro,” Senzala, January 1946, 11; and F. Lucrécio, “Partido político,” Senzala, February 1946, 14.
4 Skidmore, Politics in Brazil, 192; Burns, History of Brazil, 396.
5 Hasenbalg, “Race and Socioeconomic Inequalities,” 30–32.
6 Ibid., 30–31. See also Nelson do Valle Silva, “Updating the Cost,” 43–44.
7 See, e.g., Hasenbalg, Discriminação e desigualdades raciais; Nelson do Valle Silva, “White-Nonwhite Income Differentials”; and Ianni, Raças e classes sociais.
8 R. J. Amaral, “Basta de explorações,” Alvorada, October 1945, 1. See also unsigned, “Teatro Experimental do Negro,” Senzala, January 1946, 26–27; unsigned, “Um fato digno de nota,” Novo Horizonte, May 1946, 4; and unsigned, “Um ponto de vista,” Alvorada, August 1947, 3.
9 R. J. Amaral, “Basta de explorações,” Alvorada, October 1945, 1.
10 Unsigned, “Um ponto de vista,” Alvorada, August 1947, 3. See also R. Magalhães Júnior, “Os negros brasileiros e as suas aspirações,” Senzala, February 1946, 19; and W. Machado, “Desapareceu o vermelho da folhinha,” Novo Horizonte, June 1947, 1.
11 J. C. Leite, “As duas etapas da liberdade,” Novo Horizonte, November–December 1954, 1.
12 R. J. Amaral, “O negro não tem problemas?,” Alvorada, September 1945, 1.
13 J. C. Leite, “Preconceito casa grande e senzala,” Alvorada, March 1947, 1.
14 See, e.g., J. P. Teixeira, “Problemas específicos dos negros brasileiros,” Novo Horizonte, September 1954, 5; O. Guaranha, “Clubes e negros,” Novo Horizonte, November–December 1954, 2; unsigned, “Protesto da Assembléia contra a discriminação racial,” O Mutirão, June 1958, 1; and L. C. S. Paiva, “Aquí é como nos EEUU, disse um funcionário,” Hífen, February 1960, 1.
15 R. J. Amaral, “Tese errada,” Alvorada, June 1947, 4.
16 Ibid.
17 Thales de Azevedo, Les élites de couleur, 93–105; Costa Pinto, O negro, part 2, chaps. 2 and 3.
18 A. Ramos in “Há vários problemas do negro no Brasil,” Senzala, February 1946, 18; emphasis mine.
19 In one of its earliest uses, in 1918, the term referred to Japanese immigrants, though by the 1930s similar language was applied to other groups, like Assyrians and Jews. Lesser, Negotiating National Identity, 66–76, 93.
20 Unsigned, “Um fato digno de nota,” Novo Horizonte, May 1946, 4. See also unsigned, “Um ponto de vista,” Alvorada, August 1947, 3.
21 J. C. Leite, “Advertência do momento,” Alvorada, November 1947, 1.
22 Unsigned [Leite?], “Estudos brasileiros sobre o negro,” Niger, September 1960, 5.
23 R. J. Amaral, “O negro não tem problemas?,” Alvorada, September 1945, 1; emphasis in original. See also J. C. Leite, “A incompreensão do negro,” Alvorada, December 1947, 3; and Amaral, “Aurora de compreensão,” Alvorada, August 1947, 1. Elsewhere, Leite complained of black leaders who reduced the black problem to “an unfortunate academic chat.” Leite, “Laços humanos,” Alvorada, August 1947, 1.
24 Silva and Leite, E disse, 162.
25 Comité Universitário Pró-candidatura Geraldo Campos de Oliveira, “Contra o capitalismo escravizador,” Mundo Novo, 23 September 1950, 3.
26 A. de Castro, “Um representante do negro no Legislativo bandeirante,” Mundo Novo, 23 September 1950, 3. See also “Aos negros de São Paulo, ao povo em geral,” Mundo Novo, 23 September 1950, 8.
27 Silva and Leite, E disse, 148.
28 L. Lobato, “Nossa apresentação,” Notícias de ébano, October 1957, 1.
29 Unsigned, “Linha de frente,” Alvorada, April 1947, 4. See also A. Barbosa, “O elemento negro na terra do Tio Sam,” Novo Horizonte, July 1946, 1.
30 On regional identity in both periods, see Weinstein, “Racializing Regional Difference”; and Weinstein, “Celebrating Modernity.”
31 On immigrants, especially Italian, see Diário de São Paulo, 25 January 1954, caderno 2, 1–7; on Syrio-Lebanese migrants and immigration more broadly, see 9–10. One article in the Estado de São Paulo (11, 68), on religious festivities in the colonial period, made mention (deep in its text) of the participation of some slaves, mainly to discuss the prohibition of sambas and batuques on the grounds that they caused “disturbances and immoralities.”
32 Estado de São Paulo, 25 January 1954, 80.
33 Diário de São Paulo, 25 January 1954, 5. On the marginalization of blacks and Indians in the iconography and discourse of the quadricentennial more broadly, see Weinstein, “Celebrating Modernity.”
34 Silva and Leite, E disse, 163.
35 Ibid., 99. See also “Mãe Preta: De todos nós,” Folha da noite, 28 June 2008.
36 Weinstein, “Celebrating Modernity,” 19–22.
37 Silva and Leite, E disse, 99.
38 On the Clube 220, see Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 215; and Silva and Leite, E disse, 170. For examples of Penteado's relatively conservative discourse regarding the Mãe Preta, see Weinstein, “Celebrating Modernity,” 19–22.
39 Proceedings of 24 August 1946, Anais da Assembléia Constituinte (1950): 410–13. It was not, however (as activists associated with the TEN later claimed), Silva's intervention that derailed Nogueira's proposal but rather the deeper conviction among many legislators that race prejudice was not an issue in Brazilian society. See Semog and Nascimento, Abdias Nascimento, 150; and Elisa Larkin Nascimento, Pan-africanismo, 190.
40 The discussion of Trinidade's life and work is from Moore, “Solano Trinidade”; and Malinoff, “Modern Afro-Brazilian Poetry.”
41 See “Poesia negra,” Quilombo, May 1949, 3; and “Teatro Folclórico Brasileiro,” Quilombo, January 1950, 9, 12.
42 Excerpt from S. Trinidade, “Negros,” cited in Malinoff, “Modern Afro-Brazilian Poetry,” 53.
43 S. Trinidade, quoted in Moore, “Solano Trinidade,” 234.
44 On the friendly rivalry between Trinidade and Nascimento over class- versus race-based politics, see Semog and Nascimento, Abdias Nascimento, 86–87; and Silva and Leite, E disse, 155–57.
45 A. Nascimento, “Espírito e fisionomia do Teatro Experimental do Negro,” Quilombo, June 1949, 11.
46 P. Leal, “Teatro negro do Brasil,” Quilombo, March–April 1950, 11.
47 A. Guerreiro Ramos, “Apresentação da negritude,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 11.
48 Unsigned [Nascimento?], “A Conferência Nacional do Negro,” Quilombo, June 1949, 6–7.
49 A. Nascimento, “Espírito e fisionomia do Teatro Experimental do Negro,” Quilombo, June 1949, 11.
50 Ibid.
51 A. Nascimento, “Nós,” Quilombo, December 1948, 1.
52 A. Nascimento, “Convite ao encontro,” Quilombo, February 1950, 3 (from Folha do Rio, 6 May 1950).
53 In March 1946, for instance, in an interview with Nascimento for the Diário Trabalhista, Guerreiro Ramos announced his belief that “men of color should never organize to combat racial prejudice”; quoted in Guimarães and Macedo, “Diário Trabalhista,” 153.
54 Maio, “Uma polêmica esquecida.” See also Maio, “A questão racial”; and Lucia Oliveira, A sociologia.
55 This view of blacks as the “people,” and of racial problems as part of the broader problems of Brazil's mixed-race poor, appeared frequently in Nascimento's interviews with black intellectuals, students, and workers in Rio from 1946 to 1948; Guimarães and Macedo, “Diário Trabalhista.”
56 See, for instance, Quilombo’s claim that in São Paulo, “a racial discrimination of the type present in the United States is taking shape.” “Carta de um líder,” May 1950, 3. Cf. Motta-Maués, “Quem somos nós?,” 177. Raymundo Souza Dantas, a prominent black writer, voiced a similar view in interviews with Rio's Diário Trabalhista in the 1940s. Guimarães and Macedo, “Diário Trabalhista,” 154. See also my discussion of this point in chapter 4.
57 On the Renascença, see Giacomini, A alma da festa. On similar clubs and carnival groups earlier in the century, see Leonardo Pereira, “E o Rio dançou.”
58 For a transcript of, and commentary on, this interaction, see Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1968), 153–59.
59 This was a particularly sensitive subject for Guerreiro Ramos, who, despite his sociological training and extensive publications, had not managed to secure a prestigious academic post and instead worked as a government bureaucrat. The TEN, in this context, provided a visible academic outlet for his work on race. Maio, “Uma polêmica esquecida.”
60 Costa Pinto, O negro, 245–60.
61 Motta-Maués, “Quem somos nós?,” 170; Maio, “Uma polêmica esquecida,” 150.
62 A. Guerreiro Ramos, “O plágio,” O Jornal, 17 January 1954, 1.
63 Costa Pinto, “Ciência social e ideologia racial: Esclarecendo intencionais obscuridades,” O Jornal, 10 January 1954, 2. This interaction reshaped Guerreiro Ramos's views of the sociology of race in Brazil. See his critique of Costa Pinto in Guerreiro Ramos, Introdução crítica, 210n19. For an in-depth look at this rivalry, and for an overview of Guerreiro Ramos's work in this period, see Maio, “Uma polêmica esquecida”; and Maio, “A questão racial.” On black Cariocas’ struggles to claim and protect rights to intellectual authorship in other contexts, see Hertzman, “Brazilian Counterweight”; and Hertzman, “Surveillance and Difference.”
64 Nascimento recounts these events (and quotes Alves) in Abdias do Nascimento, O negro revoltado (1982), 61.
65 Guerreiro Ramos, Introdução crítica, 215. See also his article “Sociologia clínica de um baiano ‘claro,’” in O Jornal, 27 December 1953; and Guerreiro Ramos, O processo.
66 A. Nascimento, “A sociologia desaculturada,” O Jornal, 31 October 1954, 5; emphasis mine.
67 A. Nascimento, “Nós,” Quilombo, December 1948, 1.
68 On Présence Africaine, see Quilombo, December 1948, 3; and June 1949, 2. On “Black Orpheus,” see Quilombo, January 1950, 6–7. On the visit of Albert Camus, see Quilombo, January 1950, 11.
69 “Roteiro negro de Albert Camus no Rio,” Quilombo, January 1950, 11.
70 A. Nascimento, “Espírito e fisionomia do Teatro Experimental do Negro,” Quilombo, June 1949, 11.
71 A. Guerreiro Ramos, “Apresentação da negritude,” Quilombo, June–July 1950, 11.
72 See Hermano Vianna, Mystery of Samba, chap. 7. Not surprisingly, Cendrars appears several times in Quilombo articles; the issue of May 1950 (p. 8) published the introduction to his famous Anthologie de la poésie nègre et malgache.
73 Nóbrega and Santos, Mãe Senhora, 14–16.
74 Lühning, Verger/Bastide, 13. For details of Verger's youth before arriving in Bahia, see Lühning, “Pierre Fatumbi Verger,” esp. 316–24. On Verger's life and work, see Nóbrega and Echeverria, Verger.
75 See Lühning, Verger/Bastide; and Le Bouler, Le pied à l’étrier.
76 Lühning, “Pierre Fatumbi Verger,” 319.
77 I expand on Verger's “outsider” status and his differences with other Brazilian and foreign scholars working on Afro-Bahia in Alberto, “Terms of Inclusion,” 256–59, 271–73.
78 Lühning, “Pierre Fatumbi Verger,” 320–21; Lühning, Verger/Bastide, 15.
79 Verger to Herskovits, 29 January 1950 (NU, MJH, Africana 6, 35/36, B50, F27.)
80 The ataoya or king of Oshogbo, Eastern Nigeria, was Christian, but his temporal power had its roots in a spiritual pact one of his ancestors made with Oxum, goddess of sweet waters and love. See Lühning, Verger/Bastide, 31, 98.
81 Verger to Herskovits, 22 July 1950 (NU, MJH, Africana 6, 35/36, B50, F27).
82 Hadji Adeyemi II, Alafin of Oyo, to Mãe Senhora, 14 August 1952 (FPV, unfiled); reprinted in Nóbrega and Santos, Mãe Senhora, 105.
83 See Lima, “Ainda sobre a nação de queto,” 69, 76.
84 See Verger, Orixás, 30. An overview of these debates appears in Nóbrega and Santos, Mãe Senhora, 23–24.
85 Deoscóredes dos Santos, História de um terreiro, 19.
86 Nóbrega and Santos, Mãe Senhora, 25, 143; Deoscóredes dos Santos, História de um terreiro, 19–23. Commentators in the Bahian press covered the event with pride; see “Cinquentenário de Senhora” and “Bodas de ouro de Senhora,” both in A Tarde, 3 October 1958.
87 “Escritores e livros,” Correio da Manhã, 16 December 1958; “Senhora está de volta à Bahia,” Jornal do Brasil, 16 December 1958; “Visitou o Rio, Senhora, uma autêntica rainha do Candomblé da Bahia,” Mês, January 1959.
88 Nóbrega and Santos, Mãe Senhora, 118, 142.
89 On these exchanges, see Verger's letter to Senhora of 11 March 1966, and Senhora's to Verger of 7 July 1959 (FPV, unfiled); reprinted in ibid., 106–7. I am grateful to Angela Lühning for sharing these and other samples of their correspondence.
90 Verger to Herskovits, 29 January 1950 (NU, MJH, Africana 6, 35/36, B54, F41).
91 Verger to Herskovits, 22 July 1950 (NU, MJH, Africana 6, 35/36, B54, F41).
92 Lühning, “O diálogo transatlântico.”
93 Vamos cantar a Bahia, transcripts, 15 and 22 December 1958 (FPV, unfiled). I am grateful to Angela Lühning for sharing these with me. She discusses these radio shows, and other aspects of Verger's “trans-Atlantic dialogue” through sound recordings, in Lühning, “O diálogo transatlântico.” On Verger's use of a similarly ingenious method involving photography, see also Alberto, “Terms of Inclusion,” 270.
94 For a critique of the “Herskovitsean” ideas of a “primordial” Africa that shaped pre-1950s anthropological studies of Afro-Bahia, see Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, 38–45.
95 Lühning, Pierre Verger, 42.
96 I am thinking here of the IBEAA (mentioned below) and the CEAA (see chap. 6).
97 See the copious correspondence between Silva and academic centers (primarily African-related) across Africa, Latin America, and Europe in 1959 and 1960 (Arquivo CEAO, Correspondência 1959, 1960).
98 Agostinho da Silva, “O nascimento do CEAO”; Agostinho, “Agostinho da Silva.”
99 Silva, “Missão para a Bahia,” Diário de Notícias, 2–3 October 1960.
100 On these voyages, see Freyre, Aventura e rotina; Freyre, Um brasileiro.
101 Agostinho, “Agostinho da Silva,” 11–14.
102 Ibid.
103 Lühning, “Pierre Fatumbi Verger,” 323; Bacelar, A hierarquia das raças, chap. 5.
104 V. C. Lima, “O ensino do iorubá na Universidade da Bahia,” Diário de Notícias, 2–3 October 1960.
105 Risério, Avant-garde; Rubim, “Os primórdios.”
106 Silva and Leite, E disse, 175.
107 Leite, “Mundo negro: O renascimento africano,” Niger, July 1960, 2–3.
108 “O mundo aprende com os negros da Abissínia a fazer a verdadeira democracia,” Notícias de ébano, October 1957, 2; “O despertar da África,” Hífen, July 1960, 1. See also, among many others, “Discriminação racial na África do Sul” and “A união sul-africana na assembléia da ONU,” in Mundo Novo, September 1950; “Congo Francês, Katanga, e outros,” “Brasil faz apêlo a Portugal: Angola,” and “Nyerere quer ver Tanganika integrando uma Federação dos Estados Africanos,” in Hífen, July 1960, September 1960, and January 1962, respectively; “Lumumba em preto e branco,” “Líder africano prega o amor próprio,” and “Libertação da Rodésia causará guerra na África,” in O ébano, March 1961.
109 Unsigned, “Congo: Quando a independência vier,” Hífen, June 1960, 1; F. S. Piauí, “África Negra e colonialismo,” Hífen, December 1960, 3; Tio Natalino, “Ronda mensal,” Hífen, January 1962, 5.
110 Leite, “O Congo e nós,” Niger, August 1960, 1.
111 Caption to a photo titled “O momento africano na história do mundo,” in “Mundo negro,” Niger, August 1960, 2–3.
112 Leite, “Mundo negro: O renascimento africano,” Niger, July 1960, 2–3.
113 See, e.g., “Noite afro-brasileira,” on the “ballet afro-brasileiro” and other “folkloric” acts, Hífen, September 1960, 5.
114 Silva and Leite, E disse, 178. The title of the Campinas newspaper Hífen (which published many articles on contemporary African developments) also seems to hint at this “hyphenated” Afro-Brazilian identity.
115 Saraiva, O lugar da África, 24–50. The pro-Africa minority included scholars who in the late 1950s and early 1960s wrote extensively on the potentials of Brazil's relations with the Afro-Asian world: Menezes, ásia, África; Menezes, O Brasil e o mundo; Portella, África; Rodrigues, Brasil e África.
116 Saraiva, O lugar da África, esp. chaps. 3 and 4.
117 See, e.g., Itamaraty's Relatório 1961, 41–42.
118 Quadros, “Brazil's New Foreign Policy,” 24.
119 Saraiva, O lugar da África, 91.
120 Portella, África, 87–92. For similar claims, see Menezes, O Brasil e o mundo, 12–13; and Rodrigues, Brasil e África, vol. 1, 117.
121 E. Portella, “O dilema cultural da África e a questão de Angola na ONU,” Caderno Econômico 164 (1962): 58, quoted in Saraiva, O lugar da África, 92.
122 Portella, África, 87–92.
123 Quadros, “Brazil's New Foreign Policy,” 24. A. J. B. de Menezes, for instance, referenced Brazil's “solução adequada de problemas raciais e sociais” as one of his nation's fundamental qualifications for adopting a position of leadership in Africa. Menezes, O Brasil e o mundo, 7. See also Rodrigues, Brasil e África, vol. 1, 105.
124 Saraiva, O lugar da África, 91.
125 José H. Rodrigues, quoted in ibid., 93. In a book that appeared just as this manuscript was going into production, Jerry Dávila adds new depth to our understanding of how Brazil's post-1961 African foreign policy reflected and reshaped contemporary ideas of Brazilian identity and racial democracy. See Dávila, Hotel Trópico.
126 This caused controversy in Brazilian diplomatic circles; historian José H. Rodrigues, for instance, accused Quadros of “reverse racism” in favoring Dantas. Saraiva, O lugar da África, 91.
127 Selcher, “Afro-Asian Dimension,” 94, cited in Saraiva, O lugar da África, 90.
128 Saraiva, O lugar da África, 52.
129 “Bolsistas africanos aprenderão português em três meses para cursar as faculdades bahianas,” A Tarde, [25] November 1961 (approximate date; undated clipping from FPV, folder: FGM [hereafter F: FGM]). See also “Estudantes africanos começam a conhecer o Brasil pela Bahia,” Jornal da Bahia, 17 December 1961; and “Primazia da UBa nas relações com África,” Jornal da Bahia, 25 November 1961.
130 Agostinho da Silva, “O nascimento do CEAO,” 5–8.
131 “Bolsistas africanos,” A Tarde, [25] November 1961 (FPV, F: FGM).
132 “Life among the Grantees,” JB, SEA, December 1962 (SC, MJH Papers, box 73, folder 728).
133 Articles on the CEAO's leading role in establishing cultural and academic contacts with Africa were frequent in the Bahian press of the early 1960s; indeed, two of the men in charge of the CEAO's publications and public relations areas were staff members of the Jornal da Bahia (JB, SEA, December 1962, 2). See, e.g., a series of clipped articles from FPV, F: FGM, apparently from 1961: “Brasil, Bahia e África,” “CEAO no conselho de curadores do Instituto Afro-Asiático,” and “Nossos bolsistas.”
134 “Brasil, Bahia e África,” [December 1961?] (FPV, F: FGM).
135 See, e.g., “African Diplomats Visit Salvador,” JB, SEA, December 1962; and “Estudantes africanos começam a conhecer o Brasil pela Bahia,” Jornal da Bahia, 17 December 1961. For more on this subject, see Alberto, “Terms of Inclusion,” 302–37.
136 On Romana's visit, see Alberto, “Para Africano Ver.”
137 Nóbrega and Santos, Mãe Senhora, 136, 142–43. The title was conceived of by writer Zora Seljan, wife of diplomat Antonio Olinto, and, like her husband, a devotee of Senhora's candomblé.
138 Deoscóredes dos Santos, História de um terreiro, 31.
1 The discussion of politics in this section is drawn from Skidmore, Politics of Military Rule; and Skidmore, Politics in Brazil.
2 Silva and Leite, E disse, 168, 194.
3 Semog and Nascimento, Abdias Nascimento, 156.
4 Thales de Azevedo, Democracia racial, 53n27. See also Abdias do Nascimento, “O genocídio,” 124–25.
5 Renato Ortiz, Cultura brasileira, 90–106; Guimarães, Classes, raças e democracia, 158.
6 Concerns about the accuracy of color categories may also have been a factor in this decision. Nobles, Shades of Citizenship, 110–13.
7 Hanchard, Orpheus and Power, 113–14; Kennedy, “Political Liberalization,” 203.
8 Ministério do Exército, Gabinete do Ministro, to DOPS/Guanabara; “Show ‘Brasil Export,’” 14 December 1971, DOPS; Secreto, 97 F456, APERJ. Many thanks to Victoria Langland for sharing this wonderful source.
9 For an account of this and other examples of censorship of dissenting views on race relations, see Skidmore, “Race and Class,” 16; and Telles, Race in Another America, 40–42.
10 Semog and Nascimento, Abdias Nascimento, 164–65.
11 Saraiva, O lugar da África, 97–123.
12 Ibid., 125–77.
13 “Brasil & Cia.: Estamos fazendo a África,” Isto é, 10 October 1979, 42–46.
14 Quoted in Saraiva, O lugar da África, 144. See also the Afro-Brazilian Chamber of Commerce's publication for this period, Afro-Chamber.
15 Saraiva, O lugar da África, 179–82; Dzidzienyo, “African Connection,” 140; Shaffer, “What Will You Do?,” 28.
16 Shaffer, “What Will You Do?,” 30.
17 Ibid.; Dzidzienyo, “African Connection.”
18 Saraiva, O lugar da África, 137–38.
19 See, e.g., “Brasil & Cia.: Estamos fazendo a África,” Isto é, 10 October 1979, 42–46; “Gabriela, quem diria, acabou socialista,” Jornal do Brasil, 8 May 1979.
20 See, e.g., his presentation of Bahia's Olga do Alaketo. Valladares, Impact of African Culture, 103–4. Valladares's text was published simultaneously in English, Portuguese, and French; I quote directly from the English.
21 Ibid., 39, 58, 83.
22 Renato Ortiz, Cultura brasileira, 96. On this “backward look,” see Burns, History of Brazil, 474–75.
23 Valladares, “Casas de Cultura,” Cultura 10 (April 1968): 58, cited in Renato Ortiz, Cultura brasileira, 100–101.
24 Valladares, Impact of African Culture, 108.
25 Ibid., 11, 15.
26 The letter appears in Abdias do Nascimento, “Sitiado em Lagos,” 321–32.
27 The original paper was reprinted in the leftist magazine Versus (São Paulo) in three installments: November 1977, p. 40; December–January 1977–78, pp. 40–41; and February 1978, p. 41. For a similar contemporaneous critique, see Dzidzienyo, Position of Blacks.
28 At one point during the FESTAC, Nascimento suggested that Brazilian representatives educate themselves on racial discrimination by reading a series of contemporary black activist periodicals: Tição (Porto Alegre); Jornegro and Cadernos Negros (São Paulo); and SINBA and Força Negra (Rio de Janeiro). Abdias do Nascimento, “Sitiado em Lagos,” 307.
29 Details about the CEAA in this paragraph are from my interview with José Maria Nunes Pereira on 21 February 2002, as well as from Helene Monteiro, “O ressurgimento,” 49–56, and José Maria Nunes Pereira, “Os estudos africanos,” 86–103.
30 Helene Monteiro, “O ressurgimento,” 56–57.
31 Interviews with Amauri Pereira and Carlos Alberto Medeiros, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 93–95, 88.
32 Skidmore, Politics of Military Rule.
33 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 190–91.
34 Helene Monteiro, “O ressurgimento,” 57–61; José Maria Nunes Pereira, “Os estudos africanos,” 109, 122. On Fanon's influence on this generation of black activists, see interview with Pereira, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 74–75.
35 Helene Monteiro, “O ressurgimento,” 58.
36 Interview with Paulo Roberto dos Santos, in ibid., 60–61.
37 On SINBA, see interview with Yedo Ferreira, in Contins, Lideranças negras, 467. On the IPCN, see interview with Pereira, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 196; and Helene Monteiro, “O ressurgimento,” 85.
38 Interview with Pereira, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 37–39. The “two-thirds” law was Vargas's law of December 1930 requiring all Brazilian industrial firms to employ Brazilian nationals as at least two-thirds of their total workforce.
39 Interview with Ferreira, in ibid., 136–37.
40 Interview with Pereira, in ibid., 139.
41 SINBA occasionally received articles from its “international contributor,” Thierno Gueye (a Senegalese friend of the organization who traveled abroad frequently), or from other black activists, like Joel Rufino dos Santos or Léa Garcia.
42 Interview with Pereira, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 128.
43 Araujo, A utopia fragmentada, 171.
44 “Comunicado,” July 1977, 7; and “A volta,” April 1979, 1. All articles cited in this section are from SINBA, unless otherwise noted.
45 “O que é a África?,” July 1977, 5.
46 “Definição de termos,” September 1980, 5. See also their critique of what passed for Afro-Brazilian culture in the FESTAC: “Quem deveria ter representado o Brasil no Festival de Arte Negra na Nigéria?,” July 1977, 4.
47 “Movimento negro e o culturalismo,” March 1980, 3; and “Por quê o Black-Rio incomoda?,” July 1977, 6.
48 “Movimento negro e o culturalismo,” March 1980, 3.
49 Ibid.
50 “O que é a África?,” July 1977, 5.
51 “Movimento negro e o culturalismo,” March 1980, 3. See also “Reflexão,” March 1980, 4.
52 “O que o Brasil tem a ver com Idi Amin?,” April 1979, 2.
53 Ibid.
54 “Apartheid é o regime racista da África do Sul,” April 1979, 2.
55 “Depoimento de um líder estudantil de Soweto,” July 1977, 1.
56 See “Comércio Brasil-África do Sul,” “A pergunta que Helmut Schimidt não respondeu,” “Irã, lição e exemplo,” and “Imprensa Livre,” April 1979, 2, 7.
57 “Afinal, quem tem razão?,” April 1979, 4.
58 On discrimination on a range of fronts, see “O racismo nosso de cada dia,” August 1979, 6; March 1980, 6; September 1980, 6; “Violência” and “Racismo e controle da natalidade,” March 1980, 2, 5; “Lei Afonso Arinos,” “A diretora que não sabia,” and “Da olimpíada para a cadeia,” September 1980, 6; and “Má companhia,” April 1979, 6. For critiques of the hypocrisy of Brazilian racism, see “Definição de termos,” March 1980, 3; and “O Hitler negro,” April 1979, 6. On Freyre's ideas of racial harmony, see “Homenagem póstuma,” March 1980, 8; “Descanse em paz,” September 1980, 4; and “Comentário,” September 1980, 4.
59 “Repressão e racismo,” March 1980, 5. See also “Racismo do Brasil e da África do Sul,” September 1980, 5.
60 “O Brasil e o apartheid: Exemplo de dois Estados voltados contra seus próprios povos,” in “Seminário sobre o racismo e o apartheid na África austral,” September 1980, 7. See also “Faz o que eu mando, não faz o que eu faço,” March 1980, 7.
61 “Movimento Negro e consciência,” April 1979, 3. See also, in the same issue, “Um negro após a ascensão,” 4; and another installment of “Movimento Negro e consciência,” August 1979, 3.
62 Semog and Nascimento, Abdias Nascimento, 164–65.
63 For an example of one prominent activist's transition from the Left to the independent black movement, see Gonzalez, “O movimento negro,” 31–33, and interview with Gonzalez, in Pereira and Hollanda, Patrulhas ideológicas, 202–12.
64 “Movimento Negro, um movimento social,” September 1980, 3. In March 1980, SINBA ran an article advocating black activists’ distance from the process of party reformulation. Only the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party) had even addressed the issue of race, the article argued; others either did not care about blacks or did not want to deal with “minority” questions. “Movimento negro e a reformulação partidária,” March 1980, 1. See also Ferreira and Pereira, O movimento negro.
65 “Movimento Negro e Consciência,” April 1979, 3.
66 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 159–60.
67 “Item cor: Quem será contra?,” August 1979, 4.
68 The headline for their September 1980 issue was “Censo 80: Exemplo de mistificação de um Estado racista.” For more on the census campaign, and especially its articulation with other black activist groups in Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, see Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 202; and Nobles, Shades of Citizenship, 115–19.
69 Telles, Race in Another America, 82. The survey yielded the following percentages among major color categories: white (branco), 41.9%; black (preto and negro), 7.6%; pardo, 7.6%; and moreno, 34.4%. Nobles, Shades of Citizenship, 113–14.
70 “Não basta apenas a inclusão do item COR,” August 1979, 3.
71 “Definições de termos,” April 1979, 3.
72 Nobles, Shades of Citizenship, 115–19.
73 Ibid., 105.
74 Helene Monteiro, “O ressurgimento,” 84–85.
75 On Rio's political police, see Darién J. Davis, “Arquivos das Polícias”; and APERJ, Os arquivos das polícias políticas.
76 On the tendency of the secret police during the Estado Novo to read black activism as communism, see Carneiro and Kossoy, A imprensa confiscada, 54–55. See also chapter 3 in this book, n. 87.
77 One report, for instance, referred to the “black racist movement in Brazil.” “Carlos Miguel Cabo Verde,” 11 February 1977, DGIE 259, 46–40. (The citations for these APERJ files will follow the above format: subject, date, sector and folder number, and page numbers, which are in descending order in the original documents.) See also “Racismo negro,” 18 May 1977, DGIE 258, 629–22; and “Racismo negro,” 25 April 1977, DGIE 258, 632.
78 “Sociedade de Intercâmbio Brasil-África,” 14 October 1977, DGIE 252, 160.
79 “Treinamento de guerrilheiros brasileiros em Angola,” 18 October 1976, Comunismo 148, 233. See also a similar (earlier) investigation of Brazilian guerrilla fighters training in Algiers and Cuba, allegedly making contact along the way with Cape Verde and Guinea-Bissau's PAIGC, Angola's MPLA, the Frente de Libertação of Portugal, and Algeria's El Fatah. “Grupo da Ilha,” 3 April 1972, Secreto 104, 410.
80 “Centro de Informação e Documentação Anticolonial (CIDAC): Portugal; Centro de Estudos Afro-Asiáticos; Referência: José Maria Nunes Pereira,” DOPS 226, 69 (subpages A–O) and 386.
81 “Contatos PCB/FRELIMO,” 11 June 1980, Comunismo 156, 319–18. See also “Frelimo—Moçambique—Portugal,” Comunismo 159, 223.
82 For example, one “Pedido de busca,” or search request, targeted a Seminar on Racism and Apartheid in Southern Africa, to take place in May 1980 (one of the planned lectures was “Brazil and Apartheid”). Police were instructed to gather the names of speakers and the subjects of their speeches, estimate the number of people at each event, and indicate who sponsored the seminar, as well as identify any known leftists, politicians, or clergymen present. “1° Seminário Sobre o Racismo e o Apartheid na África Austral,” 20 May 1980, DGIE 291, 439, and 428. See also “‘Moçambique: Primeira Machambas’—Livro de Propaganda,” 20 July and 20 May 1977, DGIE 226-A, 34–23.
83 Gonzalez, “O movimento negro,” 35–37.
84 Quoted in Helene Monteiro, “O ressurgimento,” 97.
85 Interview with Pereira, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 139–40; Helene Monteiro, “O ressurgimento,” 84–86, 100–101.
86 “Quem somos?,” Boletim do IPCN, June 1975, 1. All articles cited in this section are from the Boletim do IPCN, unless otherwise noted.
87 “O que queremos,” June 1975, 1.
88 “Olorun Baba Min [sic] para a Nigéria,” June 1975, 1.
89 B. do Nascimento, “Zumbi de N'Gola Djanga,” July 1977, 1. Nascimento was also the founder of a smaller black student organization at the UFF, the Grupo de Trabalho André Rebouças. The Arquivo Nacional now holds her papers, including several GTAR publications (Fundo 2D, “Maria Beatriz do Nascimento”). Nascimento was murdered in Rio in 1995 while attempting to defend a friend from an armed man.
90 “Racismo Negro,” 18 May 1977, DGIE 258, 629–22.
91 “O que queremos,” June 1975, 1.
92 Ibid.
93 “O negro e a história,” July 1976, 3.
94 B. do Nascimento, “Zumbi de N'Gola Djanga,” July 1977, 1.
95 “O canto universal da negritude,” July 1976, 5.
96 See Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 212–18.
97 “Racismo Negro,” 18 May 1977, DGIE 258, 629–22.
98 On the Black Rio phenomenon, see Alberto, “When Rio Was Black”; McCann, “Black Pau”; Dunn, Brutality Garden, 177–87; and Hermano Vianna, O mundo funk carioca.
99 Lena Frias, “Black Rio: O orgulho (importado) de ser negro no Brasil,” Jornal do Brasil, 17 July 1976; Tárik de Souza, “Soul: Sociologia e mercado,” Jornal do Brasil, 27 August 1976; Tarlis Batista, “Os Blacks no embalo do soul,” Manchete, 11 September 1976; Roberto M. Moura, “Carta aberta ao Black-Rio,” O Pasquim, 2–8 September 1977. I develop the cultural politics of leftist nationalism further in Alberto, “When Rio Was Black,” 18–20.
100 “Racismo,” O Globo, 26 April 1977; Ibraim de Leve, “‘Black Power’ no Brasil,” O Globo, 1 October 1977 (who explained that “no Brasil não existe racismo”); and Gilberto Freyre's article denouncing soul as separatist and un-Brazilian, “Atenção Brasileiros,” Diário de Pernambuco (Recife), 15 May 1977. A secret police report noted the soul bands’ “nomes . . . bombásticos,” like Black Power, as it tried to discern whether the phenomenon constituted a political threat. “Black Rio,” DGIE 252, 22 July 1976, 10.
101 “Black Rio,” DGIE 252, 22 July 1976, 10.
102 Quoted in “Black Rio,” Um e Meio (supplement of the Jornal do Commercio), 20–21 November 1977.
103 Boletim do IPCN, July 1976; Paulo Roberto dos Santos, quoted in Helene Monteiro, “O ressurgimento,” 76.
104 The MAM at this time was a site of cultural innovation and opposition to the regime, also closely watched by the police for “subversive” activities held there. DGIE 252, 125–22, 30.
105 Paulo Roberto dos Santos, quoted in Helene Monteiro, “O ressurgimento,” 83.
106 “Boletim do Instituto de Pesquisas das Culturas Negras,” 9 January 1978, DGIE 252, 197.
107 From Boletim do IPCN, July 1977, 1; accompanying report “Boletim do Instituto de Pesquisas das Culturas Negras,” 9 January 1978, DGIE 252, 197; Boletim comprises pages 196–89.
108 The list of organizations included local and national entities like the CEAA (Rio de Janeiro), the Afro-Brazilian Chamber of Commerce (São Paulo), and the carnival group Filhos de Gandhi (Salvador da Bahia). “Racismo Negro,” 18 May 1977, DGIE 258, 629–22.
109 Ibid.
110 “Braço forte,” from Boletim do IPCN, July 1977, 1, accompanying report “Boletim do Instituto de Pesquisas das Culturas Negras,” 9 January 1978, DGIE 252, 197.
111 “Racismo Negro,” 18 May 1977, DGIE 258, 629–22. I have found no evidence of funds from the soul dances being used to support the IPCN's activities.
112 Interview with Pereira, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 141. Scholars sympathetic to civil rights struggles in the United States would later reverse the political valence of these different international affiliations, highlighting the soul phenomenon's embrace of a distinctly “black,” U.S.-derived aesthetic as one of the most radical moments of racial consciousness in Brazil. See, e.g., Hanchard, Orpheus and Power, 111–19; and Mitchell, “Blacks and the Abertura.” In these accounts, however, SINBA's overtures toward a politicized Africa are lost, especially in Hanchard's study, which sees SINBA as succumbing to “the path of unchartered culturalism” in its focus on Africa (88–90).
113 Interview with Pereira, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 141.
114 “A volta,” SINBA, April 1979, 1. The fact that the IPCN received funding from U.S. sources, whereas SINBA (proudly) did not, partly explains the first group's greater security and longevity. See Hanchard, Orpheus and Power, 89; and Moutinho, “Negociando discursos,” esp. chap. 1.
115 See, e.g., the IPCN's list of yearly activities in Boletim do IPCN, July 1976, 1; and Centro de Estudos Afro-Asiáticos, “CEAA: Cinco anos.”
116 An IPCN Boletim for 1984 lists the previous year's committee of directors as composed of the two most prominent SINBA members: Amauri Mendes Pereira and Yedo Ferreira.
117 Caldwell, Negras in Brazil, chap. 6; álvarez, Engendering Democracy, chap. 4.
118 Cited in Gonzalez, “O movimento negro.”
119 Unsigned, “A omissão da mulher negra,” SINBA, August 1979, 4.
120 Gonzalez, “O movimento negro,” 34–35.
121 Interview with Pereira, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 196.
122 Unsigned, “A omissão da mulher negra,” SINBA, August 1979, 4; Léa Garcia, “Ação das mulheres negras,” and Pedrina de Deus, “Mulher negra e as lutas feministas,” SINBA, March 1980, 4.
123 “Comunicação mulheres,” and L. Garcia, “Ação das mulheres negras,” in SINBA, March 1980, 8, 4.
124 On these groups, including the Nzinga/Coletivo de Mulheres Negras (1983) in which Lélia Gonzalez participated, see Caldwell, Negras in Brazil, 157–61.
125 Interview with Gonzalez, in Pereira and Hollanda, Patrulhas ideológicas, 211.
126 In ibid.
127 Risério, “Carnaval,” 90–93; Risério, Carnaval ijexá, 47–70; Daniel Crowley, African Myth, 20–21.
128 Risério, Carnaval ijexá, 24; Bairros, “Pecados no ‘paraíso racial,’” 290–92.
129 Bairros, “Pecados no ‘paraíso racial,’” 294, 305–6.
130 Risério, Carnaval ijexá, 27–37; Sansone, Blackness without Ethnicity, chap. 4.
131 Reggae also became very popular in Bahia beginning in the mid-1970s, thanks in great part to the recordings of Bahian artist Gilberto Gil. Dunn, Brutality Garden, 184–87.
132 Quoted in Risério, Carnaval ijexá, 38.
133 Interview with Vovô, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 143–44.
134 See, e.g., “Bloco racista, nota destoante,” A Tarde, 12 February 1975; reprinted in Jônatas da Silva, “História de lutas negras,” 279.
135 Interview with Vovô, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 144.
136 Risério, Carnaval ijexá, 40–43.
137 Ibid., 58.
138 On positive representations of the Mãe Preta in Candomblé, see Matory, Black Atlantic Religion, 200–203.
139 Eliézer Gómez Guimarães, “Senhora, Mãe Preta do Brasil e Iyanasô do Reino de Oyó, na Nigéria,” A Tarde, 28 March 1970 (special supplement).
140 Agier, “As Mães Pretas.”
141 Bule Bule and Onildo Barbosa, “Mãe Preta foi e é ama, mestra, e protetora,” quoted in ibid., 198–200.
142 Interview with Vovô, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 238.
143 On this dynamic, see Pinho, Mama Africa.
144 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 191–92.
145 Interview with Cuti (Luiz Silva), in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 77.
146 See, e.g., “Imprensa x África,” July 1978, 8; “Todos querem salvar a África: Por quê?,” March 1978, 8; “Apartheid: Racismo e exploração,” May 1978, 8, all in Jornegro.
147 “O sítio racista,” Jornegro, no. 6 [no month], 1979, 15.
148 For instance, “Aqui ninguém tem nome,” March 1978, 4–5; “Abolição?,” May 1978, 6; “E a vida continua . . .,” July 1978, 2; “O asfalto e a favela,” November 1978, 2; and “Alto falante de Campinas,” no. 6 [no month], 1979, 4, all in Jornegro.
149 “James Brown,” November 1978, 8; “E depois do Black Pau?,” July 1978, 5; “Agora falando soul,” May 1978, 1, 4–5; “Gilberto Gil,” no. 7 [no month], 1979, all in Jornegro.
150 “Apresentação,” Cadernos Negros, no. 1, 25 November 1978, cited in Gonzalez, “O movimento negro,” 25. See also “África, poesia e vida,” Jornegro, November 1978, 6.
151 Other important organizations at the time include the Clube Coimbra (with its publication, árvore das Palavras) and the Grupo de Divulgação e Arte Negra (and its journal GANA). Their journals (which also included frequent articles on African politics and culture) were available at the time of my research in the extensive black press collection at the Centro de Estudos Afro-Asiáticos, Universidade Cândido Mendes, though this collection appears to have gone missing during the transfer of the CEAA's collections to the UCAM library. On the Clube Coimbra, see the interview with Flávio Jorge Rodrigues da Silva, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 164–65.
152 See Hanchard, Orpheus and Power, 122–25.
153 “África,” Versus, March 1979, 37.
154 Untitled, Versus, March–April 1978, 42.
155 Rio's Abdias do Nascimento is an obvious exception to this pattern, but his exile limited his ability to mentor young activists for much of the 1970s.
156 Silva and Leite, E disse, 168, 194.
157 Interview with Aristides Barbosa, in Barbosa, Frente Negra Brasileira, 27–29; Silva and Leite, E disse, 170–71.
158 Interviews with Ivair Alves dos Santos and Cuti, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 90–91.
159 E. Oliveira e Oliveira, “Uma quinzena do negro,” in Governo do Estado de São Paulo, Secretaria de Cultura, Ciência e Tecnologia, Pinacoteca do Estado, “Na Pinacoteca do Estado, ‘A imprensa negra em São Paulo’ (13 maio–26 junho 1977)” (exhibition booklet).
160 See, e.g., O. Camargo, “Pequeno mapa da poesia negra,” July 1977, 31–33 (on poets Lino Guedes and Gervásio de Moraes); “Imprensa negra,” August–September 1977, 33; “A Frente Negra Brasileira,” February 1978, 40 (including an interview with Francisco Lucrécio), all in Versus.
161 Interview with Cuti, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 91–92. The book is Silva and Leite, E disse.
162 For an overview of these projects, see Silva and Leite, E disse, 197.
163 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 193.
164 Interview with Milton Barbosa, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 150–51; Gonzalez, “Unified Black Movement,” 123–25. On the emergence of the MNU, see also Hanchard, Orpheus and Power, 125–29; Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 193–94; Abdias do Nascimento and Elisa Larkin Nascimento, “Reflexões sobre o movimento negro”; and Elisa Larkin Nascimento, Pan-africanismo, 215–18.
165 Interview with Pereira, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 159; Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 194.
166 Cited in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 159–60.
167 Gonzalez, “Unified Black Movement,” 125.
168 Ibid., 128–29.
169 See, e.g., interviews with Pereira and Flávio Jorge Rodrigues da Silva, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 93–95, 98.
170 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 215–16.
171 Ibid.
172 F. Penteado, Program of the 104th Anniversary of the Law of the Free Womb, cited in J. Minka and N. M. Pereira, “28 de setembro,” Versus, September 1977, 28.
173 J. Minka and N. M. Pereira, “28 de setembro,” Versus, September 1977, 28. See also the article by Hamilton Cardoso, editor of Versus’s “Afro-Latino-América” section, “Branco e sem mácula,” Isto é, 26 September 1979.
174 Interview with Ivair Alves dos Santos, in Alberti and Pereira, Histórias do movimento negro, 201.
1 For an overview, see Mitchell, “Blacks and the Abertura”; Barcelos, “Struggling in Paradise”; Hanchard, Orpheus and Power; and Abdias do Nascimento and Elisa Larkin Nascimento, “Reflexões sobre o movimento negro.”
2 Telles, Race in Another America, 50.
3 Ibid., 48–49; Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 204–7. On blacks in the Brazilian legislature, see Ollie Johnson, “Racial Representation.”
4 Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 211–33; Hanchard, Orpheus and Power, 142–54.
5 This campaign received funding from the U.S.-based Ford Foundation. Nobles, Shades of Citizenship, 151. U.S. foundations’ aid to black organizations in Brazil has provided more ammunition to those who see these groups as imitative or un-Brazilian. Andrews, Blacks and Whites, 495. For the latest version of this critique, and a lucid counterpoint, see Bourdieu and Wacquant, “On the Cunning of Imperialist Reason”; and Telles, “U.S. Foundations.”
6 So will the 2010 census, according to “IBGE inicia contagem regressiva para o censo 2010”: <www.ibge.gov.br/home/presidencia/noticias/noticia_visualiza.php?id_noticia=1602&id_pagina=1>, accessed 6 May 2010.
7 Despite the fact that the percentages of Brazilians identifying as preto or branco have decreased over time, branco remains the category chosen by the majority of Brazilians (54% in the 2000 census), while those choosing preto are in the single digits (6.1% in 2000). Nobles, Shades of Citizenship, 160. (Figures for the 2000 census are from Telles, Race in Another America, 45.)
8 The percentages decreased from 5.9% in 1980 to 5% in 1991. Nobles, Shades of Citizenship, 160.
9 Telles, Race in Another America, 105.
10 Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada website, “2010: Ano da maioria absoluta de negros,” <www.ipea.gov.br/005/00502001.jsp?ttCD_CHAVE=374&bt Imprimir=SIM>, accessed 6 May 2010.
11 For overviews of affirmative action policies, see Telles, Race in Another America, 58–77; Sérgio da Silva Martins, Carlos Alberto Medeiros, and Elisa Larkin Nascimento, “Paving Paradise: The Road from ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action in Brazil,” Journal of Black Studies 34, no. 6 (2004): 787–816; Htun, “From ‘Racial Democracy’ to Affirmative Action”; Reichmann, Race in Contemporary Brazil; and Heringer, “Mapeamento de ações e discursos.”
12 Telles, Race in Another America, 73–75.
13 For an example of this second viewpoint, see Fry et al., Divisões perigosas.
14 “Apresentação,” in Nascimento and Nascimento, Quilombo. See chapter 4 in this book for discussion.
15 Sheriff, Dreaming Equality.
16 Telles, Race in Another America, 63–73.