THE BIN LADEN FAMILY AND FRIENDS

Osama bin Laden as well as many of his al Qaeda operatives are Saudis. And this makes for a very troublesome aspect to the War on Terrorism.
To understand the problem, one must understand that the United States, and perhaps most of the industrialized world, is immeasurably dependent on the eight major oil fields of Saudi Arabia. Loss of even a significant portion of this petroleum could mean unthinkable consequences to the economy of both America and the world.
Control over this much-needed energy source is concentrated in one ruling family, a family with longstanding and well-documented ties to major oil players including the Bush family.
Media reports to the contrary, Osama bin Laden still receives financial support from his family even if they do not agree with his views and actions.
According to the PBS biography, most of the bin Ladens are faithful Muslims, who are taught that it is a sin to keep something that is not rightfully yours. Whether they agree with their sibling or not, they sincerely believe that bin Laden's share of the family fortune rightfully belongs to him and they see that he receives his due.
So, while the bin Laden assets are held by other family members, who can rightfully argue that bin Laden owns none of it, his share of the family profits continue to go to him. Some family members support bin Laden because they feel it is their religious duty. Others are more circumspect, not wishing to offend the Saudi royals, while others still make no effort to hide the fact that they send bin Laden money.
Of all the nations that are the most probable sponsors of bin Laden, first place must go to Saudi Arabia, home of bin Laden, the fundamentalist Wahhabi sect, and the Saudi royal family, primary business partners of the Bush family. This may go far in explaining the dearth of reporting on the Saudis in the mainstream media.
In fact, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld tried to suppress a mid- 2002 special report by the Defense Department naming Saudi Arabia as the “kernel of evil” and stating that Saudi funds support most of the Middle East's terrorist groups because the Saudis have a vested interest in perpetuating tension in the region. According to federal whistle-blower Al Martin, “It has always been a guideline of Republican administrations, starting with Richard Nixon, to suppress the truth about Saudi Arabia.”
Likewise, as reported previously, by mid-2004, the Bush administration continued to drag its feet in supplying White House intelligence briefing documents to the 9/11 Commission. In July 2003, the Bush administration asked Congress to withhold 28 pages of its official 9/11 report. It was reported that the pages claimed there were ties between the Saudi government and the hijackers. The connection was through Saudi financiers Omar al Bayoumi and Osama Brassman, both of whom conducted business with Saudi government officials.
As previously noted, individual Saudis also became the defendants of a $1 trillion lawsuit filed on behalf of more than six hundred families of 9/11 victims in 2002. Since then, many more families have joined the suit raising the total number of persons involved to about 4,000. Yet to date this story has received scant mention in the mainstream media. The suit was filed by attorney Ron Motley of Charleston, South Carolina, best known for his landmark $350 billion settlement from the tobacco industry in the late 1990s.
“This has become a true mission for me,” said Motley. “The individuals that we've sued facilitated the events of September 11.” Liz Alderman of Armonk, New York, whose son Peter died in the WTC attack, said she joined the suit because “there is no other way for the truth to come out. I’ve learned and I believe that an awful lot of the funding that enabled the terrorists to attack America was provided by Saudi Arabia,” she said.
Two of the most prominent Saudis named in the suit were Prince Sultan bin Abdul Aziz al-Saud, Saudi Arabia's defense minister, and Prince Turki bin Faisal, a former intelligence chief and ambassador to Britain. The Saudi embassy in Washington had no comment on the suit, but, according to the New York Times, a State Department source said, “The Saudis have made their concerns known at a senior level [of the US government].”
The Times also reported that the Bush administration might well move to dismiss or delay the suit because it might damage the already strained relationship between the two countries. The paper made no mention of the close business relationships between the Saudis and the Bush family nor the fact that victims families have implored Bush not to block the suit.
In August 2003, Motley cleared his first major legal hurdle when a federal judge in Washington, D.C., refused to dismiss a Saudi bank, two large Muslim charities and two other defendants from the suit. The suit continued.
Lawyers for the Saudi defendants had argued that the charges against their clients was “guilt by association” but Motley countered by pointing out that under the new US anti-terrorism laws there is no demand to show a direct link to a crime. He said if a person or organization knowingly gives money to a terrorist group, that person or organization can be sued. Motley presented evidence that the chairman of the Al Rajhi bank had connections to Osama bin Laden's former personal secretary.
The stonewalling and obfuscation of the Bush administration toward 9/11 in general and the 9/11 Commission's emphasis on the Saudi funding of al Qaeda in particular proved too much for one victim's relative.
On November 26, 2003, Ellen Mariani, the whose husband, Louis Neil Mariani, was killed when Flight 175 struck the South Tower of the WTC, filed a $911 million plus damages class action civil suit in the United States District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. Defendants included President Bush, Vice President Cheney, Attorney General Ashcroft, Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld, CIA Director George Tenet, Transportation Secretary Mineta, National Security Adviser Rice and former President George Herbert Walker Bush. The suit was brought under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO), usually reserved for organized crime figures.
Interestingly, another defendant in the suit was Peter G. Peterson, chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR). The suit claims CFR members “are believed to have provided Defendant [Bush], et. al., while acting under color of federal law with critical national security advice not believed to be in the best interests of the Plaintiff [Mariani] and the American public.” In the conclusion to the suit, Mariani's attorney, Philip J. Berg wrote, “Defendants must be held to account for their actions prior to and after 9/11 for the good of our nation and our security. Anything less will render the United States Constitution and out leaders’ ritual vows ‘to preserve and protect our Constitution against all enemies, foreign and domestic’ meaningless.”
By 2005, personal conflicts had caused Mariani to withdraw from the suit which was then resubmitted by Berg, this time naming World Trade Center worker and rescue hero William Rodriguez as the plaintiff. (Rodriguez's eyewitness account of bombings in the basement levels of one of the towers is covered in Part I of this book.)
In yet another 9/11 legal development, on November 28, 2004 a group of New York City citizens including 9/11 family members and survivors formally submitted a Citizens Complaint and Petition to New York State Attorney General Eliot Spitzer. The complaint demanded that Spitzer's office open a criminal inquiry and/or grand jury investigation into “the many still unsolved crimes of 9/11, over which he has jurisdiction,” urging him to address “previously suppressed or ignored areas of inquiry identified by the 9/11 Family Steering Committee, 9/11 CitizensWatch and many independent researchers.” Spearheading the effort were activists from within the grassroots 9/11 truth movement, led by a national organization noted earlier called 911truth.org.
The lead complainants included Bob McIlvaine, who lost his son Robert in the World Trade Center collapse; Patricia Perry, who lost her son John, a New York City Police officer; William Rodriguez, the WTC maintenance worker and rescue effort hero mentioned previously; numerous other 9/11 family members and survivors; and a variety of activist organizations.
With such suits and complaints, and considering the quarrels between the 9/11 Commission and the Bush administration, it now seems probable that any state sponsorship of the 9/11 terrorists, outside or the US, must have come from Saudi Arabia.
US News & World Report quoted an unnamed government official who had read the congressional report as saying, “There is so much more stuff about Saudi government involvement, it would blow people's minds.”
This statement was clarified in that same issue by Florida Senator Bob Graham, co-chairman of the report committee. “The reality is that the [Saudi] foreign government was much more directly involved in not only the financing but the provision of support—transportation, housing and introduction to a network which gave support to the terrorists.” He added, “They were not rogue agents, [but] were being directed by persons of significant responsibility within the government.”
According to writer Craig Unger, who investigated the elder Bush's role in both the Iran-Contra and Iraqgate scandals, the estranged sister-in-law of Osama bin Laden, Carmen bin Laden, said she thought family members might have provided funds for Osama.
Saudi Arabia has long profited from its cozy relationship with American leaders. That nation profited most from the 1991 Gulf War. According to London's Financial Times, “Saudi Arabia oil revenues have tripled since mid-1990 because of the closure of production in Iraq and Kuwait.”
Interestingly enough, it was the elder Bush's own secret society—the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR)—that blew the whistle on his business partners and friends in Saudi Arabia. In a report issued in October 2002, a CFR task force reported that Saudi Arabian officials for years have ignored countrymen and Muslim charities that provided major funding for the al Qaeda network and that US officials had systematically refused to acknowledge this connection.
“Saudi nationals have always constituted a disproportionate percentage of al Qaeda's own membership; and al Qaeda's political message has long focused on issues of particular interest to Saudi nationals, especially those who are disenchanted with their own government,” stated the CFR report. Such connections are so numerous and documented that by late 2002 even the mass media began to question the Saudi role.
In his recent and widely noted book House of Bush, House of Saud: The Secret Relationship Between the World's Two Most Powerful Dynasties (Scribner: March 2004), author Unger argues that the seeds for 9/11 were planted nearly thirty years ago in a series of savvy business transactions that subsequently translated into a long-term political union between the Saudi royal family and the extended family of George H. W. Bush.
Unger's book begins with a single question: “How is it that two days after September 11, 2001, even as American air traffic was tightly restricted, a Saudi billionaire socialized in the White House with President George W. Bush as 140 Saudi citizens, many immediate kin to Osama Bin Laden, were permitted to return to their country?”
According to Unger's account, a potential treasure trove of intelligence was allowed to flee the country—including an alleged al Qaeda intermediary who was said to have foreknowledge of the 9/11 attacks. Unger asks: “Why did the FBI facilitate this evacuation without questioning these people? Why did Saudi Arabia, the birthplace of most of the hijackers, receive exclusive and preferential treatment from the White House even as the World Trade Center continued to burn?”
Saudi Arabia is not only in conflict over the politics but there are serious schisms within its religious community too. There is a serious division in the Muslim faith between the followers of the prophet Mohammed and its most extreme sect, the Wahhabi. The Wahhabis are taught that Jews are sub-humans who should be killed, while Muslims who have studied the Hadith, or Traditions, know that Mohammed married a Jewish woman and stated that faithful Jews would join Muslims in Paradise.
The most vicious opponents of Israel are the Wahhabis and there is one very good reason for their fear and anger. Statistics tell the tale. Literacy in the Arab world is below 50 percent. “Wahhabis are functionally illiterate, they cannot read about this conflict on their own. Typically, they memorize a few passages of the Koran taken out of context, and never read the accompanying Hadith for explanation,” noted author John Loftus.
Loftus said Muslim scholars and leaders do not speak out against the “primitive Wahhabi apostasy” because most Muslim mosques are impoverished and depend on Saudi subsidies. To the Saudi royalty, literacy and knowledge would mean an end to their domination, so for years they have funded anyone who might aid their cause.
Why? Israel's literacy rate is 97 percent and it is the only nation in the Middle East that allows Arab women to vote. “To the Saudis, a democratic Palestinian nation would be a cancer in the Arab world, a destabilizing example of freedom that would threaten Arab dictators everywhere,” explained Loftus, an attorney who has represented a number of federal whistle-blowers within the US intelligence community.
As information slowly leaked to the public, more and more attention was drawn to the role of the Saudis in supporting terrorism. In early October, the congressional committee investigating the 9/11 attacks was shocked to hear testimony from FBI special agent Steven Butler concerning the bureau's knowledge of Saudi money going directly to two of the accused hijackers.
Butler said one of his confidential informants, Abdussattar Shaikh, rented rooms in San Diego to Khalid al-Midhar and Nawaf al-Hazmi, both accused of hijacking American Airlines Flight 77. Two other Saudi nationals, Osama Basnan and Omar al-Bayoumi, also aided the hijackers by paying their rent, helping to open a bank account and arranging flight training, despite the fact that both had been charged with visa fraud.
Agent Butler also said he alerted his superiors in the FBI about this money flow but it went nowhere. Perhaps this inaction was due to evidence that at least some of the funding of the two terrorists came from the Saudi embassy. It was reported that Princess Haifa bint Faisal, wife of the Saudi ambassador, wrote cashier checks to Bayoumi, which were believed to have been passed along to the hijackers al-Midhar and alHazmi.
The worldwide banking connections of the Saudis—including banks controlled by globalist financiers—make untangling their funds difficult. For example, The National Commerce Bank in Saudi Arabia maintains a correspondent bank relationship with JP Morgan Chase as well as the Bank of America, according to the worldwide bank database, bankersalmanac. com. Correspondent banks act like branch banks, offering a variety of services including payments, wire transfers and stock trades. US officials charged that National Commerce Bank was used by wealthy Saudi businessman Yasin al-Qadi to funnel money to the al Qaeda network through a charity called the Muwafaq Foundation.
Jeff Hershberger, a spokesman for Bank of America, declined to say if the bank had a relationship with the Saudi bank, but Kristin Lemkau, speaking on behalf of JP Morgan, confirmed that her bank had a correspondent relationship with the Saudi bank.
The business circles involving the Saudis have grown to include the Bush family in Texas.
“The famous Saudi family [bin Laden] and the Bushes of Texas moved in similar financial circles down in Houston,” noted the Austin American-Statesman in late 2001. In 1973, the oldest son of the bin Laden clan, Salem bin Laden—though at the time he spelled it Binladen or Binladin—came to Texas to recruit his father's former pilot to fly the family's corporate jet. Soon, Salem became involved in a number of Texas businesses, including ownership of a small Houston airport, a San Antonio aviation services company and a home in a San Antonio suburb called Enchanted Valley.
Under a policy of primogeniture [the first born gains the inheritance], only the oldest bin Laden son has control of the family fortune. This is the same method with which the European Rothschilds have managed to maintain their immense wealth over the centuries. Salem bin Laden then represented his family's fortune.
When Salem found that his father's old pilot, Gerald Auerbach of San Antonio, did not want to leave Texas, he established Binladen Aviation at San Antonio International Airport and put Auerbach in charge. Salem also purchased a lot from Auerbach in Kingsland, Texas, and built a house there. “I had owned [the lot] for several years, but I couldn't afford to build a house myself,” Auerbach told a news reporter. “I really think he did it for me. He let us use it when he wasn't there.” He added that Salem would jet into Texas for brief stays two or three times a year.
After 9/11, just up the road from the house once used by Salem bin Laden, there were clumps of American flags with a sign reading, “Bomb bin Laden!”
According to a Texas news article, “Had it not been played out in the Middle East, the bin Laden family story could have been pure Texas—a business dynasty linked to power, politics and big money. Besides its business ties to the Lone Star state, the family acquired holdings that range from waterfront condos in Boston to property in California to holdings in medical research firms and a US private investment firm to which former President Bush serves as an adviser [the Carlyle Group].
“The family's high-level connections were longstanding and well-known: The former President visited the bin Laden family in Saudi Arabia in 1998 and 2000.”
Incredibly, the evidence also indicates that George W. Bush was put into the oil business by bin Laden money.
According to several published reports, Bush family friend James R. Bath used money from Osama bin Laden's brother to open a partnership with George W. Bush in Arbusto Energy, a West Texas drilling company.
Bath and the younger Bush had served together in the Texas Air National Guard. Later, according to The Houston Chronicle, Salem bin Laden named Bath his business representative in Texas shortly after the senior Bush was named CIA director by appointed President Gerald Ford in 1975. According to Texas court and financial records, Bath, a Houston entrepreneur, represented Salem bin Laden in such business deals as the $92 million customization of a Boeing 747 jet for use by the Saudi royal family and the purchase of the single-runway Houston Gulf Airport.
In 1992, Bath came under investigation by federal authorities for lobbying illegally for Saudi interests but nothing came of the inquiry. But, in sworn depositions, Bath acknowledged he represented four prominent Saudis, including Salem, as a trustee and used his name on their investments in return for a 5 percent commission on each deal. Bath, whose resume stated he handled all North American investments and operations for Sheikh Salem bin Laden, has consistently declined to discuss his business dealings for the record.
“Throughout Salem bin Laden's dealings in Texas, he cloaked himself in third parties and offshore companies that gave few clues to his identity,” wrote Mike Ward of the Austin American-Statesman. “Other Texas investments were listed in the names of trustees, not Salem.” Documents that are normally public, such as aviation, registration and other records that might provide more detail about the bin Laden family connections in Texas, have been denied to the public on the orders of Attorney General John Ashcroft in the wake of 9/11.
Salem bin Laden had a keen interest in aviation and it proved his undoing. On May 29, 1988, the forty-two-year-old flying enthusiast went up in an ultra-light craft that suddenly and inexplicably veered into power lines. He was pronounced dead after being rushed to San Antonio's Brooke Army Medical Center.
Another prominent Saudi represented by Bath was Sheikh Khalid bin Mahfouz, former CEO of National Commerce Bank, Saudi Arabia's largest bank and the one most closely associated with the royal family. It has already been noted that this bank is one that US authorities have identified as a conduit to the al Qaeda terrorist network. Sheikh Khalid bin Mahfouz was one of several Saudi defendants named in the one trillion dollar lawsuit filed in 2002 by attorney Motley, representing more than six hundred families of 9/11 victims.
Mahfouz was described by author J.H. Hatfield as a “deal broker whose alleged associations run from the CIA to a major shareholder and director of the Bank of Credit & Commerce International (BCCI). BCCI was closed down in July 1991, amid charges of multibillion-dollar fraud and worldwide news reports that the institution had been involved in covert intelligence work, drug money laundering, arms brokering, bribery of government officials and aid to terrorists.”
The wealthy Saudi also reportedly paid $200 million for Dallas's Texas Commerce Bank Tower in 1985, which cost only $140 million to build. This deal not only helped cash-strapped Texas oilmen at the time but also benefited the founders of Texas Commerce Bank, the family of James Baker, former Secretary of State under President George H. W. Bush. Mahfouz, Bath and former Texas Governor John Connally were also partners in Houston's Main Bank, according to Time magazine reporter Jonathan Beaty.
In the early 1980s, Bath was listed as a $50,000, 5 percent investor in two limited oil exploration partnerships controlled by George W. Bush. This venture, Arbusto Energy, evolved into Harken Energy. The Bush White House has consistently argued that the money invested in Arbusto Energy belonged to Bath, not bin Laden. However, several researchers have maintained that Bath at the time could not have had this kind of money to invest. This was supported by Bath's former business partner, Charles W. White of Houston.
White said, based on his knowledge of Bath's finances at the time coupled with Bath's financial records filed during a divorce, that Bath had no substantial money of his own at the time the investment was made. In an interview with Beaty, White described a variety of backroom business deals with Bath, rich Arabs, Texas wheeler-dealers and the now defunct Bank of Credit & Commerce International (BCCI).
“You have to understand that they thought I was one of them,” White explained. “Bath told me he was in the CIA. He told me he had been recruited by George Bush [Sr.] himself in 1976, when Bush was director of the agency. This made sense to me, especially in light of what I had seen once we went into business together. Bath and George, Jr., were pals and flew together in the same Air National Guard unit, and Bath lived just down the street from the Bush family when George, Sr., was living in Houston. He said Bush wanted him involved with the Arabs, and to get into the aviation business.
“That's how Bath, who didn't know anything about the aviation business, became one of the biggest jet aviation dealers in the country within a couple of years. Look, here's a Boeing he's leasing to the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company. That's a multimillion-dollar jet. That's how he became a representative for Sheikh Khalid bin Mahfouz, whose family controls the National Commerce Bank of Saudi Arabia.”
White also said Bath was investigated by the DEA in the 1970s. He was suspected of flying currency to the Cayman Islands. Nothing came of the investigation when no evidence of drug involvement was found. It was at this same time that Main Bank, according to Beaty, “made the news when a bank examiner discovered that it was purchasing $100 million in hundred-dollar bills each month from the Federal Reserve, an amount that dwarfed its minuscule asset base.”
While representing Mahfouz's business interests in Texas, Bath had racked up more than $12 million in contract overruns by overcharging for aviation fuel at his Southwest Aviation Services company at Houston's Ellington Field.
According to an October 28, 1991, report in Time magazine, Southwest Aviation in 1990 was charging government military aircraft—including then President Bush's Air Force One—anywhere from twenty-two to more than forty cents per gallon more than the Air National Guard base at Ellington was paying for jet fuel. The article pointed out that each time Bush's government-owned jet landed at Ellington, it was serviced by Bath's company rather than the lower-priced government facility. Houston Post reporter John Mecklin estimated that between 1985 and 1989, the Department of Defense paid Mahfouz's agent Bath more than $16.2 million for fuel under government contracts that should have cost $3.6 million.
In 1990, the same year Southwest Aviation was overcharging the government and Bush for fuel, the President drew a “line in the sand” to block Iraqi intrusion into Saudi Arabia. It is interesting to note that this line was located between the Iraqi forces and the Harken oil interests owned by his son, then soon-to-be Texas Governor George W. Bush.
The president's eldest son was a $50,000-a-year “consultant” to and a board member of Harken Energy Corp. of Grand Prairie, Texas, near the home of the Texas Rangers baseball team of which Bush was a managing general partner.
It should be noted that while connected to Harken in the late 1980s, the younger Bush received low-interest loans from the company while he served as a director and most certainly benefited from insider transactions. Ironically, Bush denounced similar shenanigans in mid-2002 following the scandals of Enron and WorldCom. One Bush official explained, “Corporate officers should not be able to treat a public company like their own personal bank.”
According to filings with the Securities and Exchange Commission, the low-interest Harken loans totaled more than $180,000 and allowed Bush to purchase 105,000 shares of stock through a stock option program for senior company officials.
In January 1991, just days before Desert Storm was launched, Harken shocked the oil industry by announcing an oil-production agreement with the small island nation of Bahrain, a former British protectorate and a haven for international bankers just off the coast of Saudi Arabia in the Persian Gulf. Harken Energy, of which President Bush was a director from 1986 to 1993, formed an offshore subsidiary in September 1989 in the Cayman Islands. The subsidiary, Harken Bahrain Energy Company, was set up in anticipation of the company's venture drilling for oil off the coast of Bahrain.
Veteran oilmen wondered aloud how unknown Harken, with no previous drilling experience, obtained such a potentially lucrative deal. Furthermore, it was reported that “Harken's investments in the area will be protected by a 1990 agreement Bahrain signed with the US allowing American and ‘multi-national’ forces to set up permanent bases in that country.”
Through a tangled web of Texas oilmen, wealthy Saudi sheiks and unscrupulous bankers connected to BCCI, the younger Bush eventually gained a sizable interest in Harken Energy. Two months before Saddam Hussein sent Iraqi troops into Kuwait, Bush sold two-thirds of his Harken stock, netting himself nearly a one-million-dollar profit. The stock dropped when the Iraqi invasion began.
In October 1990, the younger Bush told Houston Post reporter Peter Brewton that accusations that his father ordered troops to the area to protect Harken drilling rights was “a little far-fetched.” He further claimed he sold his Harken stock before the Iraqi invasion but Brewton could find no record of the sale in the files of the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC).
Records of Bush's Harken stock sale finally turned up in March 1991, eight months after the July 10, 1990, SEC deadline for filing such disclosures. One week after Saddam's troops entered Kuwait, Harken stock had dropped to $3.03 a share. The tardy SEC records revealed that by some good fortune, Bush had sold 66 percent of his Harken stock on June 22, 1990—just before the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on August 2—for the top-dollar price of $4 a share, netting him $848,560.
Common business interests brought the Bush and bin Laden families a special closeness. An Austin American-Statesman article detailed both the financial and social connections between the two families, stating “Binladens traveled in same financial circles as Bush.” It should be remembered that from 1989 to 1993, it was the Bush family, particularly Jeb and Neil, who were involved in the savings and loan debacle that cost taxpayers more than $500 billion.
It also should be noted that during the Persian Gulf War, it was Binladen Brothers Construction [now the Binladen Group] that helped build airfields for US aircraft. The bin Laden brothers were then described as “a good friend of the US government.”
Later the bin Laden firm continued to construct an American air base in Saudi Arabia despite the fact that Osama bin Laden had already been blamed for terrorist acts such as the truck bombing of the Khobar Towers at the Dhahran base that killed nineteen Americans. A WorldNetDaily writer commented, “So let's get this straight. Bin Laden blows up our facilities, and his family gets the contract for rebuilding them. Do you get the feeling there is more going on than meets the eye?”
The Bank of Credit & Commerce International (BCCI)—another joint business endeavor of the Bushes and bin Ladens—was closed by federal investigators in 1991 after suffering some $10 billion in losses. BCCI was a Pakistani-run institution with front companies in the Cayman Islands that used secret accounts for global money laundering and was used by US intelligence to funnel money to bin Laden and the Mujahideen in Afghanistan fighting against the Soviet-backed government. During this struggle in Afghanistan, the Binladen Group joined other wealthy Saudis in an effort that came to be known as “the Golden Chain,” which helped create the al Qaeda network.
Kahlid bin Mahfouz, mentioned earlier as a major player with well-to-do Texas oilmen, owned a controlling interest in BCCI. It has been called the most corrupt financial institution in history. The interconnections between BCCI and Bush's Harken Energy prompted a Wall Street Journal writer in 1991 to comment, “The number of BCCI-connected people who had dealings with Harken—all since George W. Bush came on board—likewise raises the question of whether they mask an effort to cozy up to a president's son.”
Another close connection between bin Laden and the Bush family is a private international investment firm known as the Carlyle Group, which in 2006 boasted the management of more than $34 billion. Although it has renovated its website since the September 11 attacks, it is known that Carlyle directors include former Reagan Secretary of Defense Frank Carlucci, former Bush secretary of state James Baker and former Reagan aide and GOP operative Richard Darman. The New York Times reported that former President Bush was allowed to buy into Carlyle's investments, which involve at least 164 companies around the world.
In fact, two years after Bush Sr. left public office in 1993, he signed on as a senior counselor with the Carlyle Group. He was later joined by former British Prime Minister John Major and soon the pair was jetting off to Saudi Arabia to meet with the royal family, the bin Ladens and the Mahfouzes. Mahfouz's two sons soon became investors in the Carlyle Group although one, Abdulrahman bin Mahfouz, was a director of the Muwafaq Foundation, designated by the US Treasury Department as “an al Qaeda front.”
According to the September 28, 2001 Wall Street Journal, “George H. W. Bush, the father of President Bush, works for the bin Laden family business in Saudi Arabia through the Carlyle Group, an international consulting firm.” It has been confirmed by the senior Bush's chief of staff that Bush sent a thank-you note to the bin Laden family after a social visit in early 2001.
But it has been reported that after the attacks of 9/11, the Carlyle Group distanced itself from the family by buying out substantial bin Laden holdings in the firm.
Perhaps the closest Saudi friend to the Bush family was Saudi Arabian Ambassador to the United States Prince Bandar bin Sultan, the man who arranged the secretive flight of the bin Ladens in the days following 9/11.
The $1 trillion lawsuit filed against the Saudis alleges that Prince Bandar's father, who serves as the Saudi defense minister, contributed at least $6 million to four charities known to finance Osama bin Laden and al Qaeda.
Prince Bandar's relationship with the Bush family goes back to the days of the Reagan administration when Bush Sr. and Bandar would lunch regularly. “After Bush became president in 1989,” wrote journalist Craig Unger, “Bandar acted as an envoy between him and Saddam Hussein, assuring Bush that the US could count on Saddam to provide a bulwark against extremist Islamic fundamentalism.” Unger further stated that after the 2000 election, Bandar joined Bush Sr., former National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft and General Norman Schwarzkopf for a hunting trip in Spain.
With such connections and his son as a sitting president of the United States, the senior Bush's Carlyle involvement was questioned by Larry Klayman, chairman and general counsel of Judicial Watch, who said, “Any foreign government or foreign investor trying to curry favor with the current Bush administration is sure to throw business to the Carlyle Group. And with the former President Bush promoting the firm's investments abroad, foreign nationals could understandably confuse the Carlyle Group's interests with the interests of the United States government.”
After detailing some of the Carlyle/bin Laden investments in several businesses, including aerospace industries as well as the tremendous defense buildup since 9/11, writer Michael C. Ruppert commented, “In other words, bin Laden's attacks on the WTC and Pentagon, with the resulting massive increase in the US defense budget, have just made his family a great big pile of money.”
There is evidence that President Bush and his father tried to block past efforts to find and prosecute Osama bin Laden. According to a special BBC investigation reported in the November 10, 2001, issue of the Times of India, a “secret FBI document, numbered 1991 WF213589” emanating from the FBI’s Washington field office, blamed the recent terrorist attacks on “connections between the CIA and Saudi Arabia and the Bush men and bin Ladens.”
The British newspaper, the Guardian wrote apparently of another document, marked “Secret” and coded “199 (national security),” concerning two of bin Laden's relatives. These two documents allege that the FBI had been told to “back off ” an investigation of his brother, Abdullah bin Laden, who along with another brother, Omar, lived in Falls Church, Virginia just outside Washington. Abdullah was the United States director of the World Assembly of Muslim Youth (WAMY) until 2000. Although listed in FBI files as a “suspected terrorist organization,” WAMY was not placed on the Bush administration's terrorist list, which would have frozen its assets. Despite several grand jury probes, no charges have been brought against the organization, which claims to be dedicated to guarding Muslim youth against “destructive ideologies.”
Yet according to journalist Greg Palast, in mid-2002 Pakistan expelled several WAMY operatives, and officials in both India and the Philippines have accused WAMY of funding militant Muslim groups. Furthermore, in 2003, an unnamed security official who served under George W. Bush told journalist Craig Unger, “WAMY was involved in terrorist-support activity. There's no doubt about it.”
Documents disclosed that the FBI file on the two bin Laden brothers was closed in 1996. According to Palast, “High-placed intelligence sources in Washington told the Guardian: ‘There were always constraints on investigating the Saudis.’” The source said restrictions became worse after Bush took office and added, “There were particular investigations that were effectively killed.”
The Saudis’ attempts to lobby in Washington brought several Muslim organizations into the far-flung web of post 9/11 investigations. According to the Washington Post, federal agents since the mid-1990s had sought to track an estimated $1.7 billion that moved between these organizations. Investigators said the groups were created in the 1970s by the al-Rajhi family, one of Saudi Arabia's primary banking dynasties. Collectively, the organizations own or control a number of businesses worldwide. A spokesman for the al-Rajhis denied any wrongdoing on their part.
In late March 2002, federal agents raided sixteen homes and offices in northern Virginia believed to be involved in a nexus of Saudi-backed organizations with connections to terrorist groups. The after-the-fact and sweeping raids infuriated Muslims and non-Muslims alike.
Grover Norquist, a Republican Party activist who shared offices with the one of the raided organizations and was a board member of the Islamic Institute, said the groups existed “to promote democracy and free markets. Any effort to imply guilt by association is incompetent McCarthyism.” Norquist, along with Islamic Institute chairman Khaled Saffuri, helped arrange meetings between Islamic leaders and senior Bush administration officials.
Then there is the case of a former employee at the US Consulate in Saudi Arabia who took bribes to provide fake visas. Abdullah Noman, fifty-four, a citizen of Yemen, worked at the consulate from September 1996 until November 2001. He admitted to taking bribes of both money and gifts worth thousands of dollars in exchange for visas for entry into the United States, making it appear that the bearers were members of legitimate trade delegations. “They would come in with everybody else and then disappear,” noted Assistant US Attorney Lee Vilker.
Vilker said there was no known connection between Noman and al Qaeda terrorists but he admitted that authorities had not been able to locate all those who obtained visas from Noman, who was arrested in Las Vegas in late 2001 while accompanying a Middle Eastern trade delegation. He faced a prison term of fifteen years and a $250,000 fine plus deportation after serving time.
But even more ominous revelations came in 2002 from Michael Springman, a twenty-year veteran of the US Foreign Service and former chief of the American visa bureau in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, who told of suspicious behavior there many years ago.
In a BBC News interview, Springman said, “In Saudi Arabia, I was repeatedly ordered by high level State Department officials to issue visas to unqualified applicants. These were, essentially, people who had no ties either to Saudi Arabia or to their own country. I complained bitterly at the time there. I returned to the US, I complained to the State Department here, to the General Accounting Office, the Bureau of Diplomatic Security and to the Inspector General's office. I was met with silence.
“What I was protesting was, in reality, an effort to bring recruits, rounded up by Osama bin Laden, to the US for terrorist training for the CIA. They would then be returned to Afghanistan to fight against the then-Soviets.
“The attack on the World Trade Center in 1993 did not shake the State Department's faith in the Saudis, nor did the attack on the American barracks at Khobar Towers in Saudi Arabia three years later, in which nineteen Americans died. FBI agents began to feel their investigation was being obstructed.”
With the information above in hand, it is now clear that if there was a state sponsor behind the 9/11 attacks, as argued by the Bush administration to justify the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, that state would have to be Saudi Arabia. And considering the close business and social connections between the Saudi royals and bin Ladens with the Bush family, much closer scrutiny of this connection is fully justified.
Either the Bushes were too stupid to see what is happening right under their very noses or their resistance in revealing evidence about the Saudis’ role is guided by something more sinister. Few people have ever accused the Bushes of being merely stupid