1 Reuters, “Envoy Gets Kidnap Threat,” Winnipeg Free Press, January 22, 1977.
2 United Press International, “Explosive device defused in Wiesbaden,” European Stars and Stripes, January 26, 1977.
1 United Press International, “4 W. German Terrorists Arrested,” Pacific Stars and Stripes, May 31, 1978.
2 Aust, 401.
3 Roughly $88,000.
4 Associated Press, “3 Sought In Slaying Of Official,” Press Courier, April 8, 1977.
5 Arm the Spirit, “A Brief History of the Red Army Faction.”
6 “Déclaration de Knut Folkerts dans le procèes contre Brigitte Schulz et Christian Klar (5-6-84) à Stuttgart-Stammheim, concernant l’action contre Buback,” Ligne Rouge 11, (December 1984).
1 Reuters, “Suspects shot in gun battle,” Winnipeg Free Press, May 4, 1977.
2 United Press International, “Captured Gun confirmed as Buback Murder Weapon,” European Stars and Stripes, May 5, 1977.
3 Letter from Günter Sonnenberg in Angehörigen Info 87, January 18, 1992.
4 United Press International, “Germans seize brother of Buback case suspect,” European Stars and Stripes, May 6, 1977. In late 1978, Uwe Folkerts was found guilty of lending his car to RAF members Adelheid Shultz and Sabine Schmitz, and was sentenced to sixteen months in prison; as he had already served eighteen months by that point, he was immediately released. Thimme eventually received a similar sentence; upon release, he remained active within the guerilla’s semi-clandestine support scene until he blew himself up trying to plant a bomb in 1985. (Associated Press, “New Blast in Germany,” Syracuse Herald-Journal, January 21, 1985)
5 Schmitz had been arrested in December 1976 and charged under §129. See: United Press International, “German police hunt Haag helpers,” European Stars and Stripes, December 8, 1976.
6 Bakker Schut, Stammheim 465-473.
7 Ibid., 532.
8 Actualité de la Résistance Anti-Impérialiste, no. 3, Paris, June 6, 1978: 8, 10.
1 Associated Press, “Terror Suspect Nabbed,” The Times, August 2, 1977.
2 Aust, 418.
3 Ibid., 411-412.
4 Associated Press, “Radical lawyer’s office bombed,” Oakland Tribune, August 15, 1977.
5 Bakker Schut, Stammheim, 472.
6 Frankfurter Rundschau, August 15, 1977, quoted in “The Stammheim Deaths,” Cienfuegos Press Anarchist Review, no. 4.
7 Aust, 414-5.
1 The Attack on the BAW, see pages 496-97.
2 Statement Calling Off the Fifth Hungerstrike, see page 495.
3 Associated Press, “Schleyer No Friend of Socialists, Unions,” Abilene-Reporter News, October 20, 1977.
4 Schleyer had joined the SS in 1933, just two months after his eighteenth birthday. A committed fascist, he held several important positions in the Nazi Student Association before and during the war. In 1943, he began working for the Central Federation of Industry for Bohemia and Moravia, where he was in charge of “Germanizing” the economy of Czechoslovakia. Following the Nazi defeat, he was captured by French forces and imprisoned for three years, classified as a “fellow traveler” by the denazification authorities. He was released in 1949 and used his experience during the Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia to get hired to the foreign trade desk in the Baden-Baden Chamber of Commerce and Industry. (Heike Friesel, “Schleyer, a German Story,” Litrix.de: German Literature Online, translated by Philip Schmitz, http://www.litrix.de/buecher/sachbuecher/
jahr/2004/schleyer/enindex.htm)
1 The Guerilla, the Resistance, and the Anti-Imperialist Front. This text will appear in our second volume, The Red Army Faction, a Documentary History, Volume II: Dancing with Imperialism: One Step Forward, Two Steps Back.
2 Ibid.
3 Hanshew, 28.
4 Cobler, 144.
5 Ibid., 145.
6 Hanshew, 26, 43.
7 Bakker Schut, Stammheim, 490.
1 While sitting in the Bundestag for the SPD, Wischnewski had acted as an interlocutor with the Algerians during the National Liberation Front’s war for independence from France, and had been a public critic of Adenauer’s hardline pro-French policy in that conflict. He later negotiated the release and free transit of Germans arrested during the Pinochet coup in Chile, as well as free transit out of the country for Chileans who had taken refuge in foreign embassies.
2 Richard Clutterbuck, 173.
3 Halliday, 77-78.
4 Associated Press, “Dutch capture German terrorist,” Lima News, September 23, 1977.
5 Akache had already cut his teeth as a guerilla earlier that year in London, England. On April 10, 1977, he had assassinated Qadi Abdullah Amhen al Hijri, the former Prime Minister of North Yemen, along with his wife Fatima and senior diplomatic official Abdullah Ali Al Hammami (Aust, 510). Al Hijri, who had had dozens of political dissidents put to death and thousands more imprisoned during his brief reign, was a traditionalist who strongly opposed any rapprochement with South Yemen. (News Journal, “Leftists suspected: Former Yemen Premier Killed,” April 11, 1977)
6 See pages 438-441. Also see, Appendix VI—The German Guerilla’s Palestinian Allies: Waddi Haddad’s PFLP (EO), on pages 559-61.
1 Butz Peters, “Landshut-Befreiung: Die RAF erleidet ihre größte Niederlage,” Welt Online, October 14, 2007.
2 Oliver Schröm “Im Schatten des Schakals. Carlos und die Wegbereiter des internationalen Terrorismus,” 9.
http://www.lavocatdelaterreur.com/pdf/Im%20Schatten%20des%20Schakals.pdf.
3 Wisniewski, 26.
4 One far-right anti-RAF source claims that Siegfried Haag and Elisabeth von Dyck had first entered into contact with the PFLP (EO) in 1976, after being rebuffed by both Arafat’s Fatah and Habash’s PFLP. While we do not share this source’s perspective, this version of events seems credible. 2008-World Journal, untitled, at http://soc.world-journal.net/18sept2008spywars2.html.
5 “Terrorism expert” and Stern journalist Oliver Schröm states that cooperation between the PFLP (EO) and the RAF had been made difficult in the past specifically by Andreas Baader, who opposed carrying out attacks outside of the Federal Republic. (Schröm, 9)
6 While hostages were taken during the Stockholm occupation in 1975, only government representatives, not civilians, were killed. While the distinction may seem to be a fine one, it was considered important by the RAF and its supporters.
7 Dellwo, 133.
8 Aust, 525.
9 Richard L. Strout, “Countdown to a Crisis: Is Nuclear Terrorism Next?” Fresno Bee, October 26, 1977.
10 Mike Ryan, “The Stammheim Model—Judicial Counter-Insurgency,” New Studies on the Left 14, no. 1 & 2 (1989).
1 Fred Halliday states that the PDRY’s reticence to get involved was due to the fallout from their having agreed to provide refuge to the prisoners exchanged for Lorenz in 1975. Stefan Wisniewski has a very different view of the matter: given the PDRY’s good relations with the Palestinian resistance, he feels that the only reason Aden could have had to refuse the hijackers permission to land would have been foreign pressure, either from the GDR or the Soviet Union. (Wisniewski, 27)
2 Aust, 520.
3 Ryan, 64.
1 The Guerilla, the Resistance, and the Anti-Imperialist Front. This text will appear in our second volume, The Red Army Faction, a Documentary History, Volume II: Dancing with Imperialism: One Step Forward, Two Steps Back.
2 See Appendix IV—The Geneva Convention: Excerpts, pages 554-56.
1 Starting with a few dozen prisoners in February, within a month hundreds of Palestinian prisoners had joined a hunger strike throughout Israel’s prisons, and outside support was offered by left-wing Arab and Jewish organizations. The basic demands were better conditions and an end to racist discrimination within the prisons, whereby Jewish prisoners received preferential treatment in regards to food and visits. [Journal of Palestine Studies, “Strike of Arab Prisoners in Israel,” Journal of Palestine Studies 7, no. 1 (Autumn, 1977): 169-171].
2 Twenty IRA prisoners were hunger striking at the time against brutal conditions at Ireland’s Maximum Security Portlaoise prison. The strike lasted forty-seven days before it was ended by the intervention of the Catholic hierarchy.
3 The ETA is the Basque separatist guerilla. At the time, there was a mass militant movement demanding amnesty for hundreds of Basque and antifascist political prisoners in Spain, many of whom had been incarcerated due to their activities against the fascist Franco dictatorship.