The siege began on the twenty-fourth of July; and the suburb of St. Ladre was speedily taken by Monsieur de Piles, but as soon retaken by the Duke of Guise; who maintained his position therein till the houses, between himself and the wall, were, by his orders, burned down behind him.

In artillery, the Protestant army was sadly de-

* La None, page 977. f Aubigne.

THE LIFE OF HENRY IV.

ficient, having only thirteen large cannon, and a few eulverins ; but these being placed upon the rocks,* at four hundred paces' distance, and the whole of the town being exposed to their fire, great damage was done, and several breaches were shortly effected. The vigor and determination of the garrison, however, created new obstacles to the progress of the Protestant army, as fast as the defences were battered down; and the Duke of Guise, as well as the Count de Lude, who had retired into the city, distinguished themselves as much by their incessant activity, as by the constant exposure of their own persons to all the labors and dangers of the time. A bridge was destroyed which the Protestants had constructed, in order to pass the river; and although they gained the breach on the side of St. Sournin, and lodged themselves there, the garrison flooded a part of the meadow on the other side, by stopping the course of the river farther down. They likewise constructed fresh works across the open ground, in rear of the breach, behind which they assembled a large body of horse; while the Huguenots prepared to support the storming parties by men-at-arms ; so that the extraordinary sight was seen of cavalry employed on both sides in the actual assault and defence of the wall.

We find, too, that the principal commanders in the place, in order to strengthen the resolution of the inhabitants, had brought their wives and

* Castelnau. Aubigne.

daughters with them ; so that the defenders of the breach of St. Sournin were encouraged by the sight of a troop of seventy-five ladies, who, mounted on horseback, formed a line behind the soldiery, but within shot both of the artillery and small arms of the assailants.*

On sounding the canal, previous to the meditated attack, the depth was found too great for the forces to pass, and though means were taken to draw off the water, they proved unsuccessful. EiForts were subsequently made against other points; and the siege of Poitiers had continued nearly six weeks, when intelligence reached the head-quarters of Coligni, that the Duke of Anjou, having gathered together a body of twelve thousand men, had marched against Chatellerault, a place of sufficient importance to justify the Admiral in abandoning the en-terprise in which he was engaged, to march to its deliverance. Indeed, La Nouef intimates that Coligni was not a little glad of a fair excuse for raising the siege of Poitiers, which was undertaken against his judgment, and in which his army had wasted away to about one half of its original number. The attack upon Chatellerault, proved as unsuccessful against the town as that upon Poitiers, though, as a demonstration, it produced the desired effect by calling the Huguenot forces from before the walls of the latter place. In an attempt to storm, the troops of the Pope, having obtained the honor of leading the attack, were received bv the

* Aubigne. f La None, page 979.

VOL. I. 2 B

garrison, to use the words of La Noue, "according to the affection which the Protestants bore to their master.'* They were repulsed with great slaughter ; and the rapid march of the Admiral obliged the Duke of Anjou to retire, not without great difficulty and danger.^ Finding his army equal in number to the Catholic forces, which had taken up a position at Celle, Coligni passed the Creuse, and endeavored, by constant skirmishes, to bring the Duke of Anjou to battle ; but that Prince had fortified his camp so strongly, that the Huguenots could not attack him, except under very disadvantageous circumstances ; and after having', in vain, attempted to draw him from his entrenchments, the Admiral repassed the Creuse and the Vienne, in order to refresh his troops at a place called Faye la Vineuse.

While halting at this spot, a well merited punishment was inflicted upon an assassin, who having attempted the life of Coligni, was discovered, convicted, and executed. A reward of fifty thousand crowns of gold had been offered by the parliament of Paris, on the 13th of September, to any one who should deliver the Admiral into the hands 4>f the King, and the words " dead or alive" were subsequently added jf a temptation to murder, which

* Castelnau, liv. 7.

f Aubigne. Castelnau. Journal de Bruslart. We find from the latter authority, that the first decree of the parliament only offered the reward of fifty thousand crowns to those who should deliver the Admiral up to justice. But by the express orders of the King, the words, "dead or alive," were subsequently added.

KING OP PHANCE AND NAVARRE. S'Jl

was not without effect, as almost immediately after the publication of the decree, one of Coligni's servants, named, by the French, Dominique d'Albe, was found to undertake the task.

During a halt of five or six days at Celle, and ejght at Chinon,* the army of the Duke of Anjou was reinforced by considerable bodies of troops, from different parts of the country, by a party of the gallant defenders of Poitiers, led by the Duke of Guise, and by six thousand Swiss under Pfifer. Finding that he could now bring into the field, seven thousand horse and eighteen thousand foot, the Duke determined to march in pursuit of the enemv, in order to seek the battle which he had so lately avoided.! It was now the policy of Coligni to decline an engagement, till he could be rejoined by the forces of Montgomery, who was hastening to his aid from Beam, after having performed some of the most brilliant exploits which occurred durino- the war and recovered from the hands of the Catholics the whole territory of the Queen of Navarre. The Protestants, however, were detained several days at Faye, by the want of horses for the artillery-t all the beasts of draught which they possessed having been sent with their battering train to Lusignan, and not having yet returned. As soon as they made their appearance, the Admiral marched towards Moncontour; but the Duke of Anjou followed him with such rapidity, that on the thirtieth ot September, the advanced guard of the Roman * Vie de Moiitpensier. f Castelnai,. I La Noue.

'2 K Q

Catholics came up with the rear of the Huguenots near St. Clair, after Coligni and the main body had passed the small river which runs between that village and Moncontour. A sharp skirmish took place the same night, and the small corps of Protestants, which had not yet crossed the stream, was thrown into confusion, and suffered severely, by the sudden charge of the Papists, whom they did not know to be so near. The Admiral, however, hastening to their aid, rallied the fugitives; and the whole force having passed, took up a position on the other side of the river, in battle array, waiting the expected attack of the enemy. But the danger of attempting a narrow ford in the presence of an adverse army, deterred the Duke of Anjou from following up his advantage j and he contented himself with pouring a destructive fire of artillery into the Huguenot ranks. Coligni remained in the field till nightfall, and then, under favor of the darkness, pursued his way to Moncontour.*

At that place a mutiny broke out among the German troops in the Protestant camp, the Admiral having no funds at command to furnish even a part of their pay, which was long in arrear. A number of gentlemen also demanded leave to return to their homes, from which they had now been absent many months ; and much dissension existed in the council, with regard to the future proceedings of the army, every one thinking himself entitled to attention, and but few shewing any disposition to obey. To obviate

* La Noue.

the evils, which were sure to spring from such a state of things, Coligni despatched messengers to call the young Prince of Beam, and his cousin, the Prince de Conde, from Parthenay, where they then were; but they only arrived to witness the defeat of the Protestants at Moncontour.

While these events were taking place at the headquarters of the Huguenots, the Catholic forces passed the small river Dive, near its source, and stretching out towards the plain of Assay, cut off the enemy from Lower Poitou. At the same time, the Duke of Anjou detached a small body of cavalry to Ervaut, to oppose the passage of the Toue at that point; thus hemming in the army of the Admiral, and apparently leaving him no means of retreat, in case of disaster. But Coligni was too wise to suffer himself to be so entrapped ; and gave orders for securing the passes of a marsh called the Pas de Jeu, which precaution proved highly favorable after his defeat.*

On the evening before the battle, the forces of the Duke advanced upon Moncontour, apparently with the intention of attacking the enemy in that small town ; and a skirmish took place, which was carried on but languidly on the part of the Roman Catholics, who found that Coligni's position was too strong to be carried, even by superior numbers.f During the night, two gentlemen from the royal army approached the Protestant outposts, and having obtained a parley, sent a message to Coligni, warning * Castelnau. f La Noue.

him to avoid a battle. " Gentlemen/^ they said, addressing some of the Huguenot officers, " we bear the signs of enemies, but we have no animosity against you or your party. Pray caution the Admiral against fighting, for our army is marvellously strong, having been greatly reinforced, and is also very determined. Let him only gain one month's time ; for all our nobility have vowed and informed the Duke, that they will not remain with him longer ; but that if he employs them within that space, they will do their duty well.''*

They added more intimations to the same effect; but Coligni, though, it would seem, he believed the warning to be sincere, was prevented from taking advantage of it, by the opposition of his council, the majority of the members maintaining, that it would discourage the soldiers to retreat by night, as the more prudent were inclined to do; and the march was accordingly put off till daybreak. At dawn, however, the lanzknechts, and a part of the reiters, refused to move without payment; and an hour and a half was lost in appeasing them, which delay proved the ruin of the Protestant army; for, before the forces of Coligni had advanced a quarter of a league, the van of the Catholics was descried, and nothing remained but to prepare for battle. To shelter his men from the superior artillery of the enemy,

* There is some difference between La None and Aubigne in regard to tbis transaction; but it is not of much importance, as both state the fact without any material variation, though they do not agree as to the day on which the communication was made.

Coligni took up his position in a hollow ground,* with the Dive upon his left, and the Toue upon his right. He himself led the advanced guard, with Count Wolrath of Mansfeldt at the head of the reserve, and Count Louis of Nassau in command of the main body.

The Roman Catholic van was, as usual, under the orders of the Duke of Montpensier, accompanied by his son, and Martigues, the Rhinegrave, and twelve cornets of German cavalry, together with several thousand Swiss infantry and the Papal forces. The main body was led by the Duke of Anjou, assisted by Tavannes and the most experienced French com-manders ; having Count Ernest of Mansfield on the one hand, and the Marquis of Baden covering the other flank with a thousand German cavalry. The infantry of this division was composed of tried corps of Swiss, Walloons, Spaniards, and Italians, several French regiments, and seven pieces of ar-tillery. The Duke of Guise, with La Valette, and a strong force of cavalry, formed a detached body upon the left; and Biron commanded the reserve.!

In both armies much anxiety was felt for the safety of the Princes who were in the field; and the Catholics took the precaution of placing a body

* La None.

t It is very difficult to discover the exact position of the various corps on this occasion, as there exist many discrepancies in the accounts furnished by Aubigne and La None on the one hand, and Castelnau and Coustureau on the other. Thus Cas-telnau says that the Duke of Guise was m ith the advanced guard

of fifty chosen gentlemen, with their persons and their horses armed at all points, as a sort of barrier before the Duke of Anjou; while the Protestants, after some consultation, determined to send the young Prince of Beam, and his cousin, to such a distance from the battle, as to place them out of danger. Henry yielded to this decision with tears of indignation ; and, accompanied by a small escort, retired a short space from the army, to a spot whence he could watch the course of the engagement.

The battle commenced by a furious charge, led by Martigues; while the Duke of Anjou extended his left to outflank the Huguenot forces, and shelter his own from their fire,* which, from the well chosen position of the artillery, proved very destructive to the Catholics.! A corresponding movement to the right was immediately made by Coligni; but in the meantime the Duke of Guise, La Valette, the Italian cavalry, and two thousand arquebusiers poured down upon the advanced guard of the Huguenots, where they were encountered by Mouy and a body of French and German horse. The latter fledj at once, and the troops of Mouy gave way, but were instantly supported by the regiments of Renel and Autricourt, with a gallant charge, in which Autricourt was killed. The Catholic cavalry, however, still gained ground ; and the Admiral, seeing the necessity of a great effort, put himself at the head of three French regiments, and having ordered his arquebusiers to fire only at the horses, advanced against the enemy,

* Aubigne. f Casteluau. J Aubigue.

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 377

sending to Count Louis of Nassau for a reinforcement of three troops of reiters from the main body.* The error was now committed which probably decided the fate of the battle. Count Louis, instead of despatching the force required, under an inferior commander, led it himself to the assistance of the Admiral; and a charge took place, in which the Rhinegrave and Coligni met hand to hand, thirty paces before their respective corps. The Rhine-grave fired a pistol straight at the head of the Admiral, wounding him severely in the face; but Coligni, almost at the same moment, shot him dead upon the' spot,t and then endeavored to lead his men on, to complete the rout of the Catholic advanced guard, which was already in confusion. The great flow of blood, however, from the wound he had received, nearly sufibcated him, and he was compelled, unwillingly, to retire from the field.

Count Louis, in the mean time, brought up the Protestant cavalry successfully against the enemy. The Count of Mansfeldt supported him by a gallant charge. The Duke of Anjou in vain attempted to regain the advantage, by moving up with the main body of his army. The Marquis of Baden was slain, the Duke of Aumale surrounded and nearly taken? the Prince's own horse killed under him, and the Catholic cavalry routed and in confusion ; while Count Louis of Nassau, and the Count of Mansfeldt were still advancing.^ But the centre of the Pro-* Aiibigne, La None, Castelnau. f Aubigue. % Castehiau.

testant army was without a leader. Count Louis was too far engaged to return to take the command; and one of the regiments of lanzknechts raised their pikes, and refused to fight.^ Had the main body of the Huguenots moved up at that moment, to support its advanced-guard and reserve, the victory was won. But it did not stif; and the young Prince of Beam, watching the combat from the high ground, exclaimed, with rage and indignation, *' We lose our advantage, and with it the battle !"t

Profiting by this unexpected piece of good for-tune, Tavannes and Biron hastened to rally the cavalry behind ■ the advancing rear-guard of the royal army. Marshal Cosse, at the head of the Swiss, came up at double quick time ; the Protestant forces in turn gave way, the mutinous lanzknechts were broken, and, notwithstanding all the efforts of Count Louis, the Count of Mansfeldt, and Coligni himself, who had by this time returned to the field, the rout soon became complete. The lanzknechts threw down their arms before the Swiss ; but they met with little mercy ; and of the whole of the German infantry, amounting to upwards of four thousand, scarce ^nq hundred were left alive, t

The forces of the Huguenots fled towards Ervaut; which, owing to the precautions previously taken by the Admiral, and the skill and gallantry of Count Louis of Nassau, they reached with less loss than might have been expected.^ The latter nobleman retired delibe-* Aubigii6. t Cayet. % Castelnau. § La None. Aubigne.

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. S^g

rately, with a considerable body of horse, keeping within three or four hundred paces of the Catholic cavalry; and whenever he found himself pressed by their advance, wheeling and charging them with a degree of determination, which checked their progress, and saved the rest of the Protestant army.

The slaughter was, nevertheless, very severe amongst the insurgents. The lowest number given by any contemporary, is five thousand five hundred foot, and two hundred and fifty horse, with the artillery and a number of standards. On the part of the Catholics, Aubigne declares, that not more than two hundred of the infantry, and four hundred of the cavalry fell in the engagement; but Castelnau, who, being with the Duke of Anjou, had a better opportunity of ascertaining the facts, makes the loss on his side to amount to five hundred horse, amongst whom were some of the principal personages in the army of the court.* The same cold-blooded acts of slaughter, which had disgraced the wars of religion from the commencement, took place after the battle; and La Noue, who had been made prisoner, as well as Acier, was only saved from death, at the express command of the Duke of Anjou.

Thus ended the battle of Moncontour, which occurred on the third of October, 1569 ; an event well calculated to destroy all hope in the

* It is curious to remark, that tlie Protestant Aubigne makes the loss of the Protestants more severe, and that of the Catholics less so than Castelnau.

breasts of the Protestants, and to render the Catholics more rigid in their intolerance ; but the wisdom and resolution of Coligni, and the errors and vacillation of the Duke of Anjou, deprived the one party of the fruits of their victory, and saved the other from the consequences of defeat.

From Ervaut, the Huguenot forces which could be gathered together, pursued their retreat to Parthe-nay, where the Admiral and his principal counsellors, passed the night in writing despatches to all friendly powers, beseeching speedy aid to remedy the disaster which had just taken place.* They then hurried on to Niort, where they were met by the Queen of Navarre, whom no reverses could discourage, and whose presence greatly tended to restore confidence to the dismayed soldiery.

Thence, continuing his course towards Guienne, but taking care to throw garrisons into the principal towns that he passed, Coligni sheltered the remains of his army behind the Dordogne, and, after a short halt, marched on to unite his forces with the victorious troops of Montgomery, which he effected at Aiguillon.

While the defeated party thus took prudent measures for its own security, the victors wasted their time in petty sieges. Niort was captured without resistance : the gallant Mouy, to whom the defence of the place had been entrusted, having been assassinated and the town abandoned by the garrison. A number of other cities and fortresses surrendered;

* Aubigne.

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 381

and Lusignan, after a short siege, was suffered to capitulate.

At Niort, the Duke of Anjou, having been joined by the Queen-mother and the Cardinal of Lorraine, held a council to decide upon his future proceedings ; and although the more experienced officers in the camp, urged the necessity of pursuing the dispirited army of Coligni,—which advice, had it been followed, would probably have led to the total destruction of that force,—it was determined to besiege the small town of St. Jean d'Angeli; which enterprise proved as disastrous to the Catholics, as the siege of Poitiers had been found by the Protestant party.* The town was gallantly defended by Monsieur de Piles ; and although its strength was not remarkable, and the arrival of the young King in the camp gave additional vigor to the attacking party, every attempt to storm was repulsed with severe loss to the besiegers; and the Roman Catholic troops were gradually wasted away by sickness and the sword.

During several weeks, de Piles refused to listen to the terms of capitulation offered ; but the Baron de Biron having, at length, proposed a negotiation for a general peace, the Protestant commander immediately agreed to treat; and deputies were despatched to the army of the Princes—as the force under Coligni was called—while a suspension of arms during ten days was stipulated for at St. Jean d Angeli; * La Noue. Aubigiie.

which place was to be surrendered if not succored before the expiration of the truce. A party of troops, however, from Angouleme, forced their way in, to the aid of de Piles ; and the siege was recommenced with greater vigor than before.

It was not till he had set the enemy at defiance during seven weeks, and had seen the defences of the town totally demolished, that the bold commander who defended St. Jean, agreed to accept a capitulation, which secured to him the liberty of marching out with arms and baggage, upon the condition of not taking any active share in the war during four months:* The loss of the Catholics in this siege was tremendous; and the death of Martigues deprived the King of one of his best officers.

Various negotiations followed the surrender of St. Jean, and proposals were made and rejected on both parts ; while frequent skirmishes took place, in which, generally speaking, success was on the side of the Protestants. In the mean time, the army of the Princes increased, to use the expression of La None, '' like a snow-ball," gathering every where fresh troops ; and the fatigues and reverses which it had undergone, were forgotten during a long period of repose in the rich Agenois.

No sooner was the winter over, than Coligni, accompanied by young Henry of Navarre, the Prince de Conde, Count Louis of Nassau, and the Count de Montgomery, once more took the field, and exe-* Aubigne* Castelnau.

cuted an enterprise, scarcely less difficult and extraordinary than that which had been performed by the Duke of Deux Fonts. Numerous Protestant noblemen, at the head of small bodies of men, were at that time scattered over the face of Languedoc and Dauphine; and on the frontiers of Germany a considerable corps was collecting for the support of the Huguenots, under the Prince of Orange, and the Count Palatine. To gather all the isolated parties of his own faith, dispersed through the south of France, into the great mass of his forces, and with them to join the German auxiliaries and march upon Paris, was now the design entertained by the Admiral ;* but his advance was delayed for some time, and his scheme nearly frustrated, by a severe illness which attacked him at St. Etienne, where, during several days, his state was considered desperate.f

To the joy of all, however, he recovered ; and after haying passed through part of Roussillon, and made a circuit round three sides of France, the Protestant army approached Rene le Due, where the royal forces, under Marshal Cosse, appeared to oppose its farther progress. A severe skirmish ensued between the two corps ; each occupying a position on a steep ridge of hills opposite to the other, with a narrow valley and some meadows, intersected by streams, between them. This short and desultory combat is only remarkable as the first occasion on which the young Prince of Beam was permitted to take part in the engagement. In this instance, as at Mon-* Castelnau. f La None.

contour, an effort was made to induce Henry to view the struggle from a distance, but he was now resolved to share in the dangers and honors of the field; and Count Louis of Nassau yielded to him the command of the advanced guard.* The action never became general; but the advantage was decidedly on the part of the Admiral, who obtained the object he desired, and forced his way on to the Loire, according to his original plan.t

At La Charite, which was in the hands of the Huguenots, Coligni halted to prepare artillery, of which his army had hitherto been totally destitute, threatening to march direct on to Paris, if the treaty, which was then under consideration, should not be concluded.^

But the Queen-mother had by this time learned, that no hope existed of subduing the insurgents by force of arms; and there can be little doubt that she had, by this time, taken that dreadful determination, the execution of which, stained her name with the darkest crime that has ever blackened the history of the world. The treaty was accordingly signed at St. Germain, on the second of August, 1570, to the great satisfaction of the wise and good of the two great parties, which were now equally exhausted by a long and sanguinary war, equally destitute of money to pay the mercenary troops engaged on both sides, equally unsuccessful in the attainment of the objects they had proposed to themselves, and equally horrified at the excesses which they could

* Aubigne. f La Noue. % Castelnau.

not repress amongst their own partisans, and the miseries inflicted upon France by all.

The peace now concluded, assured to the Protestants full liberty of conscience, a general amnesty the restitution of confiscated estates, the enjoyment of all their offices and employments, the right of challenging a certain number of judges, the open exercise of their religious rites in the suburbs of two towns in each province, and as a security, the possession for two years, of four towns, Rochelle, Montauban, Cognac, and La Charite. With these concessions the Protestant party were entirely satisfied ; and although experience of past deceit, rendered them still doubtful of the sincerity of the court, Coligni declared more than once, after the treaty was signed, that he would rather die, than see France fall back into the state of anarchy and crime which had been produced by the third reli-gious war.

VOL. I.

BOOK IV.

The most dark and doubtful period of French history, that in which the most consummmate art was employed by the actors to conceal the motives and course of their proceedings, and on which party spirit and religious zeal, have since labored the most skilfully and energetically to obscure the facts, lies between the signature of the peace of 1570 and the infamous massacre of St. Bartholomew's day. The darkness, however, the fraud, and the crime, are all on the side of the Roman Catholics. The accusations which were levelled against the Protestants, as soon as the act was perpetrated, to justify an unjustifiable deed, have all been swept away ; and their conduct appears clear, open, candid, and only too confiding in a party whose professions they had often tried, and ever found insincere, whose promises had uniformly been violated, who gloried in the breach of all faith with religious opponents, and maintained that no oath was binding on a monarch towards his subjects.*

This rash confidence, however, did not arise for some time after the conclusion of the treaty of St. Germain, and was only produced by the most

* Memoires cle Castelnau La Laboureur. Brantome

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 387

artful devices of their enemies. None of the principal leaders of the Huguenots appeared at the court; and Charles IX. and his mother, found that the memory of former infidelity was not easily to be obliterated. The young Prince of Navarre, who was governor of Guienne, retired for a short time into that province, and visited some part of his hereditary dominions,* while Coligni, Count Louis of Nassau, and other celebrated commanders, assembled at Rochelle, or remained at their estates in the country. The towns left at the disposal of the Huguenots were strictly guarded, although the German auxiliaries were dismissed, and everything indicated that not much reliance was placed on the engagements of the court.

After a short tour through Guienne and Beam, Henry of Bourbon returned to Rochelle, and remained in that town with his mother, during the winter of 1570-71 ; while on the part of Charles IX. and Catherine de Medicis, nothing was left undone to reassure the Huguenots, and to convince them, that, tired of civil contentions, the Kin^ and his council were determined rigidly to enforce the treaty in their favor. All was smooth and plausible in the aspect of the court; the marriage of the young King with Elizabeth of Austria, daughter of the emperor Maximilian II, gave occasion for great rejoicings; and peace, tranquillity, joy and amusement, seemed to have succeeded to the din of arms,

* Sully. Perefixo. 2 c 2

and the virulence of political strife. All animosity on the side of the Roman Catholics, it is true, did not entirely disappear ; and the fact of some individuals still retaining their angry and vindictive feelings, and displaying them openly, served as a strong contrast to the conduct of Catherine and her son, and tended, more than eVen the demeanor of the King, to lull the Huguenots into a fatal security. The Duke of Montpensier refused to sign the treaty of peace,* and retired to his estates discontented with the concessions made to the Reformers. The Papists of Rouen and Dieppe tumultuously resisted the execution of the edict, and pillaged and slaughtered the Protestants assembled for religious purposes. A three days' massacre took place at Orange ; and various other outrages were perpetrated in different parts of the country.

The Protestant leaders remonstrated now as on former occasions, but they were no longer met by cold and unmeaning excuses, or haughty rejection of their just demands. The King and his mother professed the most lively interest in their affairs 5 and the offenders at Rouen and Dieppe were severely punished by Marshal Montmorenci and the President de Morsan. A revolt, too, which took place in Paris, on the removal of a mark of ignominy from the spot where some houses belonging to Huguenots, executed during the preceding troubles, had stood, was instantly repressed.t Charles him-* Aubigne. Sully. f Ibid.

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 389

self was accustomed to call the treaty which he had signed, " My peace," and insinuated to the Protestant leaders, that he had anxiously labored for it, in order to draw round him the Princes of the blood, as a support against the enormous power and pretensions of the House of Guise.*

As the Huguenot leaders, however, still remained assembled at Rochelle, Marshal Cosse was despatched to that city to confer with, and endeavor to lure them, to the court. He was instructed to remonstrate mildly on the unnecessary alarm they displayed, and to renew the proposal, which had been previously made, of drawing the bonds between the houses of Navarre and Valois closer together, by the marriage of Henry of Bourbon with Marguerite, the youngest sister of the French King, a princess beautiful, graceful and accomplished, but educated in a school, where morality was of no account, and even decency but little prized.

Doubts still lingered in the mind of the Queen of Navarre ; and she did not receive these overtures with so much alacrity as the court probably expected. She suggested difficulties as to the form of marriage, between two persons of different religions, and shewed herself more inclined to throw impediments in the way than to forward the alliance. But such objections were overruled by Charles, who had already spoken with the Papal legate on the subject; and about the same time the monarch's full consent was given to the union of

* Sully. .*t>'^^^ AT,.

the young Prince de Conde, with the beautiful Mary of Cleves, a lady allied to the houses of Nevers and Guise, but who had been brought up by the Queen of Navarre in the Protestant faith.*

A third marriage was proposed and effected between Coligni himself, who had been for some years a widower, and Jacqueline d'Entremont, the proprietor of very large estates in Savoy. In regard to this union, a degree of romantic enthusiasm was displayed by the bride, which deserves mention here. The reputation of the Admiral had excited the admiration of the Lady, to so high a point, that trusting to the weight of her vast possessions, she ventured upon making the first overtures herself.f They were received with pleasure by Coligni, who immediately sent one of his friends to express his gratitude ; and the young King of France shewed every desire to facilitate the views of both; but Philibert Emanuel, Duke of Savoy, resisted all efforts to obtain his consent, and Jacqueline d'En-tremont, seeing that his determination was not to be shaken, made her escape from Savoy, resolved, as she said, before she died, to obtain the name of Cato's Marcia.t She reached Rochelle in safety, and was married shortly after to. the object of her enthusiastic attachment. Coligini, on the same day, gave the hand of his daughter to his friend Teligny, whom he himself had educated in principles, which, in the eyes of that wise and great man, were more

* Aubignc. f Auvigny. l Aubigiie.

than a compensation for the want of high rank and great possessions.*

An event occurred, however, almost immediately after this double marriage, which cast a gloom over the party at Rochelle, and might have reawakened all the suspicions of the Huguenots, had not other circumstances tended strongly to increase their confidence in the sincerity of the King and his mother. The brother of the Admiral, Odet de Chatillon, commonly called the Cardinal de Chatillon, died at Southampton, on his wav back from the court of Elizabeth ; and rumor, it would appear with too much cause, attributed his death to poison.t The Prince de Porcian had some years before undergone the same fate jt and the assassination of Mouy, the attempt upon the life of the Admiral at the instigation of La Riviere, captain of the Duke of Anjou's guards,§ and a number of other crimes, equally atrocious, afforded sufficient evidence, that no means were considered too black and horrible to be employed, when the object was to free the court from a dangerous enemy.

* Brantome.

t Anquetil himself acknowledges the justice of this report, though Aubigne does not mention the fact.

X The legend of D. Claud de Guise a bitter satire, upon which but little reliance can be placed, attributes the greater part of the murders by poison, which took place at this time, to a personage called St. Bartholomew, a creature of D. Claud, who was himself suspected of innumerable crimes.

§ The assassin before his death, made full confession of the deed, and named the instigator.

With such examples before him, it is probable that neither the professions of the young monarch, nor the caresses which were showered upon the Protestant leaders, would have blinded the eyes of the Admiral, had not various circumstances, totally independent of the demeanor of the Royal family towards the Huguenots, tended to shew that Charles was most anxious to detach himself from those whom Coligni knew to be the implacable enemies of his house, and the instigators of all the persecution, which the professors of the Reformed religion had undergone. The young Duke of Guise had conceived the darifig expectation of obtaining the hand of the King's sister Marguerite; and his uncle the Cardinal of Lorraine had, in insolent terms, declared to the Portuguese ambassador that his purpose should be accomplished.* But Charles had angrily rejected a proposal, which he considered insulting to his sister ; and had, more than once, expressed himself with furious indignation, at the ambition of the aspirant. On one occasion, we find, that he even suggested to some of his companions the assassination of the young Duke ;t and while it was evident to all that the house of Lorraine had lost its influence over the French monarch, the family of Montmorenci, closely allied to that of Chatillon and preserving friendly feelings towards it notwithstanding all the painful events of the civil war, was daily rising in the favor of the King. There was reason also to suppose, that the autho-* Brantome. f P. Mattliieu.

rity, which the Queen-mother had exercised over the actions of Charles, had become wearisome to him ; and it was well known, that the opinion of her friends and confidants had been neoflected after the battle of Moncontour, and that Tavannes had retired from his command in disgust.* In regard to the conclusion of the treaty of peace, also, the monarch had slighted the exhortations of the Pope, and rejected the offers of the King of Spain.t The hand of Marguerite de Valois had been refused to the King of Portugal; and a marriage had been eagerly urged between the Duke of Alen^on, the King's youngest brother, and the Protestant Queen of England. The circumstance, however, which probably tended more than any other, to convince the Admiral that the King had laid out for himself a new line of policy, was the proposal made by Charles, through Biron and Marshal Cosse, to give vigorous support to the Calvinists of the Low Countries, in the wars which were then raging between Philip 11. and his Protestant subjects.J Skilfully assailing the weaknesses of the Admiral, as well as holding out those

* Memoires de Tavannes. f Castelnau.

X Aubigne and Sully agree in declaring that the first suggestion of an attempt to assist the Prince of Orange, was made by Charles, though Anquetil implies that the proposal came from the Protestants. In stating the causes, which induced Coligni to believe that Charles was sincere, I have not arranged them in their chronological order; and it may be well to remark, that the events to which I allude, were spread over a considerable period, namely, from the end of August 1570, to the beginning of September 1571.

inducements, which might touch the higher points of his character, the young King offered the command of the army, destined to co-operate with the Prince of Orange, to that great commander, and promised to give him the office of Viceroy in the ancient feofs of France, which Charles proposed to recover from the crown of Spain.

Notwithstanding all these alluring prospects, it was not without much hesitation and long consideration, that Coligni determined to present himself at court. Numerous deputations took place ; and the conferences between the young King and Teligny, Count Louis of Nassau, and other Protestant leaders, all resulted in producing a conviction in the minds of the oppressed party, that a great change had been effected in the feelings of the monarch, while Cosse, of whose honor and sincerity there could be no doubt, protested to Coligni and the Queen of Navarre, that the eager desire of Charles, was, to free himself from the trammels in which his mother held him, to lessen the influence of the house of Guise, and to make use of the military genius and political wisdom of the Admiral, in maintaining the dignity of France, abroad and at home.

Thus assured by every external indication, Coligni yielded ; and the court having advanced as far as Blois, he proceeded thither, accompanied by Marshal Cosse, and fifty armed gentlemen of his own party, a precaution which had been recommended to him by the King, to secure his person

against the effects of private enmity.* He was received with the utmost distinction; the Guises quitted the court before his arrival, and he was instantly admitted to the King's presence, where casting himself at the feet of the young monarch, he was raised by Charles himself, who embraced him, called him his father, and testified the greatest joy and satisfaction at seeing him in his proper place near the person of his sovereign.

" I have got you now," exclaimed the monarch, holding the veteran in his arms, " and do not think that you shall escape again easily."t

Riches, favors, honors, were showered upon him and his friends ; and the houses of Montmorenci and Chatillon renewing their ancient close intimacy, seemed for a time all powerful at the court of France. The Queen-mother and the Duke of Anjou also displayed much satisfaction at the appearance of Coligni amongst them, and the young Duke of Alen^on, though animated from his cradle with the most deadly and insane hatred of his brothers,:j: participated, probably with sincerity, in the joy they expressed.

No restraint was placed upon the proceedings of the Admiral: he was permitted to come and go between the court and his chateau at Chatillon ; and the anxiety which was shewn by the King for his speedy return when absent, seemed no more than might be expected from the pleasure which Charles

''" Auvigny. f Aubigue.

X Memoires do Ncvers, torn. I.

THE LIFE OF HENRY IV.

appeared to take in his conversation, and the confidence which he expressed in his judgment.

" Not a day passed," says Aubigne, " without seeing favors gifts and offices, refused to the solicitations of all others, granted at the least word from him." The war against Spain, was a subject of constant consultation between Coligni and the King, and preparations were carried on, which must have caused serious uneasiness to Philip, if they were not satisfactorily explained by private communications from the French court.

It has been a question with many historians : it is a question still, whether the horrible crime which was so soon after perpetrated on St. Bartholomew's day, was premeditated from the conclusion of the third war ; whether the caresses which were now showered upon the Protestant leaders, were but artifices to lure them to destruction ; and whether, even if the Queen-mother and a few of those in whom she placed confidence, had already plotted the destruction of the Huguenot party, Charles IX. himself was a participator in their schemes of massacre. Each party has decided according to its own prejudices, and there is much to be said on both sides. But it would certainly seem, that the balance of evidence is against the court, and many facts combine to shew that Charles himself was cognizant of the intended crime.

The contemporary writers divide themselves into the two great bodies of Roman Catholics, and Protestants y participators in the deed, and those who

suffered in their families and friends. The testimony of both may be suspected of partiality ; but the testimony of events is more sure, and the opinions of persons living at the time, but remote from the scene of action and free from the passions which moved the contending parties in France, may be received as very good collateral evidence.

In favor of the assertion, that the massacre of St. Bartholomew was not a long premeditated act, and that Charles did not take any part in the design, till within a few days of its execution, we have the memoirs of the Princess Marguerite, the relation given by the Duke of Anjou to his physician, Miron, and the memoirs of Tavannes written by his son.^ The Princess Marguerite, however, as is justly observed by Gomberville, in his collection of the Papers of Nevers, *' is not always the most faithful of historians;" and she herself shews that she was unacquainted with any of the facts of the conspiracy, till after it had produced its horrible fruit, and then only received her information regarding the preceding steps, from the murderers themselves. The memoirs of Tavannes, though, beyond doubt, his son had in his hands various papers left by his father, have evidently been subjected to great alterations, and therefore can scarcely be looked upon as a contemporary record. The relation of the Duke of Anjou to

* From the manner in which Anquetil frequently mentions these memoirs, it would seem that he was unaware that they were not the work of Tavannes himself.

Miron must be regarded as the confession of one of the principal murderers to a person whom he respected, but the circumstances under which it was made, deprive it of a great part of that authority which it otherwise might have obtained. The Duke, afterwards Henry III. was passing through Germany at the time he made this statement, on his way to receive the crown of Poland. He had found at the courts of the various German Princes, innumerable Protestant refugees; he had been met with coldness, and in some instances with horror, by the small Sovereigns of the confederation; and he knew that a general opinion existed both in Germany and Poland, that a crime which had excited one cry of indignant rage throughout the Empire, had been aggravated by long premeditation.^ He was tormented by remorse, which would not suffer him to sleep; and we may well suspect that, in relating the particulars of an act he could not deny, he endeavored to represent them as favorably as possible, deceiving himself upon several points, and Miron upon others, in order to deprive the crime of some of those atrocious features, which were only sus. pected by the world in general, and to give an account, which, if repeated to his Polish subjects, or to his German allies, might mitigate the shame and disgrace that had followed the deed. We know

* This is proved by the letters of the ambassador Schomberg to Charles IX.

that Charles IX. most grossly falsified the truth in his statements, to his own people and to neighbouring monarchs ; and there is no reason to suppose that the Duke, equally criminal, would not be equally insincere.

It is probable that M. de Cheverny, afterwards Chancellor of France, might have furnished us with a full account of the facts, as he was at this time one of the most intimate counsellors of the Duke of Anjou; but he studiously avoids entering into any of the details of the deed; and his very silence leads the mind to conjecture, that he was unwilling to dwell upon topics, so disgraceful to one who had been his greatest benefactor. Cheverny,* however, as well as the three other authorities w^e have cited, intimates that the massacre of St. Bartholomew was not premeditated.

But when we compare the account of Marguerite with that of Tavannes, and the relation of the physician Miron with both, we shall find that they contradict each other in various important particulars, while all but Marguerite, had a direct interest in diminishing the load of reprobation, by confirming the story generally told by the murderers, that the menaces and violence of the Protestants, had driven the King to an act repugnant to his feelings. It is also to be observed, that most of the Roman Catholic writers, who have since discussed the subject, have perverted the words of some authors, omitted many * Memoires d'Estat, page 40.

passages of others, and cited some as favorable to their view of the case, who are most strongly opposed to their statements.*

In support of the assertion, that both Charles IX. and his mother, had, from the very conclusion of the war, meditated a general slaughter of the Huguenots, and only loaded them with distinction to draw them into the snare, we have a host of Protestant writers, the admission of a number of Roman Catholics, contemporary and nearly contemporary, and a multitude of facts corroborative of the suspicion. Aubigne and Sully make the accusation in direct terms 5 Davila, a Roman Catholic, whose father, brother, and two sisters, were at the court of France in the year 157^, and who was himself attached to Catherine de Medicis, seems to suppose, that not a doubt can exist of the fact; L'Etoile, in the memoir prefixed to the Journal of Henry III. asserts it boldly; and the good Bishop of Rodez uses the following

* Although the author of the famous "Dissertation sur la St. Barthelemi,'* is conspicuous in this course, his perversions are not quite equal to those of Anquetil, iior does he affect candor like the other. AnquetU cites Castelnau and Brantome, as writers, who declare that Charles did not consent to the massacre, till after the Admiral had been wounded. Now the Memoirs of Castelnau terminate previous to the period of wliich he speaks, and Brantome by no means intimates anything of the kind, but rather the reverse, as will be seen above. He also conceals the circumstances of the ^lurder of Ligneroles, and says not one word of the cause of that act, as stated by Aubigne and Davila, though it had a remarkable bearing on the massacre.

words, which prove beyond all question, that after deep study of the subject, his mind was completely satisfied of that long premeditation, which gave even a darker shade to the blackest spot in the history of France.

"However," he says, ** the King having discovered that he could not overcome the Huguenots by force, resolved to employ other means, more easy, but also far more wicked. He applied himself to caress them, to feign that he would treat them favorably, to grant them the greater part of the things they demanded, to lull them with the hope of making war upon the King of Spain in the Low Countries, which they passionately desired 5 and to lure them still better, he promised as a pledge of his good faith, to marry his sister Marguerite to the Prince of Navarre, so that by these means he drew the principal chiefs of that party to Paris."

The words of Brantome, though less strong, shew beyond doubt, that in his opinion the Duke of Anjou, at least, meditated the horrible act of treachery which was committed, even before the conclusion of the war. In speaking of the peace of St. Germain, he says, " Not that he (the Duke) desired it, otherwise, than inasmuch as he might prepare himself better for the festival of St. Bartho-lomew, and draw by this means, the Admiral to Blois and to Paris." He goes on to state, that others took a different view; but this he distinctly declares to be his own, in his eulogium on VOL. I. 2d

Charles IX.* The letters of Schomberg to Charles, also prove that such was the firm conviction of all the German Princes at the time ; and the Italian writers of that age uniformly announce and laud the art, with which the plot had been concealed till the moment of execution.

The testimony of facts, however, is still more powerful, and I shall now proceed to detail the occurrences which immediately preceded the massacre of St. Bartholomew's day, having thought it best in the first place to inquire briefly into the question, whether the opinions of the least prejudiced and best informed contemporaries, should lead us to conclude that the bloody deed was or was not the result of a long concerted plot, in order that the reader, as he goes on, may form his own judgment of the causes of the actions, about to be related.

While the court was at Blois, took place one of those acts of private assassination, which were the disgrace of the age. Ligneroles, a young gentleman of considerable promise attached to the Duke of Anjou, was murdered during a hunting party, by Villequier, a cherished companion of the King, accompanied by Count Charles of Mansfeld and Henry of Angouleme, Grand Prior, a natural son of Henry Il.t Had his assassination been com-

* See also Historia vitae Caroli Valesii a Papyrio Massonio conscripta, from which Brantome apparently borrowed with a grasping hand.

f We shall soon have to speak more of this personage as one of the butchers of St. Bartholomew's day.

mitted by Villequier alone, the deed might have been ascribed to personal enmity ; but when we find that the King's favorite was aided by the monarch's illegitimate brother and one of his principal officers, suspicion naturally turns towards a superior personage ; and we inquire what was the motive for his death, and why were the murderers not only suffered to escape with impunity, but raised higher than ever in the confidence of their sovereign ? Aubigne says, that people believed Ligneroles' assassination was commanded, '' because in playing the good companion with the King, he had given Charles to understand, that he knew the secret of the proposed wedding at Paris ;" and Davila enters into all the particulars, stating expressly, that the Duke of Anjou, having confided the scheme to his friend, Ligneroles had the imprudence to hint his knowledge to Charles, whereupon, the King ordered him to be murdered, without loss of time; a command which the Duke did not venture to oppose.*

Still Coligni remained deceived, and Charles pursued the same course of policy, overwhelming him

* The manner in which Anquetil endeavors to conceal this strong proof of Charles's premeditated treachery is curious. " Ligneroles," he says, '^ was killed at a hunting party by order of Charles, because he had the misfortune, they say, to learn from his master the secrets of the King. Others say, because he had an intrigue with the Queen-mother." But the author never hints what the secrets were, of which Ligneroles had been made the depositary.

2 D 2

with short-lived favors, the very excess of which should have been warning sufficient.

The monarch, indeed, could not always disguise his real purposes ; but, sometimes pressed by the indignant remonstrances of the more zealous Catholics, sometimes yielding to a feeling of triumph in his own art, he on several occasions suffered words to escape him, which plainly indicated that his pretended reconciliation with the Admiral, only covered projects of revenge. In one instance, after having displayed towards Coligni the tenderness and respect of a son for a father, he demanded of his mother, " Have I not played my part well ?"* '^ Very well, my son," replied Catherine, " but you must continue to do so to the end." An Italian writer has added another imprudent speech, made by Charles to the Papal legate, who had been directed to remonstrate against the favor shewn towards the Huguenots, and to break off, if possible, the marriage of Marguerite with the Prince of Navarre. " Would to God," said the King, *' that I could tell your Eminence all. You will soon see, as well as the Pope, that nothing is so well calculated as this marriage, to secure the Catholic religion in France, and destroy its enemies."f

The Queen of Navarre, during her first visit to

* Sully. Brantome reports the same words, but places them at an after period, though still referring to the same deed. Eloge de Charles IX. See also Mathieu and I'Etoile.

f Stratagema di Carole IX. contra li Ugonoti.

the court at Blois, was treated with raillery and contempt by Catherine de Medicis, and in her letters to her son, complains loudly of the want of courtesy she experienced, while she expresses strong disgust at the licence and debauchery of the court, and no small surprise at the coldness of Marguerite herself and her repugnance to any concession to the religious views of her future husband.

Many other signs of enmity caused apprehensions amongst the inferior leaders of the Protestants. The young Prince of Navarre, in visiting his government of Guienne, in the beginning of 1572, was badly received by the people. Bordeaux shut its gates against him; and Villars, who was at the head of the royal troops in that province, refused to withdraw, or to defer the command to Henry. Several of the King's officers, with considerable forces, prowled round the walls of Rochelle, and a for-midable armament upon the seas, kept the port nearly in a state of blockade.*'

To all remonstrances and warnings on the subject, Coligni replied, that the army collected, was destined for the war in the Low Countries, and that no step had been taken without his advice and consent. He assured his friends, that full confidence raicrht be placed in the King ; and he aided, by his exhortations, both to remove the difficulties which the Queen of Navarre, at first, threw in the way of her son's marriage with Marguerite de Valois, and to bring * Sully. Davila. Aubigne.

her to Paris to prepare for that event. The most suspicious circumstance which attended the whole transaction, only hlinded the eyes of the Protestant leaders still farther, and facilitated the catastrophe. The Cardinal of Lorraine, the implacable enemy of the house of Chatillon, the unceasing persecutor of the Huguenots, and the instigator of all the fraud and violence under which they had suffered, exerted himself to obtain a dispensation for the proposed marriage, and w^on the new Pope, Gregory XIII., to consent.

Notwithstanding all these events, Jeanne d'Albret, pressed by Coligni and the young King, and urged by her courtiers, who were eager to share in the pleasures and favors of the court of France, at length determined to set out for the capital, though many of her wisest counsellors presaged, that *' if the wedding was celebrated in Paris, the liveries would be very crimson.''* Preceding her son, who remained for some days in the provinces, she arrived in the metropolis on the 15th of May, 1572, t and took up her abode in the house of Guillard, bishop of Chartres, a prelate suspected of favoring the doctrines of Calvin. The marriage of her son with the sister of the French King was appointed to take place immediately, and such arrangements agreed upon, as to obviate the religious scruples of both parties regarding the ceremony. But in the midst of the prepara-

* Sully. t De Serres.

tions, Jeanne d'Albret was suddenly seized with fever, and died after an illness of nine days.

A report that she had been poisoned, instantly spread through the capital, and Charles IX., with every appearance of deep grief, ordered the body to be opened and examined, to ascertain if any thing could be discovered to justify the suspicion. An abscess was found, caused, it would appear, by an attack of pleurisy unskilfully treated, and the investigation was carried no farther. The Protestant writers of the time remark, that the head was not opened, and several of them assert, in distinct terms, that her death was occasioned by poison, communicated by a pair of perfumed gloves, manufactured by the infamous Rene Bianchi, a Florentine perfumer, living on the Pont St. Michel, who was generally supposed to be employed by Catherine de Medicis, in removing those opponents, against whom she did not choose to employ the dagger or the sword. I see no cause, however, to believe that the Queen of Navarre suffered under any such practices, nor have we any proof that poison can be administered in the manner stated. In her case, an apparent cause for her decease was found upon opening her body ; the surgeons sought no farther ; and it is not necessary that the historian should do so.*

* Aubigne and I'Etoile declare that she was poisoned ; and other authors mention the rumor, some with doubt, others with condemnation. Compare de Thou, de Serres, Pierre Mathieu, and the Journal of the Bishop of Oleron, in Sauval, Antiquites de Paris, tome ii. p. 199.

At the period of his mother's death, the Prince of Beam was travelling towards Paris,* uncon-scious of her illness, and the news of her death reached him at Chaunay in Poitou.f He immediately assumed the style of King of Navarre, and with deep grief for the loss he had sustained, proceeded to Paris, pausing for a short time, to be present at the wedding of his cousin, the Prince de Conde.. He found the whole court in mourning, and every sign of regret displayed for the loss he had just suffered. The celebration of the projected marriage was delayed, that sorrow might have its course ; and it is not improbable, that Henry, who was met with the utmost coldness by his future bride, was by no means disappointed at the postponement of the ceremony, while Marguerite, who submitted unwillingly to the policy of her family, rejoiced to escape, even for a short time, an union that she detested.:|:

During the interval, the Protestant nobles continued to flock to Paris, in order to be present at the marriage of their young chief; and Charles continued to amuse the Admiral, with the project of a war with Philip II. At the moment of the death of

* Perefixe. ^ Victor Cayet.

:|: There can be no doubt that she was sincerely attached to the young Duke of Guise ; who, after having been refused in his application for her hand, had hastily married Catherine of Cleves, sister of the young Princess de Conde. Some authors do not scruple to assert, that the Princess Marguerite had already carried her complaisance towards the Duke to a criminal length.

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 409

Jeanne d'Albret, Coligni was in Paris, but having quitted the capital shortly after, he was soon recalled by the King, who pressed him to send in his project against Spain, in writing. With this request the Admiral complied; but Charles took the pains to submit the scheme to Morvillier, one of his principal counsellors, who soon produced a counter memorial, which gave rise to fresh discussions, and occupied the time till the whole of the leading Protestants were assembled in the metropolis.

Coligni, indeed, was not permitted to take the rash step which cost him his life, without manifold remonstrances from his more prudent friends;^ and even after his last return to Paris, one of his followers, named Langoiran, suddenly presented himself to take leave of him, saying, that he was immediately about to retire into the country. When asked by the Admiral, the cause of his unexpected departure, he replied, ** I go, because they caress you too much, and I would rather save myself with fools, than perish with sages." The Duke of Montmorenci also retired to Chantilly, upon pretence of illness, and no persuasions could induce him to return to Paris.t

* A letter exists in the Memoirs of Coligni, said to have been written by Cardinal Pelleve, to the Cardinal of Lorraine, to have been intercepted, and sent to the Admiral. It exposes, in plain terms, the whole designs of the court; but I have many doubts of the authenticity of the paper ; and if CoHgni ever received it, and believed it to be genuine, he must have been a madman to neglect the warning.

f Sully. Aubigne.

If, however, warnings were given and suspicions entertained, on one side, every assurance was afforded by the other. The King, who had already effected an apparent reconciliation between the house of Guise and the Admiral, and had made himself the guarantee of the peaceable demeanor of the former, issued a proclamation, as soon as he found that Coligni was about to take up his abode openly in the capital, which seemed intended especially to insure his personal safety. Various measures were prescribed for the immediate settlement, by competent persons, of any disputes which might arise ; all vagabonds and persons without any lawful calling, were ordered to quit Paris forthwith, and the dangerous practice of carrying fire-arms was strictly prohibited within the walls of Paris.

At length, the greater part of the difficulties raised by the court of Rome, having been removed, the day for the union of the young King of Navarre with Marguerite of Valois, was fixed. The espousals took place at the Louvre, on the 17th of August, and were followed by a grand supper, during the course of which, it was remarked that the King conversed with Coligni, and other Huguenot leaders, with every appearance of affection and esteem.* The bride was then conducted to the archiepiscopal palace, where she slept that night, and the next morning the marriage ceremony was performed, exactly according to the plan

* Aubigne.

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 411

which had been agreed upon with the Queen of Navarre. A scaffold had been raised before the great gate of the church of Notre Dame; and there, in the presence of all the court, and an immense multitude of citizens, Henry received the hand of the Princess, the nuptial oath being administered by the Cardinal de Bourbon, the uncle of the young King of Navarre.

We are informed, however, by Davila, that at this inauspicious ceremony, the Princess, when asked, whether she willingly took Henry of Bourbon for her husband, replied not a word. Her brother, Charles IX., however, put his hand upon her head, and bent it down, which was received as a sufficient mark of assent. After the vows had been thus imperfectly exchanged, Marguerite retired into the church, to participate in the mass ; and, while her young husband, and the Protestant nobles who accompanied him, remained in the body of the church, or in the porch, service was performed in the choir.^

While walking in the cathedral, with Marshal D'Amville, Coligni remarked the ensigns taken from the Protestant army at Jarnac and Moncontour ; and, full of his project of war against Spain, he pointed

* Le Grain. Decade de Henri le Grand, says, that the young King retired to hear a sermon, {au prcche;) but de Thou was present, and gave a different account. It is unnecessary to notice the errors that have been committed by Daniel and others, in their account of this ceremony.

to them, exclaiming, '' Before long, men will pull them down, and put others in their place, more agreeable to behold."*

After the mass, the young King of Navarre advanced to receive his bride, and led her into the Archbishop's palace, where dinner had been prepared for the court. A magnificent supper followed in the evening ; and night closed in with balls and pageants.

The next day, splendid entertainments were given at the Hotel d'Anjou, and at the Louvre ; and, on Wednesday the 20th, a tournament, or rather a military spectacle somewhat resembling one of those ancient passes of arms, took place at the Hotel Bourbon. The ground was so laid out and deco-rated as to represent heaven and hell ; and in the former appeared Charles IX., with his two brothers, as the challengers, while Henry of Navarre, and the principal Protestant noblemen, advanced to attack the royal party. According to previous arrangement, after various chivalrous feats, the Huguenot assailants were driven back, and carried by devils into the infernal regions, from which they were ultimately set free by Cupid, f If this

De Thou. Aubigne. De Thou heard the words, which he reports.

t Aubigne. This author was present at most of the scenes which he describes ; and was now of an age (twenty-two,) to observe and judge of what was passing around him. His satirical spirit has deprived his work of some of that reputation

pageant was allegorical, and it is scarcely possible to suppose that it was not, the execution of it did more honor to the good humor of the young King of Navarre, than to the good feeling of Charles IX. Coligni was now most anxious to return to Cha-tillon; and his letters to his wife shew that he was in daily expectation of concluding all the arrangements for the war in Flanders, and of being permitted to quit the capital, the gaieties and licentiousness of which, neither suited his character, nor his high religious impressions. The marriage festivities prevented his obtaining, for three days, the audience which he hoped would be final; but on Friday, the 22nd of August, he was at length admitted to an interview with Charles. He then accompanied the young monarch to the racket-court, and there left him to pursue an amusement of which the King was passionately fond. From the Louvre the Admiral took his way on foot, towards the house in which he lodged, in Rue Betisy, attended by twelve or fifteen gentlemen, and having on one side. Monsieur de Guerchi, whom he had just reconciled with Thiange, and on the other. Monsieur Sorbieres. A letter or memorial was placed in his

which is justly its due ; but in comparing his statements with those of Davila, a remarkable confirmation of each will be found in the writings of the other, especially as we know that they wrote without communication. Davila might indeed have seen the work of Aubigne ; but it is well known, that the first books of his history were written long before the first volume of that of the Protestant writer appeared in 1616.

hands immediately after quitting the Palace; and he continued reading it, as he walked slowly along, till, in turning the corner of the Rue des Fossees, St. Germain, he was wounded by two balls from an arquebuse, fired from the window of a house, at the angle formed by that street, and the cloisters of St. Germain FAuxerrois. One bullet entered his left arm, and the other broke the first finger of his right hand ;* but, without appearing agitated or alarmed, he pointed out the house from which the gun had been discharged, and some of his attendants rushed forward, and broke open the door. No one was found within, but a man and woman-servant, with an arquebuse, lately fired, lying in the room which the assassin had just quitted; but the house was recognised as that of Peter de Villemar, formerly preceptor of the Duke of Guise, and now a canon of St. Germain.

On questioning the servants, it was afterwards discovered, that a person, calling himself Boland, had been brought to the house the day before, by Villiers de Chailli, maitre d'hotel to the King, and steward of the Duke of Guise.f He had slept there that night, during the absence of the canon ; and a horse had been kept ready for him in the cloister, the entrance of which, nearest the Rue des Fossee St. Germain, was partially closed by an image of stone, so as to impede the Protestant gentlemen who hurried in to apprehend the murderer. He

* Vie de Coligni. f Auvigny.

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 415

thus eflPected his escape with ease to the Porte St. Antoine, where other horses, said to have been brought from the stable of the Duke of Guise, were in waiting. Farther inquiries shewed, almost beyond doubt, that the assassin was the infamous Maure-vel,*' who had treacherously slain the gallant Mouy, and after the death of that officer, had taken refuge with the Duke of Anjou, from whom it is said he received a pension for the deed.f

Messengers were immediately sent to inform the King of the crime which had been committed ; and Charles, who was still playing at tennis, cast away his racket, with every appearance of furious indignation, exclaiming, '* Shall I never be at peace ?"J

In the meantime, the surgeons of the court, the ministers of the Protestant church, and the various princes and nobles of the Admiral's party, as well as Cosse and D'Amville, hastened to the house of the wounded man. Amongst the first that arrived was the young King of Navarre, who was deeply touched by the situation of his friend. The demeanor of Coligni, however, was such as might be

* He is frequently called Maurevert, by the historians of the time, and sometimes Montravel.

f Auvigny.

X Whether he did or did not meditate the massacre of St. Bartholomew's day, there is no reason to suppose the anger of the King assumed ; as in the former case the attempt to assassinate the Admiral was likely to frustrate his more rapacious schemes of butchery ; and in the latter, it was a gross outrage upon his authority.

THE LIFE OF HENRY IV.

expected from his character, calm, firm, composed, and full of trust in God.

Accompanied by the Prince de Conde, Henry of Navarre proceeded from the bed-side of the Admiral to the Louvre, where, in bold and indignant terms, he represented to Charles, in the presence of his mother and the court, the atrocity of the act committed, called for justice upon the assassin and his instigators, and demanded permission to retire from Paris, alleging, that the lives of himself and his friends were no longer safe in the capital. Charles replied, by expressing even greater anger than his cousin ; and with the blasphemies, common to his lips, declared, that he would inflict signal punishment upon all concerned in the horrible deed. The Queen-mother even went beyond her son, in displaying indignation and resentment. She exclaimed that no one could be considered secure after such an act; and that the King, her son, would some night be attacked in his bed. She likewise proposed immediate measures for preventing any one from quitting the metropolis who might be implicated in the crime. Chailli was sought for, but not found ; the Duke of Guise, who, with a number of gentlemen attached to his house, had come to Paris not long before, retired from the Louvre, apparently under the suspicion of the court; and Charles himself, proceeded to visit the Admiral, who by this time had undergone several painful operations for the amputation of the finger, and the extraction of the bullet from his arm.

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 417

The Queen-mother, however, took precautions against any private'conversation between her son and Coligni, accompanied the King herself to the chamber of the sick man, under the appearance of deep interest in his fate, together with the Duke of Anjou, and a number of those noblemen, who are admitted by all parties, to have been the chief actors in the tragedy which soon followed.

It is necessary to remark, in this place, that the apprehension which Catherine evidently entertained, lest any private communication between Charles and the Admiral, should prove disadvantageous to herself, is the strongest corroboration that exists, of the very feeble evidence adduced by some writers, to convince us that the young King was not privy to the designs which had been formed for the massacre of the Huguenots.

Whether this fact may be judged sufficient to overthrow the numerous proofs of premeditation on the part of Charles, or whether we may not reasonably conclude that the precautions of the Queen proceeded simply from a dread lest the remonstrances of Coligni, and his calm and moderate demeanor, under a terrible injury, should shake the vouno^ monarch's resolution, the reader may judge by the evidence set before him. But it is scarcely possible to conceive, that Charles should display sincere and heartfelt commiseration for the Admiral, reverence for his character, and furious indignation against his enemies; and within the short space of eight

and forty hours, should order the most fearful breach of all his own engagements, the massacre of all his Protestant subjects, the murder of Coligni, and the destruction of some of his own most intimate friends, without the slightest proof of any crime on their part, or any inquiry whether the accusations of their enemies were true or false. Such must have been the case, however, if the statement of the Duke of Anjou to Miron was accurate; but it must never be forgotten, that the Duke, his sister Marguerite, and the memoirs of Tavannes, contradict each other in some of the most essential points.*

The marked anger of the young King, the instant search for the murderer, the visit of the court to

* In the first place Marguerite says, that the Mareschal de Retz was the person employed to bring over Charles to the plan for massacreing the Huguenots. The Duke of Anjou, on the contrary, declares that de Retz strongly and nobly opposed any breach of faith towards them. The Duke asserts, that the King on being gained to consent to the death of the Admiral, declared that, such being the case, he would have all the Huguenots slaughtered throughout the realm, that none might be left to reproach him. The memoirs of Tavannes state that it was only determined to put the chiefs of the party to death, and that it was the fury of the people which rendered the massacre indiscriminate. A thousand discrepancies of the same kind may be pointed out; and the very fact of the introduction of the regiment of guards into the city, the gathering all the Protestants together into one quarter, the placing a guard at the house of Coligni, composed of zealous Papists and led by a creature of the house of Guise, all of which was done by order of the King, leaves his full participation, from a very early period, in the schemes of his mother, little doubtful.

Coligni, and many minor indications of good will towards the Protestant party, though now generally admitted to have been the effect of the most consummate duplicity, calmed in some degree the fears of the young King of Navarre and the Prince de Conde ; and they abandoned their intention of quitting Paris. Others, more prudent, however, proposed to retire in a body from the capital, carrying the Admiral with them ; but this suggestion was overruled, and Coligni himself expressed the utmost confidence in the King, though he clearly pointed out the Duke of Guise as the person who had instigated the attempt to assassinate him. The King and the Queen-mother afi^ected to participate in his opinion, on that point; and when the Princes of Lorraine presented themselves to take leave of the court, affecting to be indignant at the suspicions entertained against them, the reply of Charles was harsh and severe, his countenance angry and stern.

The Duke of Guise, and his relations, however, did not quit Paris ; and some movements havino-taken place amongst the people, in favor of the family who appeared to be in disgrace, Charles affected to apprehend a tumult, set a guard over the house of Coligni, on pretence of anxiety for his safety,* gathered all the Protestant nobility into the same quarter of the town in which the Admiral was lodged, alleging that they could there defend

* Coligni, having heard of the agitation in the city, demanded a guard of half a dozen men : the King insisted upon sending fifty.

2 e2

themselves better in case of any outrage from the partizans of Lorraine, and begged his young brother-in-law, Henry of Navarre, to call around him in the Louvre, as many of his most determined friends as he could collect. The guard placed over the house of Coligni, however, was commanded by Cosseins, one of his marked enemies ; arms were brought into the royal residence ; and a large body of arquebusiers were distributed amongst the streets in the neighbourhood of the palace, and along the banks of the Seine, while measures were taken to prevent any defensive weapons from being carried to the quarter where the Protestants were now assembled.*

Still, although with Coligni, the young King of Navarre, and others, the appearance, at least, of entire trust in the good faith of the King was maintained, a number of Huguenot gentlemen, having less confidence, withdrew from the dangerous position in which they were placed after the attempt upon the Admiral, and either retired into the country, or to the Faubourg St. Germain.t But every hour, Coligni, and his son-in-law Teligni, received intelligence, which they communicated to those around, that the King was zealously engaged in taking precautions against any interruption of the public peace, and was displaying more and more strongly, his determination to punish those who had any share in the attempted assassination.

* Aubinge, Auvigny, Peirre Mathieu. •j* Memoires de Sully.

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 421

There remains no doubt in the mind of any one, that Charles had, by this time, determined upon the massacre ; and Anquetil says, after having fixed the period at which, in his opinion, the King decided upon the butchery, ** from that moment, Charles lent himself to all the deceits which they shewed him were necessary to success." The question naturally arises. If he could at this time display such consummate art, why should we doubt that he could and did use the same disguise before ?*

During the afternoon of Saturday the 23d of August, the young King of Navarre brought his bride to visit his wounded friend; and though Marguerite soon returned to the Louvre, Henry remained with Coligni till night-fall, when he rejoined the party at the palace, little imagining that during his absence the question had been discussed in the council, whether he himself should be included in the approaching massacre of his fellow Protestants. It was determined, however, in the secret council, that his life and that of the Prince de Conde should be spared; but immediate steps were taken for carrying into execution the sanguinary designs of the court against all the other Calvinists in the capital.

* The description of Charles by Papyrius Masso, fully bears out the statement of Davila, that he was full of fraud. The former historian says he was " cum vellet egregius dissimulator," and he adds, '^jusjurandum et perjurium sermonis genus non cri minis putans ; idcirco fidem violabat quotics ex usu videbatur.''

The conduct of the whole enterprise was left to the young Duke of Guise, of whose talents, courage, and ruthless determination, there could be no doubt; but as it was necessary that no time should be afforded the Protestants, to recover from their first surprise, and to rally their forces for resistance, the aid of the inhabitants of Paris was called in. John Charron and Marcel, the actual and late Prevots des Marchands, were sent for by the King,* and ordered to arm the Roman Catholic citizens, and to have them assembled at midnight in front of the Hotel de Ville. Each man was commanded to wear a white cross in his hat, and a white linen cloth round his left arm, in order that the butchers might recognise each other ; and in the end Charron and Marcel were informed, that at the sounding of the tocsin, just before day, by the great bell at the Palace of Justice, a general massacre of the Huguenots was to be commenced, by the soldiers. The citizens were ordered to take part therein; no one was to be spared on any consideration ; and the two officers were assured, that similar acts of barbarity were to be performed at the same moment throughout all the provinces of France.f The first effect of such a communication on the minds of Charron and Marcel, w^as to produce horror, which they could not conceal. They trembled, we are told, and hesitated to obey j but the menaces of Ta-vannes, and the furious countenance of the King * Memoires de Tavaunes. f Aiibigue.

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 423

soon overcame their reluctance ; and they promised to perform the task as ruthlessly as the monarch could desire : an engagement which they kept but too well.

With the most consummate hypocrisy, Charles kept up the appearance of friendship for the Protestants to the last, so that several Huguenot noblemen remained with him to a late hour on the night of the twenty-third. It would seem, that private regard induced him to make an effort to save the life of La Rochefoucault; and he pressed him to sleep at the Louvre. But the Count unconscious of danger, and thinking that the King wished to play off, at his expense, some of those practical jokes which continually disgraced the court, and often deviated into the grossest debauchery, w^ould not remain at the Palace, but retired, never to return.* He was murdered the same night, by Chicot, who enacted on ordinary occasions the part of court fool, but who now took an active part in the massacre.

If the jnemoirs of Marguerite are deserving of any credit, and on the point about to be stated there is no cause to suppose she disguised the truth, Henry of Navarre was far from entertaining the same feelings of confidence displayed by La Rochefoucault; and it is probable, that many circumstances after his return to the Louvre, shewed him, there was danger in the air he breathed. The

* Brantome.

THE LIFE OF HENRY IV.

Duchess of Lorraine, the eldest sister of the young Queen of Navarre, was by this time aware of the designs of her mother, and, at the hour of retiring to rest on the 23rd, would fain have prevented Marguerite from returning to her husband's apartments, thinking that the Protestants might take vengeance upon her, for the outrage about to be committed. But Catherine de Medicis sternly reproved the Duchess for her imprudence, and commanded the Queen of Navarre to withdraw, which she did, wondering what could be the cause of her sister's tears and anxiety. She found her husband's bed surrounded by thirty or forty Huguenots whom she did not yet know, and instead of seeking repose, the whole party passed the night in conversing over the attempt upon the life of the Admiral.*

In the meantime, throughout the capital, hurried preparations were going on for the barbarous act about to be perpetrated, and the agitation of meditated crime reigned in the royal dwelling. The citizens, called to assemble at midnight, ranged themselves before the Hotel de Ville ; armed men were seen hurrying hither and thither through the streets;! and the Dukes of Montpensier and Nevers, with part of the regiment of guards, and a number of Roman Catholic gentlemen, remained near the person of Charles IX, or in the court of the

* Memoires de la reine Marguerite. f Aubigne.

Louvre.* Catherine de Medicis, the Duke of Anjou, and the King himself, with gloomy expectation, waited in the halls of the palace, for the approach of the appointed hour ; till, unable to bear any longer the horrible suspense, the Queen-mother urged the young monarch to anticipate the time named, and, obtaining his consent, sent off to the church of St. Germain I'Auxerrois, to order the tocsin to be sounded there, instead of at the Palais de Justice, which was too far off.

The party of Royal butchers then proceeded to a window, whence they could see what was taking place in the streets, and while there, the Duke of Anjou informs us, the report of a pistol was suddenly heard. Aubigne explains the fact, by stating, that at the noise, which by this time disturbed the silence of the streets, the Huguenots became alarmed, and one of them, unsatisfied with the answers he received, attempted to go out to see what was the cause, when he was wounded by a soldier. The sound froze the blood of the great criminals ; a late remorse took possession of them, and if Henry III. is to be credited, an order was sent off to suspend the execution.^

But by this time the tocsin was rinoinof, the win-dows of the Papists, according to previous arrangement, were illuminated with lanterns and flambeaux; and the Duke of Guise, animated by the thoughts of his father's death, and the thirst for vengeance * l^avila. -f Pierre Mathieu.

'^^d THE LIFE OF HENRY IV.

against his supposed murderers, was before the house of the Admiral. The slaughter of Coligni had been specially entrusted to him, and, accompanied by the Grand Prior and the Duke of Aumale, with a large party of soldiers he had hastened to the Rue de Betizy, as soon as permission to commence the massacre was granted. He found Cosseins and the guard before the house, with matches lighted, and prepared to begin the work of death.* The gates of the court were opened at the command of Cosseins; but his purpose being soon discovered, the door of the hotel was defended bv those within, and one of the Swiss guard of the King of Navarre, who had been left with six others to protect the Admiral, was killed at his post in attempting to do his duty.t Six of the attendants of the Duke of Guise, amongst whom were Besme, a German, and Petrucci, an Italian, rushed up the stairs, and soon made their way to the chamber of Coligni, while the Duke and his friends remained below in the court.

After an ineffectual attempt at resistance, Cor-naton and other attached attendants of the Admiral, fled to his room, where they found him at prayers, and perfectly prepared for the fate that awaited him. On learning that the door was forced, Coligni commanded all present to leave him, and provide, if possible, for their own safety. Three escaped, but the rest were picked off by the arque-

* Davila. t Aubgine. Other writers say, that all seven were slaughtered.

KING OF FRANCE AND NAVARRE. 4^7

husiers, as they attempted to fly over the roofs of the neighbouring houses.

The first of the assassins v^ho entered the chamber of the wounded man, was the German Besme, who had been page to the Duke of Guise, and, advancing upon Coligni, he held his sword to the victim's breast, demanding, " Art thou the Admiral?" *^ I am," replied Coligni, with perfect calmness: *'Young man, thou shouldst respect my grey hairs—nevertheless, thou canst abridge my life but little."* At those words, Besme plunged his sword into the Admiral's bosom, and then aimed a blow at his head,f while the rest despatched him with repeated wounds.

Thc-^'Duke of Guise, eager to hear that the enemy of his house was no more, called from the court below, to inquire if the deed were done ; and on Besme replying that the Admiral was slain, the Duke ordered him to throw the body down from

* Such are the words generally attributed to Coligni, on the authority of Atain, or Attin, one of the murderers. Aubigne says, that the Admiral added, " If I could but die by the hand of a gentleman, and not that of this knave."

-j- Besme was recompensed by the hand of a natural daughter of the Cardinal of Lorraine ; and afterwards, on returning from Spain, where he had made a merit of the murder in the eyes of the court of Philip, he was taken by the Protestants; made his escape from Bouteville, where he was confined; was pursued by the Governor Bertanville alone, and, after discharging a pistol at him, but missing his aim, was run through the body and killed, in 1575.

the window; adding, '* Monsieur d'Angouleme, will not believe it till he sees him." The unhappy Coligni, dead or dying, was then raised by Besme and Sarlabous and cast down into the court below, where the Duke of Guise wiped his bloody face with a handkerchief that he might see the features. Then, as he recognized the man he hated, he spurned the corpse with his foot, little dreaming that, ere many years had passed, the cruel and deceitful Prince, who, more than any other, had urged the horrible deed he had just committed, would treat his own dead body with the same in-dignity.

Leaving the house of the Admiral, Guise hurried on to new acts of butchery; exclaiming to the soldiers who followed him, "Courage, comrades, we have begun well! On to the others! The King commands it!" By this time, the tiger spirit of a Parisian mob was let loose ; the streets were filled with armed multitudes eager for blood ; the marked houses of the Protestants were broken open ; the unhappy inhabitants starting from their beds at the sound of the demon-like shouts, which were rising round them, were murdered without resistance; neither age nor sex was spared ; the unoffending child, the defenceless woman, and the impotent old man were slaughtered without mercy ; virtue, and learning, and wisdom, proved no safeguard, and all the fierce passions of our depraved nature, unchained in the horrible anarchy, sated themselves

with crimes too fearful to be told. Catholics murdered Catholics, the heir slew the long-lived possessor, the adulterer despatched the husband of his paramour, the enemy murdered his foe in his bed ; and all who did not bear the mark of Popery, were slaughtered without question ; while the chiefs of this dreadful conspiracy ran through the streets, at the head of their armed followers, exclaiming, ^'Kill! kiUr'

''More blood! more blood!" cried Tavannes; ''bleeding is as good in summer as in spring." Horrible jests were thus mingled with the shouts and cries of the murderers, and the groans and screams of their victims ; and still the bells of the churches tolled aloud, proclaiming, in the infernal spirit of persecution, "More blood! more blood!" From the windows, from the doors, were cast forth the corpses of the murdered Protestants, and the gutters of Paris, in the month of August, literally flowed with the blood of many of the noblest and most virtuous men in France.

It is needless to dwell upon the deeds of dark and beastly cruelty, performed by the inferior actors in this fearful tragedy, when the conduct of the great criminals who devised and executed it, may well serve to shew what spirit animated the Popish population of the capital.

At the sound of the first shot fired, we are told,*

* Discours du Roi Henri III. a iin personnage d'lionneur. Memoires de Villeray. Pierre Mathieu.

Charles IX., who had before been wavering and mournful, felt a sudden horror, or perhaps dread, and commanded the execution to be suspended; but no sooner did he find that this counter-order was too late, and beheld from the window, at which he had stationed himself, the butchery actually in progress, than the fierce and sanguinary spirit of the monster, whose delight, as a mere boy, was to slaughter inoffensive beasts of burden,* broke forth in all its fury. He seized a long arquebuse, which he was accustomed to use in the chase, and whenever he saw an unfortunate Huguenot flying before his pursuers, he fired at him,t exclaiming, " Kill! kill!" Under his own eyes, in the court of the Louvre, a multitude of those who had come to his royal palace, trusting to the faith of the King, and upon his own invitation, were slaughtered in cold blood by his guards. The very halls and corridors of his dwelling were polluted by the same treacherous acts ; and the chamber of his sister was not exempt, Henry of Navarre, after a sleepless night, had risen before daybreak, and left his young wife in bed, who, wearied with her own fears and the long, agitated conversation which had taken place between her husband and his friends, ordered the door to be fastened, and fell asleep. Scarcely were her eyes closed, however, when she was roused by

* Ssepe ob vios assinos decollavit, soluto domino pretio, spec-tantibus aulicis. Porcos mactavit, &c. Papyrius Masso. f Brantome.

some one knocking violently, and crying, " Navarre ! Navarre!" and starting up, she bade an attendant open the door, which was no sooner done, than Monsieur de Leyran, one of her husband's attendants, rushed in, covered with blood, wounded in in two places, and pursued by four soldiers of her brother's guard. The unfortunate Protestant clung to her for protection, but would have found no safety there, had not the captain of the guard entered at the moment, and spared him at the entreaty of the Princess. Terrified and bewildered, Marsfuerite fled to the apartments of her elder sister, the Duchess of Lorraine ; but as she went, another Huguenot gentleman, named Bourse, was struck down dead at her feet.* The lives of two others were afterwards saved at her intercession ; but Ambrose Pare, the King's surgeon, and his nurse, were the only Huguenots whom Charles consented to spare, without exacting from them the abjuration of their religion.

The young King of Navarre and the Prince de Conde were brought, unarmed, before the bloody monarch, and witnessed, as they passed, the massacre of a number of their most faithful adherents. Charles received them with fury on his countenance, and blasphemies on his lips, and commanded them, with horrible imprecations, to abjure the Protestant faith,t adding, "Death or the Mass."

Henry of Navarre replied briefly, by beseeching * Memoires de la Reine Marguerite. f Sully. Perefixe.

him to give them, at least, life and liberty of conscience ; but Conde answered more at large, refusing boldly to sacrifice his religious feelings, even for security.* It was a moment of great peril to both, for the taste of blood had only increased the King's desire for more; and, although it had been determined in the council, that the lives of the two young Princes should not be taken, a great probability existed that Charles, carried away by the furious excitement of the moment, would order their instant destruction. He gave them three days to consider, however; swearing, that if, at the end of that time, they did not yield to his commands, he would cause them to be strangled. They were then removed under a guard, and Charles pursued the terrible career in which he had engaged.

During the whole of that horrible day the carnage continued, and was resumed on the Monday following; a third morning opened in the same manner; but orders were soon after given to suspend the massacre; and the slaughter in the capital gradually ceased.

* Aubigne.

END OF VOL. I.

G. NORMAN, PRINTER, MAIDEN LANE, COVENT GARDEN.

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The Beagle sailed from England early in the year 1837, and returned owards the close of 1843. During that period, besides the ordinary icidents of naval adventure, many circumstances of interest marked he progress of her voyage. Unknown shores and untraversed plains pon the north and north-west coasts of Australia have been added to ur geographical knowledge. An inroad into the interior, reachino-dthiu 500 miles of the very centre of the great Australian Continent, as been accomplished. The rivers Victoria, Adelaide, Albert, and itzroy, have been discovered. Great additions have been made to ae several departments of Natural History, of which the various oecimens will be classified and described by eminent Naturalists. The orth-west coast of Australia has been carefully surveyed ; and Bass trait, heretofore so justly dreaded by the Masters of ships, may now

i 5 ^. 5 8

be navigated with that safety which ought to distinguish the high ro? between England and Sydney. The charts of the passage throug Torres Strait, by the inner route, have been improved, and a sa channel discovered through Endeavour Strait: while anchorages-especially at Western and Southern Australia—now correctly lai down, and doubtful positions finally assigned, prove that in tl unpretending though important duties of surveying, the officers of tl Expedition failed not to do justice to the cause wherein they wei engaged.

Notices of Tenerife, San Salvador, the Brazils, the Cape of Goo Hope, the Mauritius, its Hurricanes, and the numerous Islands, Water and Lands of Australia, now first discovered and described, will be foun in the earlier portions of the work, and an account of the interestin visits of H.M.S. Britomart, to the islands in the Arafiira Sea, prepare by Captain Owen Stanley, in the latter part.

In an age fertile beyond all precedent in contributions to the store of geographical knowledge, it seems desirable that some authenti account should be prepared to record the details of a Voyage of Discc very and Survey, performed under the protection of the flag of Grea Britain.

For a period of nearly three hundred years England has been pre eminent for the grandeur and success of her naval discoveries; and long line of illustrious examples, in which the names of Cabot, Drake Raleigh, Dampier, Anson, Cook, Byron, Vancouver, Flinders, Parr\ Franklin, and others, are to be found, attest that in each succeedin generation there have arisen men, willing, at all hazards, to sustain th reputation of that noble service from which they derived, and to whic] they bequeathed, and owe their glory !

And though the present cannot emulate the great achievements o the past—though the adventurous wanderer may no longer hope t( give his name to a new continent, or pass through unknown seas from shore to shore—though not for him are reserved the striking triumphs of an earlier time—there are still rich prizes within hii reach to tempt him onward !

In the voyage which this work is intended to describe, much nev and valuable information has been collected, new coasts have beer visited—new scenes described—new countries explored. Fruitful ii incident, it abounds in materials for thought. Amid the wilds o: Australia the advancing footsteps of Christian civilization have markec the outlines of that wider and more beaten road, by which their furthei progress, and final triumph will be eff'ected; while in the lonelj solitudes, which the occasional visit of the roving savage serves but tc make more desolate,—the first echoes of our language,—the first offerings of our faith,—have attested that the dawn is at hand—thai the day is coming which shall give another, and an English empire, to the annals of the world!

Each circumstance of that eventful history ought, as it transpires^ to be recorded, and an account will be here attempted of that Expedition which penetrated so far towards the interior of this great Continent, discovering some of the largest rivers yet known to water its far-spread forests and extensive plains ; in the belief that the intrinsic importance of the subject will more than atone for any want of experience in the art of narration.

DC

122.8 .J25

V.I

IMS

James, George Payne Rainsford, 18017-1860.

The life of Henry the fourth, king of France and Navarre

PONTIFICAL rNSTirurt

OF MEDIAEVAL STUDIFS

59 queen's park