V. Elymais, Susiana, Persis, and Carmania

ELYMAIS, SUSIANA, PERSIS, AND CARMANIA

ALEXANDREIA ΕΠΙ ΣΟΥΣΟΙΣ

The eighth Alexandreia in the list of settlements ascribed to the Macedonian king at the end of the alpha recension of the Alexander Romance is ἐπὶ Σούσοις.1 W. W. Tarn claimed that this reading was corrupt and suggested instead ἐν Σόγδοις. In support of this he cited two instances in which the reading Sousiana was, he claimed, an error for Sogdiana.2 He then called attention to the list of Alexander’s foundations at the end of the Syriac Alexander Romance (3.24, trans. Wallis Budge): “The ninth is Alexandria which is in the country of Sôd, that is to say, Samarkand.” As Tarn observed, it is not clear whether the word Samarkand refers to the city of Alexandreia or the country of Sogd. Tarn added correctly that at the very least Alexander did not found Samarkand (MARAKANDA).

In Cities of Alexander the Great P. M. Fraser mentioned Alexandreia ἐν Σούσοις (sic). He did not allude to Tarn’s suggested identification. He noted only that Alexandreia ἐν Σούσοις probably was to be identified with SELEUKEIA on the Eulaios.³

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In general see Tarn, Alexander 2:243–44; Fraser, Cities 33.

1. Curiously, in quoting Kroll’s text Tarn referred to this settlement as Alexandreia ἐπὶ Σούσοις. However, in the discussion that followed he referred to it as ἐν Σούσοις. Fraser likewise described it as ἐν Σούσοις. In fact, in the edition of both Müller (the editio princeps, an appendix to F. Dübner, Arriani, Anabasis et Indica [Paris, 1877] 151) and Kroll, the only reading is ἐπὶ Σούσοις.

2. For the emended reading of Sogdiana for Sousiana see Kroll ad Alexander Romance A 3:33.22 and Dexippus (FGrH 100 F8.6); see also Tarn, Alexander 2:243–44.

3. Fraser, Cities 33. In the table of Alexander foundations at the end of Cities of Alexander the Great, Fraser did not mention Alexandreia ἐν Σούσοις; on the other hand, he did record ALEXANDREIA ἐν Σουσιανῆι (p. 240, no. 13) and equated it with ALEXANDREIA/Spasinou Charax (following Tarn, Alexander 2:234, 236). I cannot find any elaboration of this claim elsewhere in his book, nor can I find any ancient or Byzantine evidence for ALEXANDREIA in Susiana (see that entry).

ALEXANDREIA IN CARMANIA

Pliny (NH 6.107) records an Alexandreia in Carmania. The settlement is also mentioned by Ammianus (23.6.49) and Ptolemy (6.8.14). The precise location is not known. However, the coordinates provided by Ptolemy would place it somewhere northeast of Hormuz. W. Tomaschek located it c. 96 kilometers north of Minab at Gulashkird/Golashkerd (Valashgird in the Arabic geographers).¹ P. M. Fraser noted that this Alexandreia was not mentioned by the historians, the tradition of the Alexander Romance, or the Arab geographers; furthermore, he remarked that whereas W. W. Tarn accepted it as a foundation of Alexander himself, “its attestation is weak.”²

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In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:688; Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Alexandreia 11”; id., Erlauterung 42–43; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:295; Tcherikover, HS 99; Tarn, Alexander 2:239; id., GBI² 481–82; Fraser, Cities 30, 166–67.

1. Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Alexandreia 11”; see also Le Strange, Caliphate 317 and map VI; R. Boucharlat and J.-F. Salles, PSAS 11 (1981) 67 and map on p. 87.

2. Fraser, Cities 167 and n. 117. On Carmania see, for example, Potts in Archaeologia Iranica 581–603.

In the region of the Strait of Hormuz I would also mention Portus Mace donum and ALTARS OF ALEXAND ER (Pliny NH 6.110).

ALEXANDREIA IN SUSIANA

Enumerations of Alexander’s foundations often refer to an “Alexandreia in Susiana,” which, it is usually claimed, was identical with ALEXANDREIA/ Spasinou Charax.1 As far as I have been able to determine, the toponym Alexandreia in Susiana is a modern designation. I have not found it in any ancient or Byzantine source.

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1. See, for example, Andreas, RE s.v. “Alexandreia 13”; Tarn, Alexander 2:234, 236, 243; see ALEXANDREIA/Spasinou Charax, n. 17; Fraser, Cities 240, no. 13 (see above, ALEXANDREIA ΕΠΙ ΣΟΥΣΟΙΣ). J. Renger & H. Treidler, BNP s.v. “Alexandria 4,” describe this as a “city in Susiana not far from the mouth of the Tigris (Pliny, HN 6,138).” The reference is obviously to Spasinou Charax. In support of this they cite Miller, Itineraria 753f. and 760 and map no. 219 (665–66); but—as far as I can see—these citations deal with ALEXANDREIA by Issos.

See also J. Seibert (Eroberung 196 n. 9), who, likewise, cites Pliny NH 6.138.

ALEXANDREIA ΠΡΟΣ ΠΕΡΣΑΣ

Alexandreia ἡ πρὸς Πέρσας is mentioned in the lists at the end of the Alexander Romance as well as in various other texts.¹ The identification of Alexandreia ἡ πρὸς Πέρσας has been problematic. A. Ausfeld emended the text to read (in his German translation) “die am Pieria-Gebirge bei Issos.” W. W. Tarn rejected this (“only a counsel of despair”) and claimed it was Alexandreia near/of the Parsii, namely, Alexandreia-Ghazni.² On the other hand, P. M. Fraser claimed it corresponded to ANTIOCH in Persis.³

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1. Alexandreia ἡ πρὸς Πέρσας is mentioned in the Α (ed. Kroll), Β (Α. τὴν ἐπὶ Πέρσαις, ed. Bergson), and Γ (Α. τὴν ἐπὶ Περ[σ]ίας, ed. Parthe) recensions of the Alexander Romance (3.35) as well as the Ethiopic version, p. 352 (“Alexandria of Persia,” ed. and trans. Wallis Budge); the Excerpta Latina Barbara 34b (“Alexandria qui in Persida,” p. 210, ed. Schoene); the Chronicon Paschale p. 321 (Α. τὴν ἐπὶ Πέρσας, CSHB 4.1); the Byzantine Alexander Poem 6107 (Περσῶν τὴν Ἀλεξάνδρειαν, ed. S. Reichmann); Yakut (“Iskandariya in Persia,” Mujam 1:100, ed. Wüstenfeld); see also Wallis Budge, Ethiopic version, 351 n. 5; Lagarde, Analecta Syriaca 207 (Syriac; translated into English by Wallis Budge in his English translation of the Syriac version of the Romance, p. 161); Fraser, Cities 240–41.

2. Ausfeld, Alexanderroman 121 n. 12; in a note to his text of the Α recension of the Alexander Romance 3.35 Kroll remarked “recte ἐπὶ Πιερίας κατ᾽ Ἰσσόν” regarding Ausfeld’s emendation; Tarn, Alexander 2:244.

3. For the identification of Alexandreia ἡ πρὸς Πέρσας with Antioch in Persis see Fraser, Cities 31.

ALEXANDROU NESOS ARAKIA

Among the three islands of the Persian Gulf Ptolemy (6.4.8) mentions Ἀλεξάνδρου ἡ καὶ Ἀρακία.1 Previously it was believed that this could be identified with the island of IKARO S that is mentioned by Arrian (7.20.4) and Strabo (16.3.2).² However, the Danish excavations on the island of Failaka have demonstrated that Failaka should be identified with Ikaros. In fact, it is now generally agreed that Arakia should be identified with the island of Kharg in the Gulf. E. Haerinck has suggested there was a Palmyrene colony on Kharg;³ we do not know if earlier there was a Graeco- Macedonian colony on the island.

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In general see R. Ghirshman, CRAI (1958) 261–68; id., RA (1959) 70–72; Le Rider, Suse 432; E. Haerinck, IrAnt 11 (1975) 134–67; P. Bernard, Topoi 5 (1995) 403–8; M.-J. Steve, Kharg 7–9.

1. Marcianus of Herakleia (1.24 in GGM 1:530) provides the same information with the addition of the word νῆσος (᾽Ενταῦθα παράκειται νῆσος Ἀλεξάνδρου καλουμένη). Moses of Chorene refers to this island as Alexandreia (Eranshahr 32, ed. Marquart, p. 138). Pliny (NH 6.111) mentions the islands of Psilos, Kassandra, and Aracha in the Persian Gulf facing Persis.

For the toponym cf., for example, Alexandrou Nesos and Alexandrou Chorion in the Fayum (Dizionario s.vv. “Alexandrou Nesos” and “Alexandrou Chorion”).

2. For the identification of Arakia with Ikaros see, for example, Ghirshman, RA (1959) 70–72. For the identification of Arakia with Kharg see, for example, Le Rider, Suse 432 n. 2; Haerinck, IrAnt 11 (1975) 135; Steve, Kharg 8.

3. For Haerinck’s suggestion that there was a Palmyrene colony on Kharg see IrAnt (1975) 148–49 n. 52.

ALTARS OF ALEXANDER

In his discussion of the region adjoining Carmania Pliny (NH 6.110) mentions Altars of Alexander as well as POR TUS MACEDON UM. The name Altars of Alexander recalls the various elephant-hunting stations along the African Red Sea coast: for example, the Altars of Konon, as well as the Pillars and Altars of Pytholäus, Lichas, Pythangelos, and Leon mentioned by Strabo (16.4.8–15). The Red Sea stations were known by the expedition leaders.¹

P. H. L. Eggermont identified the “Altars of Alexander” with the “altars to Tethys and Oceanus” that Diodorus says Alexander built (17.104.1; cf. Justin [12.10.6], who simply mentions aras). We do not know the exact location. With regard to POR TUS MACEDON UM and Altars of Alexander, R. Boucharlat and J.-F. Salles suggested—as a hypothetical construct—that they were located on the Iranian coast, just within the Strait of Hormuz.2 We do not definitely know the founder; however, it may be suggested that—like PORTUS MACEDON UM—the settlement was established by Alexander or—more probably—named in honor of Alexander by Nearchos.

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In general see Tarn, GBI² 482 and map 1; Eggermont, Sind and Baluchistan 37–41, 134–37; R. Boucharlat and J.-F. Salles, PSAS 11 (1981) 67; ARBIS and BARKE in India, n. 1; and POR TUS MACEDON UM, n. 3.

1. See Cohen, Settlements in Syria 47 and references cited in n. 84.

2. Boucharlat and Salles, PSAS 11 (1981) 67–68; and POR TUS MACEDON UM. Tarn (GBI² 482 and map on p. 1) placed Altars of Alexander just beyond the Strait of Hormuz at Cape Jask.

ANTIOCH IN PERSIS

An inscription (Rigsby, Asylia no. 111) found at Magnesia on the Maeander that probably dates to 205 B.C. records a decree of Antioch in Persis recognizing the festival of Artemis Leukophryene at Magnesia.¹

The decree provides evidence for the existence of a boulē and ekklēsia/ dēmos (ll. 8–9, 32–33, 48), prytaneis (10), and tamiai (74). The decree was dated by an eponymous priest (Herakleitos son of Zoes) of the royal Seleucid cult.² The calendar was divided into semesters (6); the two attested month names—Pantheos (9) and Herakleios (69–70)—are not Macedonian. There is no evidence that the Seleucid era was used in the decree. Antioch was one of the cities visited by Magnesian theoroi announcing the festival (73);³ in turn, Antioch sent theoroi to Magnesia (69). The decree refers to the fact that the Magnesians were kinsmen and friends of the Antiochenes (11–12). Furthermore, we learn from the decree that Antioch was named for Antiochos Soter, that at his request the Magnesians sent additional colonists to Antioch in order to strengthen the city (14–16), and that the Antiochenes worshipped the gods common to them and to the Magnesians (40–41).⁴ We do not know whether Antiochos Soter or his father, Seleukos I Nikator, founded the settlement. A letter of Antiochos III to the Magnesians indicates that the king was present in Antioch in Persis in 205 B.C. and met the same Magnesian theoroi—Demophon, Philiskos, and Pheres—who are mentioned in the Antiochene decree.⁵

The ethnic was Ἀντιοχέων τῶν Π[ερσίδος] (Asylia 111.1; cf. τὸν τῶν Ἀντιοχέων δῆμον, Asylia 111.20); the toponym was Ἀντιόχεια τῆς Περσίδος (Asylia 69.9–10). A. Houghton, C. Lorber, and O. Hoover have suggested that there was minting activity at Antioch in Persis during the second quarter of the second century B.C.⁶

The location of Antioch is not definitely known. Three possible sites have been suggested: Bushire, Rishahr, or c. 20 kilometers inland from Bushire at Tawwaj (ancient Taoke, just north of Borazjan).⁷

P. M. Fraser has suggested that ALEXANDREIA πρὸς Πέρσας recorded in the Alexander lists corresponds to Antioch in Persis.⁸

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In general see Tcherikover, HS 98, 196–97; Holleaux, Etudes 1:318–19; Robert in Laodicee 330–31; Orth, Machtanspruch 114–16; Sherwin-White and Kuhrt, Samarkhand 160–65; Rigsby, Asylia no. 111 and commentary; P. Bernard, JS (1990) 46–52; R. Sherk, ZPE 93 (1992) 254; Fraser, Cities 31 and n. 68; id., Terminology 335.

1. OGIS 233 = I. Mag. 61 = Rigsby, Asylia no. 111 = I. Estremo Oriente 252 = Euphrat 306 = IGIAC 53. It should be noted that the ethnic of the city appears only in the first line—which is heavily restored—of the decree. In fact, Dittenberger (comment. ad OGIS 233.1) considered the possibility that the line should be restored, Π[ισιδικῆι]. However, this possibility is excluded if Asylia no. 125 ( = I. Mag. 79–80) is correctly assigned to ANTIOCH near Pisidia; cf. Boesch, Theoros 65–66 and n. 1. For the restoration Ἀντιοχέων τῶν Π[ερσίδος] rather than Π[ερσικῶν] see L. Robert, Hellenica 7 (1949) 20 n. 2.

2. On the dating by the priest of the royal Seleucid cult see Robert and Robert, Amyzon 167–68.

3. On the question of the status of settlements visited by theoroi see PTOLEMAIS Larisa, n. 4.

4. L. Robert has remarked (in Laodicee 331) that the Antiochenes’ worship of gods common to them and to the Magnesians indicates that—like the colonists of the Archaic period—Hellenistic colonists also brought their gods to their new settlements. He also has suggested (in Laodicee 330) that Ephesos also sent colonists to Antioch in Persis.

For other settlements (possibly) colonized by older Greek cities see, for example, ANTIOCH near Pisidia, AMPELON E on the Red Sea coast, URUK, and SELEUKEIA on the Eulaios.

5. For the letter of Antiochos III to the Magnesians see Rigsby, Asylia no. 69.9–10 = RC 31 = OGIS 231 = I. Estremo Oriente 250 = Euphrat 304 = IGIAC 51.

6. For the attribution of coins to a mint at Antioch in Persis see Seleucid Coins 2.1:27, 39, 111–12, 113, 190, and nos. 1340–42 (Seleukos IV), 1362 (Antiochos, son of Seleukos IV), 1372 (Antiochos, son of Seleukos IV), nos. 1526–28; and CSE 2 no. 381 (Antiochos IV Epiphanes), nos. 1708–9 (Demetrios I). Houghton, Lorber, and Hoover (Seleucid Coins 2.1:113) reassigned to Antioch in Persis some tetradrachms and control-linked bronzes that Le Rider had assigned to Susa (nos. 1526–28).

There may also be references to Antioch in Persis in the Chinese sources. A. F. P. Hulsewé (China in Central Asia 113 n. 255) called attention to the possibility that T’iao-chih, which is mentioned in the Han Shu 96A (27B), might be the Chinese transcription for Taoke. And A. Herrmann speculated that the town of An-ku, which is mentioned in the Wei-lio, was a Chinese transcription for Ἰώννακα πόλις (Monumenta Serica 6 [1941] 233); see also Tarn, GBI² 418. Bernard (JS [1990] 51) suggested that ION AKA POLIS mentioned by Ptolemy (6.4.2) was simply a descriptive name (i.e., “Greek-town”) for Antioch in Persis; in fact, Tarn had already raised this possibility in 1929 and again in 1938 (JEA 15 [1929] 11 n. 4 and GBI² 418). In short, as was possibly the case in the Greek sources, Antioch in Persis (or Ionaka Polis ) may have been attested under two different names— T’iao-chih and An-ku—in the Chinese texts. Note, however, the caution that attaches to the references to toponyms in the Chinese sources; see above, pp. 10–11.

8. For the suggested correspondence of Alexandreia πρὸs Πέρας and Antioch in Persis see Fraser, Cities 31.

ARBIS IN GEDROSIA

For Arbis, which Ptolemy (6.21.5) identifies as a polis of Gedrosia, see ARBIS in India .

GABAI

There was a tradition that Gabai in Persis was founded by Alexander the Great. For example, according to the Pahlavi Provincial Capitals of Eranshahr (53, trans. Markwart), “The capital of Gay [i.e., Gabai, modern Isfahan] was built by the accursed Alexander the son of Philip.” This foundation and the attribution to Alexander is also mentioned by a number of Perso- Arabic writers: e.g., Dinawari ([41], trans. Noldeke, Beitrage 42), al-Tabari ([702]; trans. Noldeke, Beitrage 47; see also n. 4), as well as Hamza al- Isfahani (Sini muluk 40, trans. Pourshariati in Indo-Grecs 124) and Qudama (Kitab al-Kharaj 265 in BGA 6:207, trans. Goeje).¹

J. Markwart observed that although there is a tradition among the Arabs that Gabai was founded by Alexander, this is not found in the Syriac version of the Alexander Romance nor is it supported by historical evidence.²

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In general, see Marquart, Untersuchungen 32–34; Weissbach, RE s.v. “Gabai”; Hoffmann, Auszüge 132 and n. 1130; R. Schmitt, EIr s.v. “Gabae”; P. Pourshariati in Indo-Grecs 112.

1. Markwart, Provincial Capitals, 104; see also id., Eranshahr 28–29; id., Untersuchungen 2:32–34. On the fertile agricultural land surrounding Isfahan see, for example, Engels, Alexander 79.

2. See, for example, Hamza al-Isfahani (trans. Pourshariati in Indo-Grecs 124): “Alexandria: Amongst the stories that story-tellers have concocted is that Alexander constructed 12 cities in Iran and called all of them Alexandria. These are said to have included cities in Isfahân, Herât, Marv, Samarqand, Sughd, Babylon and Meysan and four cities in the Sawâd of Iraq. But this news is not trustworthy for Alexander was a destroyer and not a constructor.”

There was also a tradition that there had been an Achaemenid settlement at Isfahan; see, for example, Jackson, Persia 256–61.

HERMOUPOLIS

Among the settlements in Carmania, Ammianus (23.6.49) mentions ALEXANDREIA, TRAGON IKE, and Hermoupolis (Hermupolis). We know nothing else about this town.

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In general see Tcherikover, HS 99; Den Boeft et al., Comment. on Ammianus XXIII 186; Fontaine, Ammien XXIII-XXV 2:97–98.

IONAKA POLIS

Among the towns of Persis Ptolemy records a Ionaka Polis, namely, “Greektown” (6.4.2).1 There is no other extant reference to this town. W. W. Tarn suggested that Ptolemy was referring to ANTIOCH in Persis.²

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1. On the toponym see Appendix VIII.

2. For the equation of Ionaka Polis and ANTIOCH in Persis see W. W. Tarn, JEA 15 (1929) 11 n. 4; id., GBI² 418 and n. 1; P. Bernard, JS (1990) 51. Tarn repeated this claim in OCD² s.v. “Antioch in Persis”; note that in OCD³ S. Sherwin-White did not mention this.

LAODIKEIA

Pliny (NH 6.115) is our only extant source for the existence of this Laodikeia.¹ He says it was founded by Antiochos and that it was located in the frontier region of Persis. Tcherikover has suggested that the founder was probably Antiochos I and that the city was located on the Persian Gulf.

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In general see Tcherikover, HS 99, 174.

1. Weissbach (RE s.v. “Laodikeia 6”) equated the Laodikeia mentioned by Pliny with LAODIKEIA in Media, which is mentioned by Stephanos (s.v. “Laodikeia”) and Strabo 11.13.6.

MASJID-I SULAIMAN

R. Ghirshman has suggested that there may have been a Macedonian garrison or, possibly, a settlement at Masjid-i Sulaiman (“Mosque of Solomon”). He pointed to the discovery (in a temple that he suggested was dedicated to Athena) of figurines of Macedonian cavalrymen that were recognizable as such by their headdress (the kausia).¹ Furthermore, among the sanctuaries discovered there was one dedicated to Herakles. In addition, archaeologists found a large statue of Herakles as well as other (fragmentary) representations of the hero.² On the other hand, we may note that of the coins found at Masjid-i Sulaiman very few—six—were Greek/Hellenistic; most were either Parthian, Sassanid, or, especially, Elymaid.³ The ceramic evidence found at the site suggests a date in the third and second centuries B.C.⁴

Masjid-i Sulaiman is located in the Zagros Mountains.⁵

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In general see Schippmann, Feuerheiligtümer 233–51; R. Ghirshman, Syria 27 (1950) 205–20; id., CRAI (1968) 8–15; id., CRAI (1970) 653–65; id., Terrasses sacrées: L’Iran du Sud-Ouest 1:179–91 et passim; Potts, Elam 371–73.

1. For the cavalrymen see Ghirshman, CRAI (1970) 655–57 (photographs on p. 656); id., Terrasses sacrées: L’Iran du Sud-Ouest 1:78–81, 179, 187, and pls. CXI-CXIII. For the kausia see IKARO S, n. 26. For the temple of Athena see Ghirshman, Terrasses sacrées: L’Iran du Sud-Ouest 1:187–90.

2. For the temple dedicated to Herakles see Ghirshman, CRAI (1968) 11–15; id., Terrasses sacrées: L’Iran du Sud-Ouest 1:90–99, 187–91. For the statue of Herakles and other representations see Ghirshman, CRAI (1968) 12–15; id., Terrasses sacrées: L’Iran du Sud-Ouest 1:91–96; Connelly in Arabie préislamique 151–52.

3. For the Hellenistic coins found at Masjid-i Sulaiman see Augé, Curiel, and Le Rider Terrasses sacrées: Les trouvailles monetaires nos. 12–17 and pp. 15–16.

4. For the ceramic evidence see, for example, Haerinck, La ceramique 13–14, 19–37, 62–66; and Potts, Elam 371.

5. For the location see fig. 10.1 (map) in Potts, Elam 356.

METHONE

According to Stephanos (s.v. “Methone”), who is our sole source of information, there was a Methone in Persis. The toponym is, of course, also found in Macedonia, Thessaly, and Messenia. W. W. Tarn identified Methone with Maitona, which is mentioned by Ptolemy (6.4.6) among the cities of Persis. E. Herzfeld located Maitona on the Artemita-Persepolis road.¹

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In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:748; Tcherikover, HS 99; and W. W. Tarn, JEA 15 (1929) 11 n. 4.

1. For Maitona see E. Herzfeld, Klio 8 (1908) 14, 16.

PORTUS MACE DONUM

According to Pliny (NH 6.110), “The Carmanians are adjoined by the Harmozaei. . . . Here are the Port of the Macedonians (Portus Macedonum) and the Altars of Alexander situated on a promontory” (trans. Rackham). W. W. Tarn suggested that Portus Macedonum could be identified with Harmouza, which is mentioned by Ptolemy (6.8.5; 8.22.21).¹ The latter he identified with Armoza Regia, which is recorded by the Ravenna Geographer (52.10, ed. Pinder and Parthey = 18.10, ed. Schnetz).

Tarn offered up “Portus Macedonum” as an example of a case where “later compilers . . . copied from their sources the description of a place as though it were a name.”² But this is not necessarily so. On the Red Sea coast there were many elephant-hunting stations with descriptive names such as the Lookout Post of Demetrios, the Altars of Konon, the Harbor of Antiphilos, the Harbor of Eumenes, the Pillars and Altars of Pytholäus, Lichas, Pythangelos, and Leon (Strabo 16.4.8–15). And in Appendix VIII I have tried to demonstrate that many names—particularly in the eastern satrapies of the Seleucid empire—that Tarn frequently dismissed as nicknames or descriptions given by later copyists could, in fact, have been actual toponyms.

Given that Pliny mentions ALTARS of ALEXAND ER and Portus Macedonum together, we may expect that both were founded by Alexander or—most probably—named in honor of Alexander by Nearchos. Their precise location is not known.³

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In general see Kiessling, RE s.v. “Harmozeia”; Tarn, GBI² 481–85; P. Boucharlat and J.-F. Salles, PSAS 11 (1981) 67–68.

1. Tarn, GBI² 481–85. In a rather complicated reconstruction Tarn suggested that Zetis and Alexandreia (see ALEXANDREIA in Carmania) mentioned by Pliny (NH 6.107) corresponded to Harmouza and Alexandreia recorded by Ptolemy (8.22.21). He then suggested that Harmozia, Zetis, and Portus Macedonum were the nicknames or descriptions of a town whose “Greek official name” was lost; see further Appendix VIII.

2. Tarn, GBI² 13.

3. Location. Tarn (GBI² 481–82 and map 1 at end) identified Portus Macedonum with Omana, which he located on the Strait of Hormuz, and ALTARS OF ALEXAND ER with Cape Jask, just beyond the Strait (map I at end of GBI²). Note, however, that Omana was most probably located beyond the Strait, somewhere on the Iranian coast; see J.-F. Salles, PSAS 10 (1980) 103–4 (Sadij); Boucharlat and Salles, PSAS 11 (1981) 67–68 (Tiz); Casson, Periplus 180–81 (Chah Bahar, Tiz, or Gwadar West Bay).

Boucharlat and Salles (PSAS 11 [1981] 67–68) suggested—as a hypothetical possibility—that Portus Macedonum and ALTARS OF ALEXAND ER were places “inhabited by the Harmozei, neighbours of the Carmani, and they are situated on a cape from which we can easily reach another cape and the desert island of Aphrodisias, generally recognised as Kish Island. One must admit the existence of a coastal site on the Iranian side of the Hurmuz strait, which was known by Pliny but ignored by the Periplus and by Ptolemy and which must be different from Ommana and from Armouzon; the foundation of this site should be linked with the expeditions of Alexander.”

Eggermont’s (Sind and Baluchistan 136; and ARBIS in India, n. 3) suggested identification Portus Macedonum = Alexander’s Harbor = Barbarikon = Barke is not convincing. It would appear that we should not search for Portus Macedonum in the area of the Indus delta. For suggestions regarding the possible location—in the Indus delta—of Alexander’s Harbor see ARBIS, n. 3.

SELEUKEIA IN ELYMAIS

See SELEUKEIA near the Hedyphon.

SELEUKEIA NEAR THE HEDYPHON

According to Strabo (16.1.18), Seleukeia near the Hedyphon River (a tributary of the Eulaios) was a “large polis” that was formerly called Soloke. Tcherikover suggested that it might be equated with the Seleukeia in Elymais mentioned by Pliny (NH 6.136). N oting that the Hedyphon was a tributary of the Eulaios, Tcherikover has suggested that Seleukeia near the Hedyphon is the same city as that referred to in the decree of ANTIOCH in Persis as SELEUKEIA on the Eulaios. Attached to the decree of ANTIOCH in Persis recognizing the festival of Artemis Leukophryene at Magnesia on the Maeander is a list of other cities in southern Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf region that also recognized the festival: among these were SELEUKEIA on the Tigris, SELEUKEIA on the Erythraean Sea, SELEUKEIA on the Eulaios, and Seleukeia near the [Hedyphon].1 If the restoration is correct this would indicate that Seleukeia on the Eulaios and Seleukeia near the Hedyphon were separate cities. P. M. Fraser appears to suggest (very tentatively) that the Alexandreia ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνος recorded in the Alexander lists might correspond to Seleukeia near the Hedyphon.²

J. Hansman suggested that Seleukeia was located at Jan-i Sheen/Ja Nishîn on the banks of the Hedyphon (modern Jarrhai) River in eastern Khuzistan (ancient Elymais).³

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In general see Honigmann, RE s.v. “Seleukeia 13”; Tcherikover, HS 98; Le Rider, Suse 40, 261, 354–55; J. Hansman, Iran 16 (1978) 154–61; Oppenheimer, BabJ 430–31; Biffi, Strabone 158; Radt, Kommentar 8:273; Fraser, Terminology 370.

1. For the decree of Antioch in Persis see Rigsby, Asylia no. 111 ( = I. Mag. 61 = OGIS 233 = I. Estremo Oriente 252 = Euphrat 306 = IGIAC 53). For lines 110–11 of the inscription, Haussoullier (in Studies Ramsay 188; see also SEG 4:504) proposed restoring the following: Σ[ε]λευκ[εῦσι]ν τ[οῖς] π[ρὸ]ς τῶ[ι Ἡδυφῶντι]. In equating Seleukeia on the Eulaios and Seleukeia near the Hedyphon, Tcherikover was following Dittenberger (n. 47 to OGIS 233).

2. For ALEXANDREIA near Babylon see that entry; and Fraser, Cities 32–33.

3. Location. H. Rawlinson’s identification of the Hedyphon with the Jarrhai (JRGS 9 [1839] 85) is generally accepted; see, for example, Honigmann, RE s.v. “Seleukeios 13”; W. B. Henning, “The Monuments and Inscriptions of Tang-i Sarvak,” Asia Major (1952) 177 ( = W. B. Henning Selected Papers, vol. 2 [Leiden and Tehran-Liege, 1977] 385); and Hansman, Iran 16 (1978) 156, 159. For Hansman’s suggestion that Seleukeia near the Hedyphon was located at Jan-i Sheen/Ja Nishîn see pp. 159–61 (“It is accordingly proposed that the fortified site called Jan-i Sheen, which does lie beside the Hedyphon (Jarrhai) river, would better fit the indications suggested by our findings in reference to the situation of Seleucia-on-the- Hedyphon. We have already noted, moreover, that the embankments of Jan-i Sheen in their original conception form a parallelogram, as do the embankments at the site of Charax. . . . At Jan-i Sheen there is certainly pottery of the Parthian period. Moreover, we may reasonably expect earlier sherds to be sealed in the 4 m. depth of cultural deposit within the embankment lines. . . . While recognizing that only archaeological excavations will determine the full chronological sequence of cultural deposit at Jan-i Sheen, the present evidence of location, form and pottery would reasonably support an identification of this site with Seleucia-onthe- Hedyphon as it may relate to the Parthian/Elymaean period, and by location and form to the Greek period”); see also map on p. 154.

SELEUKEIA ON THE ERYTH RAEAN SEA

Appended to the decree of ANTIOCH in Persis recognizing the festival of Artemis Leukophryene at Magnesia (Rigsby, Asylia no. 111.105–7) that probably dates to 205 B.C. was a list of other cities that had voted similar decrees. Among these was Seleukeia on the Erythraean Sea (recorded by its ethnic as Σελευκεῦσιν τοῖς πρὸς τῆι Ἐρυθρᾶι θα̣ λάσσηι). The fact that these Seleukeians passed a decree similar to that voted by the Antiochenes in Persis suggests that they also had a similarly developed civic structure. Τhe astronomer Seleukos of Seleukeia came from this city.¹ Although the precise location is not known, the various attestations for the ethnic of Seleukos of Seleukeia suggest the city was in the southern part of Babylonia, on the Persian Gulf.² G. F. Del Monte has suggested that the “Seleukeia” mentioned in the cuneiform astronomical diary of 150 B.C. was Seleukeia on the Erythraean Sea and not, as generally believed, SELEUKEIA in Pieria.³ We do not know the founder.

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In general see Tcherikover, HS 98; Le Rider, Suse 270 n. 11; Funck, Uruk 23–55; Potts, Arabian Gulf 2:15; Sherwin-White and Kuhrt, Samarkhand 20; Fraser, Terminology 371.

1. For Seleukos of Seleukeia see F. Cumont, Syria 8 (1927) 83–84. Cumont noted that Strabo refers three times to the astronomer: (a) Σέλευκος ὁ Βαβυλώνιος (1.1.9), (b) Σέλευκος δ᾽ ὁ ἀπὸ τῆς Σελευκείας and Χαλδαῖος (16.1.6), (c) Σέλευκος ὁ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐρυθρᾶς θαλάττης (3.5.9); and that Stobaios (1.21.3a, ed. Wachsmuth and Hense) calls him Σέλευκος ὁ Ἐρυθραῖος. See further Appendix X.

2. Tarn suggested (GBI² 43) that the location of Seleukeia was “on the north-east shore of the Persian Gulf somewhere between Charax Spasinu at the mouth of the Tigris and Antioch in Persis on the Gulf of Bushire.”

3. Astronomical Diaries 3:87, no. 149 Rev. 6; see Del Monte, Testi 91–94; and R. J. van der Spek, AfO 44–45 (1997–1998) 168–69.

SELEUKEIA ON THE EULAIOS

An inscription (Rigsby, Asylia no. 111) found at Magnesia on the Maeander records a decree of Antioch in Persis (probably dating to c. 205 B.C.) that recognizes the festival of Artemis Leukophryene at Magnesia.¹ Appended to the decree was a list of other cities in southern Mesopotamia and the Persian Gulf region that passed similar decrees; among these was Seleukeia on the Eulaios (recorded by its ethnic, Σελευκεῦσιν τοῖς πρὸς τῶι Εὐλαίωι). The discovery at Susa of a fragmentary inscription dated to 177/6 B.C. that mentioned Seleukeia on the Eulaios enabled B. Haussoullier to make the identification of the two.2 The inscription records a decree voted (by the ekklēsia) in honor of the chief priestess of the local cult of the wife and the mother of Seleukos IV. The decree also provides evidence for a grammateus and prytaneis.

Inscriptional evidence suggests that Seleukeia on the Eulaios was originally settled by military colonists. A metrical inscription from there dated to 1/2 A.D. records a dedication by the phrouroi of the akra. The phrouroi, who were residing in the citadel, praised the Parthian administrators for the repair of their irrigation system; this had resulted in the renewed fertility of their kleroi. It was signed by Ariston son of Goras; the name Goras is Macedonian. Most probably these phrouroi of the citadel were descended from the original colonists or garrison soldiers who had received the kleroi and had been settled in the akra.³

A dedication by Leon, the commanders under him, and the soldiers is dated palaeographically to the third century B.C. It honors Arete, the daughter of Timon who was in charge of the court of the king (Λέων καὶ οἱ ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡγεμόνες καὶ στρατιῶται Ἀρέτην Τίμωνος). The phraseology—similar to that found elsewhere—suggests the soldiers/settlers were organized into an association, either while on active duty or shortly after they were settled at the site.⁴

A dedication, dated palaeographically to the late third/early second century B.C., honors a strategos who was also in charge of the revenues (SEG 7:5 = I. Estremo Oriente 184 = Euphrat 409 = IGIAC 8). We also find evidence from the second century B.C. for the sacred manumission of slaves (SEG 7:15, 17–26 = I. Estremo Oriente 192 = Euphrat 417 = IGIAC 17).5 Under the Seleucids there was a royal mint at Susa.6 Although the founder is not definitely known, it is possible that Seleukeia was founded during the reign of Seleukos I Nikator.⁷

Coins discovered at Susa provide a useful perspective on the economic life of the city in the Hellenistic period.8 G. Le Rider noted that from the reign of Seleukos I to the beginning of the reign of Antiochos III relatively few coins (33 in all) from SELEUKEIA on the Tigris were found at Susa. In contrast, 314 bronze coins from Seleukeia on the Tigris that were minted under Antiochos III were found, and an additional 106 coins that were produced under Seleukos IV. Le Rider reasonably suggested that the large number of coins from the Babylonian city reflected the presence of its merchants in Susa and that Susa’s commercial importance for trade with the Persian Gulf region increased significantly as a result of Antiochos III’s eastern campaign between 210 and 204 B.C.

Greek practices and institutions continued to flourish under Parthian rule. For example, documents continued to be inscribed on stone. There is also evidence dating from c. 100–50 B.C. for a gymnasiarch, Nikolaos, who apparently built a stadium in the polis (SEG 7:3 = I. Estremo Oriente 207 = Euphrat 412 = IGIAC 10). Another inscription, possibly dating to the first century B.C. (SEG 7:6 = I. Estremo Oriente 208 = Euphrat 413 = IGIAC 9), records the honors for Lysimachos son of Apollophanes, a somatophylax. A letter from the Parthian king Artabanos III to Antiochos and Phraates and the polis at Susa validates the election of the city treasurer.9 The letter is dated to the 17th of the Macedonian month Audnaios in the 268th year of the Seleucid era (21 A.D.). From the letter we also learn that the boulē proposed candidates for office and subjected them to a dokimasia; that the polis elected them and that a three-year interval had to intervene between terms for the city treasurer. Another inscription dating to the second century B.C. mentions a chreoph[ylakeion/ylakes] (SEG 7:15 = I. Estremo Oriente 192 = Euphrat 417 = IGIAC 17).¹⁰

There are numerous Macedonian and Greek anthroponyms in the inscriptions found at Susa. In addition, it is noteworthy that Eulaios is a Macedonian name.¹¹ Figurines of riders wearing the Macedonian kausia have been found at Susa.¹² From the civic coinage we learn that religious life centered around the Greek pantheon. Apollo and Artemis were particularly revered.¹³ Finally, Rhodian amphora handles dating to the last quarter of the third/first quarter of the second century B.C. have also been discovered at the site.¹⁴

P. M. Fraser has suggested that the ALEXANDREIA ἐπὶ Σούσοις, which is recorded in recension Α of the Alexander Romance, probably corresponds to Seleukeia on the Eulaios.¹⁵

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In general see Tarn, GBI² 27–28; Le Rider, Suse; Rostovtzeff, SEHHW 489 – 90; L. Robert, Gnomon 35 (1963) 71–76; Cohen, Seleucid Colonies 2, 23, 36, 76; Oppenheimer, BabJ 422–33; Sherwin-White and Kuhrt, Samarkhand 135, 179; Boucharlat in Materialien 41–57; R. Sherk, ZPE 93 (1992) 258–59; Orth, Diadochenzeit 136; Fraser, Terminology 370; Martinez-Sève in Seleucids 41–66.

1. For the decree of Antioch in Persis see Rigsby, Asylia no. 111 ( = I. Mag. 61 = OGIS 233 = I. Estremo Oriente 252 = Euphrat 306 = IGIAC 53). Tcherikover (HS 98) believed that Seleukeia on the Eulaios was identical with SELEUKEIA near the Hedyphon.

2. For the decree mentioning Seleukeia on the Eulaios see Haussoullier in Mélanges Perrot 155–58; see also id. in Studies Ramsay 187–93; and SEG 7:2 = I. Estremo Oriente 191 = IGIAC 14. Lines 3–4 of the inscription read: ἐν Σελευκ[̣ είαι τῆι πρὸς τῶι] Εὐλαίωι. For the partially restored reference to the mother and wife of Seleukos IV see L. Robert, RPh (1936) 148; id., Hellenica 7 (1949) 28 (correcting Haussoullier in Studies Ramsay 190).

For a plan of Susa see Le Rider, Suse 277. On the difficulty of identifying the Eulaios see ALEXANDREIA/ANTIOCH/Spasinou Charax, n. 1.

3. For the metrical inscription see F. Cumont, CRAI (1930) 211–20; id., CRAI (1931) 238–50; SEG 7:13.9–13 = I. Estremo Oriente 214 = Ephrat 405 = IGIAC 12 (9/8 B.C. or 1/2 A.D.). See also Rostovtzeff, SEHHW 490; Cohen, Seleucid Colonies 23 and n. 100; Billows, Colonists 176; Potts, IrAnt 24 (1989) 329; id., Elam 360. For a second dedication see SEG 7:12 = Euphrat 406 (8 B.C.).

For the kleroi cf. those at DO URA EURO POS.

4. For the dedication by Leon see SEG 7:4 = I. Estremo Oriente 183 = Euphrat 408 = IGIAC 7 as well as Cohen, Seleucid Colonies 76 and n. 22; Potts, Elam 360. With the association of soldiers at Seleukeia cf. the dedication made by “Soteles the Athenian and the soldiers” (Σωτέλ[ης] Ἀθηναῖο[ς] καὶ οἱ στρα[τιῶται]) at IKARO S, n. 5; and some military units that were stationed at Palaimag nesia c. 243 B.C. (Τίμωνι κα[ὶ] τοῖς πεζοῖς τοῖς τεταγμένοις ὑπὸ Τίμωνα and Μενεκλεῖ τε καὶ τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν τασσομένοις) in OGIS 229.103, 105. For the suggestion that Seleucid colonists formed corporations or associations see, for example, Oertel, RE s.v. “Katoikoi”; Tarn, GBI² 8; Bickerman, IS 82; Cohen, Seleucid Colonies 77 and n. 24.

5. For the manumitting of slaves for cult service see, for example, SEG 7:15 = I. Estremo Oriente 192 = Euphrat 417; SEG 7:17 = I. Estremo Oriente 190 = Euphrat 420; SEG 7:22 = Euphrat 418; SEG 7:25 = I. Estremo Oriente 206 = Euphrat 419; and Potts, Elam 363–68 (translations). The toponym Seleukeia on the Eulaios (Σελεύκεια ἡ πρὸς τῶι Εὐλαίωι, usually in the dative governed by ἐν) is frequently mentioned in these inscriptions; see, for example, SEG 7:15 ( = I. Estremo Oriente 192 = Euphrat 417 = IGIAC 17); 17, 18 ( = I. Estremo Oriente 189); 24 ( = I. Estremo Oriente 193).

6. For the Seleucid royal mint at Susa see Newell, ESM 107–53, nos. 283–412A and addenda in WSM 23–25; Le Rider, Suse nos. 1–84 and pp. 5–10; O. Morkholm, Acta Arch. 36 (1965) 131ff., nos. 19–23, 31–33, 58–66, 101–10; Houghton, CSE 1021–83; Kritt, Susa 3–80; Houghton and Lorber, Seleucid Coins 1.1: nos. 160–93, 194(?), 397–406, 406–7(?), 601–4, 786–805, 950, 1205–26, 1227–28 (?); and Martinez-Sève in Seleucids 47–55.

For the minting of coins under Antiochos IV Epiphanes see Le Rider, Suse 62–68, nos. 53–64. However, Morkholm (Acta Arch. 36 [1965] 152–56) removed some tetradrachms to the “District of the Erythraean Sea,” i.e., to ANTIOCH/Spasinou Charax. Furthermore, Houghton, Lorber, and Hoover (Seleucid Coins 2.1:113) reassigned a pair of tetradrachm issues to an “Uncertain Mint 80” (nos. 1516.1–2) in Babylonia, Susiana, or Persis and some tetradrachms and control-linked bronzes to ANTIOCH in Persis (nos. 1526–28).

7. Founder. Haussoullier suggested (in Mélanges Perrot 158) that Antiochos I founded the settlement when, as coruler with his father, he was in charge of the eastern satrapies; i.e., between 294/3 and 281 B.C. Tarn believed (GBI² 27) that Seleukeia began as a military colony and became a polis only under Antiochos III. Le Rider thought (Suse 280) it could have been founded as early as the last decade of the fourth century B.C., when SELEUKEIA on the Tigris was probably founded.

8. For the economic life of Susa in the Hellenistic period see the important discussion of Le Rider, Suse 299–306; see also Oppenheimer, BabJ 76. Le Rider also noted (306) that no coinage of Susa has been discovered at Persepolis or vice versa. This prompted him to suggest that commercial traffic to Iran went via the Persian Gulf rather than overland.

9. For the letter of King Artabanos III see F. Cumont, CRAI (1932) 238–60; RC 75; SEG 7:1 = I. Estremo Oriente 218, 220 = Euphrat 407: Βασιλεὺς βασιλέων Ἀρσάκης Ἀντιόχωι καὶ Φραάτει ὄντοιν ἐν Σούσοις [τ]οῖς ἄρχουσι καὶ τῆι πόλει (l. 2). Welles suggested (RC 303 n. 12) that Antiochos and Phraates were the eponymous archons; see also R. Sherk, ZPE 93 (1992) 258–59. On the οther hand, Cumont (249–50, followed by, for example, Wilhelm, AAWW [1934] 47 [ = Akademieschriften 2:441]; Rostovtzeff, CAH 11:117; Le Rider, Suse 276 and nn. 4–5) convincingly interpreted the passage as “Arsakes King of kings to Antiochos and Phraates in Susa, to the magistrates and the polis.” As for Antiochos and Phraates, Cumont claimed the first was the epistates, and the second the satrap of Susiana. Tarn noted (GBI² 27 and n. 3) that inasmuch as Phraates is named second he cannot have been the satrap; hence he suggested that Antiochos was the epistates and Phraates was a “Parthian . . . of less importance . . . probably the Parthian official in charge of the great Achaemenid palace.” Rostovtzeff thought that “one may be the governor of the province, the other the commander of the garrison.” Le Rider argued that the two officials were listed in hierarchic order, that Antiochos was the strategos of Susiana and Phraates was responsible for affairs in Susa itself.

In his commentary to I. Estremo Oriente 208 Canali de Rossi has suggested the inscription could be dated to the period from the early second century B.C. to the early first century A.D.

10. For the mention of the chreoph[ylakeion/ylakes] see SEG 7:15 = I. Estremo Oriente 192 = Euphrat 417 = IGIAC 17.

11. For Macedonian names at Seleukeia on the Eulaios see, for example, Antiochos, Petasos, Leonides (RC 75.11 and 7 [p. 301]; I. Estremo Oriente 218.12, 220.1; Euphrat 407.12, 16; IGIAC 3), Attalos (SEG 7:2.9 = I. Estremo Oriente 9 = IGIAC 14), Ariston (SEG 7:13.13 = I. Estremo Oriente 214 = Euphrat 405 = IGIAC 12), Lysimachos (SEG 7:6.2 = I. Estremo Oriente 208 = Euphrat 413 = IGIAC 9), Krateros (SEG 7:10 = I. Estremo Oriente 180 = Euphrat 404 = IGIAC 4), Drakas (SEG 7:21.3 = I. Estremo Oriente 196 = IGIAC 21), Nikolaos (SEG 7:3.2 = I. Estremo Oriente 207 = Euphrat 412 = IGIAC 10). For the Macedonian name Eulaios see Robert, Gnomon 35 (1963) 75–76; id., OMS 2:978–83 ( = Epistemonike Epeteris tes Philosophikes Scholes tou Panepistemiou Athenon 13 [1962–1963] 520–25); see also Billows, Colonists 176 and n. 85; Le Rider, Suse 282–85.

12. For riders wearing the kausia that were found at Susa see Ghirshman, Persian Art 104 and fig. 118; id., Terrasses sacrées: L’Iran du Sud-Ouest 1:79; Connelly in Arabie préislamique 150. On the kausia see also IKARO S, n. 26.

13. For the religious life at Seleukeia see Le Rider, Suse 287–89. In addition to Artemis (e.g., Suse nos. 8–12, 34, 41–42, 49, 60, 78, 84, 110; 51 [Artemis and Apollo]) and Apollo (e.g., nos. 16–18, 23–27, 35, 48, 50, 57), other Greek divinities represented on the coins include Athena (nos. 30 – 31, 36), the Dioskouroi (no. 58), Hermes (nos. 43, 45, 76), and Zeus (nos. 39, 62, 75). The only possible allusion to an Oriental deity is found on a coin dating to the reign of Antiochos IV Epiphanes (Suse 289–90, no. 59).

A broken piece of stone found at Susa has on it the word ἀρχιερεύς. The inscription is dated palaeographically to the first half of the second century B.C. (F. Cumont, CRAI [1938] 305–7 [ = I. Estremo Oriente 181 = IGIAC 28]; see also J. Robert and L. Robert, BE [1939] 521; Le Rider, Suse 288 n. 1). It is possible that we have here a reference to a high priest of the royal cult; but given the state of the evidence—one word!—we must leave this to the realm of speculation.

14. For the Rhodian amphora handles see F. Cumont, Syria 8 (1927) 49–52; R. Ghirshman, CRAI (1949) 196–97; C. Börker, BaM 7 (1974) 44–45; Garlan, Amphores 68–76 et passim; Finkielsztejn, Chronologie; id. in Amphorae 117–21; id. in Epigrafia Anforica 55–65; P. Monsieur, R. Boucharlat, and E. Haereinck, IrAnt 46 (2011) 161–82.

15. For Alexandreia ἐπὶ Σούσοις see Fraser (Cities 33), who referred to it as Alexandreia ἐν Σούσοις.

Tarn’s suggestion (GBI² 6) that settlers from Ephesos colonized Susa is not convincing; contra: Le Rider, Suse 281. For other Hellenistic foundations settled by old Ionian cities see, for example, ANTIOCH near Pisidia, ANTIOCH in Persis, and AMPELON E on the Red Sea.

STASIS

Stephanos is our only source of information about Stasis, which he describes (s.v. “Stasis”) as a πόλις Περσικὴ ἐπὶ πέτρης μεγάλης ἣν εἶχεν Ἀντίοχος ὁ Σελεύκου.1 Antiochos son of Seleukos could presumably be either Antiochos I or III. Since εἶχεν did not make much sense, B. Niese suggested emending the text to read εἷλεν. Even with the emendation, we still lack a firm indication that this was a colony. Tcherikover was properly skeptical about this settlement.

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In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:748; Weissbach, RE s.v. “Stasis”; Niese, GMS 2:92 n. 5; Tcherikover, HS 99.

1. On the toponym see Appendix VIII.

TANAGRA

Ptolemy (6.4.4) is our sole source of information about Tanagra in Persis. The toponym, of course, recalls the like-named city in Boeotia. Diodorus says that Xerxes had exiled some Boeotians to the region of Apolloniatis (17.110.-4–5). Furthermore, Herodotus tells us that Darius had transplanted other Greeks to Susiana and the Red Sea basin (3.39, 6.20, 6.119). This raises the possibility that Tanagra originated as a settlement of Greeks who had earlier been exiled by one of the Persian kings, rather than as a Hellenistic settlement.

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In general see Tcherikover, HS 99; Tarn, GBI² 11.

TRAGONIKE

Both Ptolemy (6.4.6) and Ammianus (23.6.42) mention Tragonike in Persis. There is no additional information available regarding this town.

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In general see Sturm, RE s.v. “Tragonike”; Tcherikover, HS 99; Den Boeft et al., Comment. on Ammianus XXIII 180; Fontaine, Ammien 2:92.

ZETIS

Pliny is our only extant source for Zetis, which he mentions along with ALEXANDREIA as being in Carmania (NH 6.107). W. W. Tarn suggested that Zetis was a nickname (“The Search,” an allusion to Nearchos’s search for Alexander) for Harmouza. In this connection he suggested that Zetis and Alexandreia in Pliny were to be identified with Harmouza and Alexandreia in Ptolemy (8.22.21; cf. 6.8.5).¹ H. Treidler suggested that Zetis might have been located north of modern Bandar Abbas at the site of the present Gulashkird (Valashgird in the Arabic geographers).²

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In general see Tarn, GBI² 482; Treidler, RE s.v. “Zetis”; and POR TUS MACEDON UM.

1. Tarn, GBI² 482 n. 1. On the toponym Zetis see Appendix VIII.

2. Treidler, RE s.v. “Zetis”; and E. Herzfeld, Klio 8 (1908) 21. For the location of Gulashkird (Valashgird) see Le Strange, Caliphate 317 and map VI; R. Boucharlat and J.-F. Salles, PSAS 11 (1981) 67 and map on p. 87. Note that Tomaschek (RE s.v. “Alexandreia 11”) suggested this was the site of ALEXANDREIA in Carmania.