VI

MEDIA, HYRCANIA, AND PARTHIA

ACHAIA IN PARTHIA

According, to Appian (Syr. 57), Achaia was founded by Seleukos I Nikator and was one of a number of settlements in Parthia that were given names from Greece or Macedonia. Assuming the information in Appian is correct, this settlement should be distinguished from the ACHAIA in Aria recorded by Strabo (11.10.1).1

*    *    *    *

In general, see Droysen, Hist. 2:750–51; Tcherikover, HS 100, 102; Brodersen, Komment. 160–61.

1. See also the discussion in HERAKLEIA/ACHAIS (ACHAIA) in Aria.

ALEXANDROPOLIS

According to Pliny (NH 6.113) there was an Alexandropolis in the region of Nisiaia, named for its founder (“regio Nisiaea Parthyenes nobilis, ubi Alexandropolis a conditore”). Tcherikover called attention to the polis of Parthaunisa, which, according to Isidore of Charax (12), the Greeks called Nisaia, and suggested there might be a connection between the two. Nevertheless, Tcherikover was skeptical of Pliny’s ascription of this city to Alexander. In fact, noting the silence of the Alexander historians regarding this city, Tcherikover doubted its existence.1

We should distinguish cities called Alexandreia from those called Alexandropolis. There are three or four of the latter name; according to P. M. Fraser, “They do not occur in the lists of Alexandrias, and indeed they are not known to the Alexandreian tradition as we have recreated it.” Fraser notes that the “Oriental Alexandropolises raise insoluble problems. . . . The cities given by Pliny and Honorius [i.e., Alexandropolis and HEKATOMPYLOS] seem quite unreal; there is no suggestion in any Greek source, geographical or historical, of a city founded by Alexander after his passage through the Caspian Gates, while the long and monotonous list of oppida in Honorius is so full of geographical nonsense that we may jettison it without qualms.”2

*    *    *    *

In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:671; Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Alexandropolis 1”; Berve, Alexanderreich 1:293; Tcherikover, HS 101; Fraser, Cities 29.

1. Tcherikover, HS 101; Berve (Alexanderreich 1:293) considered Alexandropolis as a “possible” but “not certain” foundation of Alexander.

2. Fraser, Cities 29.

APAMEIA

In a corrupt passage Strabo says (11.13.6) that among the Greek cities in Media founded by the Macedonians (εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ Ἑλληνίδες πόλεις κτίσματα τῶν Μακεδόνων ἐν τῇ Μηδίᾳ, ὧν Λαοδίκειά τε καὶ Ἀπάμεια καὶ ἡ πρὸς Ῥάγαις καὶ αὐτὴ Ῥάγα, τὸ τοῦ Νικάτορος κτίσμα) was Apameia, LAODIKEIA, the [city] near Rhagai, and RHAGA[I] itself; he also says (11.9.1) that Apameia was near Rhagai.1 Pliny adds (NH 6.43) that Apameia was called Rhagiane. Isidore of Charax (8) says that Apameia was beyond the Caspian Gates in the district of Choarene. The founder was most probably Seleukos I Nikator. The city was also mentioned by Ammianus (23.6.43), Ptolemy (6.5.3), and Eustathius (918 in GGM 2:379). There is no other extant information about this settlement.2

*    *    *    *

In general see Mannert, Geographie 5.2:179; Droysen, Hist. 2:750; Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Apameia 7”; Tcherikover, HS 100; Fraser, Terminology 340–41.

1. On “the [city] near Rhagai” see HERAKLEIA in Media.

2. Location. According to Tomaschek (RE s.v. “Apameia 7”), Apameia was located on the caravan road from Tehran to Shahrud and Nisapur at the site of the village of Sahr-Khwar or Khar. For a map see A. F. von Stahl, GJ 64 (1924) 316.

BISITUN

At Bisitun (Behistun) a sculpture representing a reclining Herakles at a banquet also has an inscription dated to 148 B.C. that records the Macedonian or Thessalian name, Pantauchos.1 Louis Robert has therefore suggested that this could reflect the presence of Macedonians in the area, either as administrators or as colonists. We should need further evidence before affirming that there was a settlement of Greeks and/or Macedonians there.

Bisitun is located 32 kilometers east of Bactaran (Kirmanshah).

*    *    *    *

In general see L. Robert, Gnomon 35 (1963) 76 and n. 7; Bickerman in La Persia (1966) 109; Potts, Elam 373.

1. For the inscription mentioning Pantauchos see, for example, I. Estremo Oriente 274 = Euphrat 308 = IGIAC 70.

CHARAX

Isidore of Charax (7) mentioned Charax in Media and said it was near the Caspian Gates.1 Charax is also mentioned by Ammianus (23.6.43) and Ptolemy (6.5.3). We do not know the precise location.2

*    *    *    *

In general see Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Charax 9” and “Choara”; Tcherikover, HS 100–101; Markwart, Provincial Capitals 110; Fontaine, Ammien XXIIIXXV 2:93; Den Boeft in Comment. on Ammianus XXIII 181; and CHARIS in Parthia.

1. It is generally agreed that the “Caspian Gates” (modern Sar-Darrah) should be identified with a narrow defile 78 km east of Tehran that separates Media from Parthia and Hyrcania (e.g., Strabo 11.3.7, 11.9.1, 15.2.8; Pliny NH 6.43); see, for example, Mannert, Geographie 5.2:175–77; A. V. Williams Jackson, From Constantinople to the Home of Omar Khayyam (New York, 1911) 127–38; A. Stahl, GJ 64 (1924) 318–20; J. F. Standish, Greece and Rome 17 (1970) 17–24; Fontaine, Ammien XXIII-XXV 2:93; Silberman, Pomponius Mela Chronographie 139; J. Hansman, JRAS (1968) 118 and map on p. 117; Biffi, Strabone 156–57.

2. Location. See Ritter, Erdkunde 9:451–52; Forbiger, Handbuch 2:596 n. 21; Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Charax 9.”

In Seleucid Coins 2.1:XLVII, pp. 694–98, Houghton, Lorber, and Hoover reattributed most of the drachm coinage formerly assigned to a second workshop at EKBATANA to a new mint (possibly at Charax or, more probably, HEKATOMPYLOS) in northern Media or Hyrcania; the new mint would have been opened in the course of Antiochos III’s eastern campaign.

CHARIS

Charis was one of the settlements in Parthia named for Greek and Macedonian places that Appian (Syr. 57) says were founded by Seleukos I Nikator.1 There is no other information extant about this foundation.2

*    *    *    *

In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:751; Tomaschek, RE s.v. “Charis”; Tcherikover, HS 101; Brodersen, Komment. 159–60.

1. Tarn (GBI2 13) believed that “Charis” was actually a nickname; see further KALLIOPE in Parthia, HEKATOMPYLOS, and Appendix VIII.

2. Brodersen (Komment. 159–60) mentions three possible identifications for this settlement: (a) Karisi in Aria, (b) CHARIS in India, or (c) CHARAX in Media. The evidence Brodersen cited for Karisi in Aria is found on a coin of Eukratides. According to A. Cunningham (NC [1869] 225, no. 21; Geography 33), on the coin there is an “Arian [i.e., Aryan] legend in three lines outside, incomplete; but by collation with other specimens it appears to be Karisiye nagara devata, ‘the god of the city of Karisi,’ but the last word [i.e., “devata” (god)] is very doubtful”; see also A. von Sallet, ZfN 6 (1879) 300; id., ZfN 9 (1882) 159. In fact, the legend should be read as Kavisiye nagara devata, “the god of the city of Kapisa” ( = Bopearachchi, Monnaies gréco-bactriennes 216, nos. 121–22). Thus, the coin is an issue of Kapisa in the Parapamisadai.

EPIPHANEIA EKBATANA

Ekbatana was an old city that was refounded in the Hellenistic period. The identification of the monarch who refounded it is unclear. Polybius remarked (10.27.3–4) that Alexander the Great established a ring of “Greek cities”—except Ekbatana—around Media to protect it. Presumably Polybius placed Ekbatana in a separate category because, as he says (10.27.5), it had always been the royal residence of the Medes.1 The Perso-Arabic writer Qudama recorded Hamadan as one of Alexander’s foundations (Kitâb al-Kharâj 265 in BGA 6:207, trans. Goeje).2 Pliny (NH 6.43) claimed that King Seleukos founded Ekbatana as the capital of Media (“Ecbatana caput Mediae Seleucus rex condidit”). According to Stephanos (s.v. “Agbatana”), Ekbatana was also called Epiphaneia. Undoubtedly Antiochos IV Epiphanes would have been responsible for this.3

There was a Seleucid royal mint at Ekbatana that was active as early as the reign of Seleukos I Nikator and continued in operation until at least the mid-second century B.C.4 Ekbatana remained under Seleucid rule—except for the period c. 162–160 B.C., when the usurper Timarchos controlled the city—until the Parthian Mithradates I conquered Ekbatana, c. 148/7 B.C.5

Strabo says (11.13.1, 5, and 6) that Ekbatana served as a summer residence for the Persians and later for the Macedonians and the Parthians.6 Ekbatana was located on the main route from Bactria to SELEUKEIA on the Tigris at the site of the modern Hamadan.7

*    *    *    *

In general see Tcherikover, HS 99–100; Weissbach, RE s.v. “Ekbatana”; Treidler, KP s.v. “Ekbatana”; M.-L. Chaumont, Syria 50 (1973) 216–17; P. Briant, OCD3 “Ecbatana”; Wilber, PECS s.v. “Ecbatana (Hamadan)”; Orth, Diadochenzeit 118; Mittag, Antiochos 203–4.

For the results of excavation at Ekbatana between 1983 and 1999 see M. R. Sarraf, AMI 29 (1997) 321–39; id. in Continuity of Empire (?) 269–79.

1. For ancient Ekbatana see, for example, Benzinger, RE s.v. “Ekbatana 1”; Brown, OEANE s.v. “Ecbatana”; Perkins, ABD s.v. “Ecbatana.”

Grainger (Seleukos 149) included Ekbatana among the foundations of Seleukos I. F. Altheim (Weltgeschichte 268), citing Strabo 11.13.5, claimed that Seleukos I used Ekbatana as an “occasional residence”; see also Mehl, Seleukos 1:267 n. 132.

2. M. J. Price tentatively suggested that the famous elephant medallions of Alexander the Great might possibly have been minted at Ekbatana—or Susa, Babylon, or Persepolis (in Studia Naster 1:83–84); contra: Holt, Elephant Medallions 100. In general on the elephant medallions see Holt’s interesting discussion in the book of that title. On Hamadan see below, n. 7.

3. Of the settlements named Epiphaneia, Mørkholm (Antiochus 117) considered only EPIPHANEIA in Armenia and Epiphaneia Ekbatana to be definite foundations of Antiochos IV Epiphanes. For the activities of Epiphanes in the East see, for example, Mørkholm, Antiochus 166–80; Le Rider, Suse 311–24; Bickerman in CHI 3:32.

4. For the royal mint at Ekbatana, for example, see Newell, ESM 162–227 and 253–54, nos. 428–656; id., WSM nos. 26–31; O. Mørkholm, Acta Arch. 36 (1965) 130–38, nos. 14, 28, 41, 72–74; CSE 1120–1275; CSE 283, 161–62, 205–8, 301, 382, 429–30, 884–85; Le Rider, Suse 325–40; G. K. Jenkins, NC (1951) 6–19; Houghton and Lorber, Seleucid Coins 1 and 2, nos. 200–225, 409–21, 606–11, 806–29, 944–47, 951, 1230–71, 1352–59; pp. 115–16 and nos. 1539–57, 1589–1602, 1603 (?); p. 195 and nos. 1724–47, 1748 (?); p. 252 and nos. 1869–82.

For Timarchos and the coins minted by him see also A. R . Bellinger, ANS MN 1 (1945) 37–44; Le Rider, RN (1959–1960) 14–16; id., Suse 332–34; Houghton, Lorber, and Hoover, Seleucid Coins 2:145–50, nos. 1589–1602. Bellinger’s attempt (YCS 11 [1950] 314 n. 1) to attribute the drachms of Timarchos to SELEUKEIA on the Tigris was rejected by Le Rider (Suse 333), who has convincingly assigned them to Ekbatana.

I would also call attention to a group of bronze coins bearing a head of Tyche and on the reverse the legend ΔΚΣ ΔΙΟΥ Α (e.g., BMC Arabia, etc. 143–45, nos. 19–40; Hunter. Coll. 3:320, nos. 1–4; SNG [Cop] Palestine-Characene 270–71). De Saulcy (Numismatique 378–80) identified this as an autonomous emission of DION in southern Syria dated according to the Seleucid era, i.e., year 224 ( = 89/8 B.C.). The Α would have referred to the first year of the city’s autonomy. This attribution has not been accepted. Most scholars assign the coins to a mint farther east and suggest (a) ΔΙΟΥ Α refers to the first day of the Macedonian month of Dios, and (b) ΔΚΣ refers to either the Seleucid era (i.e., 89/8 B.C.) or the Parthian era (i.e., 24 B.C.). Thus, D. Sellwood (Parthia2 no. 92.3) and C. Augé (GHPO 325) suggested Ekbatana. Newell (cited in McDowell, CST 155 n. 12) and Le Rider (Suse 43 n. 2; 416, “possibly Ekbatana”) pointed to a mint in Iran. On the other hand, W. Wroth (BMC Parthia xlvi-xlvii, n. 2), G. F. Hill (BMC Arabia xxxi, n. 3), and Mørkholm (SNG [Cop] Palestine 270–71) assigned the coin to SELEUKEIA on the Tigris. In general, see Augé in GHPO 325 and n. 3.

In Seleucid Coins 2.1:XLVII, pp. 694–98, Houghton, Lorber, and Hoover reattributed most of the drachm coinage formerly assigned to a second workshop at Ekbatana to a new mint (possibly at CHARAX or, more probably, HEKATOMPYLOS) in northern Media or Hyrcania; the new mint would have been opened in the course of Antiochos III’s eastern campaign.

5. For the coins issued by Mithradates I at Ekbatana see Le Rider, Suse 340–45.

6. At 11.13.5 Strabo describes Ekbatana as a winter residence of the Persians, Macedonians, and Parthians. As various editors and translators have noted (e.g., G. Kramer [1844], A. Meineke [1877], W. Falconer [1913], H. L. Jones [1917], F. Lasserre [1975]), this was presumably a copyist’s error. Suggested emendations include “summer residence” or “royal residence.”

2 Macc. 9:3–28 is the only extant ancient source for the unlikely claim that Antiochos IV Epiphanes died near Ekbatana; see Le Rider, Suse 323 n. 6; J. A. Goldstein, II Maccabees 350–51; Habicht, 2. Makkabäerbuch 244 n. 5; Schwartz, 2 Maccabees 353–54. Polybius (31.9) and Porphyry (FGrH 260 F56) say he died at Tabai in Persis; see further Walbank, Comment. 3:474; and T. Drew-Bear, REA 82 (1980) 155–57.

7. According to Polybius (10.27.4) Ekbatana was in the northern part of Media and commanded the part of Asia bordering on the Maeotis and Euxine seas. But, as Walbank observed (Comment. 2:233), this is “true only in reference to P.’s distorted geographical picture of northern Media.”

For Hamadan see, for example, Polybius’s description (10.27); and Matheson, Persia 109–12. Hamadan is located 336 km southwest of Tehran; see map 5 on p. 108 of Matheson, Persia; and map on p. 86 in Bosworth, Conquest. For the identification of Hamadan and Ekbatana see, for example, A. F. von Stahl, GJ 64 (1924) 313–18.

EUMENEIA

Stephanos (s.v. “Eumeneia”) is our sole source of evidence for Eumeneia in Hyrcania. Assuming the accuracy of the information, one thinks of Eumenes of Kardia, who was active in this region, as the likely founder. If so, his death in 316 B.C. would provide a terminus for the foundation date. It is far more likely that this settlement is to be identified with EUMENEIA in Hyrcania in the Lydian plain.

*    *    *    *

In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:750; Tcherikover, HS 22–23; Cohen, Settlements in Europe 208.

EUROPOS RHAGAI

Qudama included “Ray” among the settlements he ascribed to Alexander (Kitâb al-Kharâj 265 in BGA 6:207, trans. Goeje). Strabo (11.13.6; see also 11.9.1; and Stephanos, s.v. “Rhaga”) says that Rhagai was—along with LAODIKEIA, APAMEIA, and the [city] near Rhagai—a Greek city founded by the Macedonians. Strabo adds that Rhagai was founded by Seleukos I Nikator who named it Europos; Strabo also says that it was about 500 stades south of the Caspian Gates. In fact it was an old native city that Seleukos refounded.1 Ptolemy (6.2.17), Ammianus (23.6.39), and the Tabula Peutingeriana (XI.2) refer to the city under the name Europos.2

Strabo and Stephanos also commented that the Parthians renamed it Arsakia. Note, however, that Ptolemy (6.2.16–17) and Ammianus (23.6.39) record both Europos and Arsakia.3 Rhagai was located southeast of Tehran at the site of the modern Ray.4

*    *    *    *

In general see Weissbach, RE s.v. “Raga”; Markwart, Provincial Capitals 112; Tcherikover, HS 100; Frye, Iran 152; Duchesne-Guillemin, KP, s.v. “Raga”; Orth, Diadochenzeit 134; Fraser, Terminology 340–41.

1. Markwart, Provincial Capitals 112–13. For the mention of the district of Rhagai in the Bisitun (Behistun) inscription of Darius I see OCD3 s.v. “Bisitun” and references cited there. On the Caspian Gates see CHARAX in Media, n. 1

2. For other references to Rhagai in the literary sources see Weissbach, RE s.v. “Raga”; and Markwart, Provincial Capitals 112. Newell (ESM 253–54) considered—but ultimately dismissed—the possibility that there had been a royal Seleucid mint at Rhagai. A group of coins (nos. 503–15) with Alexander types and the name Seleukos or Antiochos that he considered assigning to Rhagai he finally left with those assigned to EKBATANA; followed by Houghton and Lorber, Seleucid Coins 1.1, nos. 204–5, 210–11, 214.

Tcherikover (HS 159) suggested that Antigonos Monophthalmos might have settled his soldiers throughout the region of Rhagai. In support of this suggestion he called attention to Diodorus’s statement that “Antigonos . . . distributed the soldiers throughout the entire satrapy and particularly in the eparchy called Rhagae” (19.44.4, trans. Geer). Billows (Antigonos 299–300) agreed with Tcherikover and, in further support, pointed to Polyaenus (4.6.15). The latter mentions that three thousand soldiers were sent to Sibyrtios in Arachosia and that another two thousand were stationed as garrisons in various “secure and out-of-the-way sites,” a description that—according to Billows—fits the region of Rhagai.

3. On the renaming of Rhagai as Arsakia see M.-L. Chaumont, Syria 50 (1973) 201–5; and Fraser, Terminology 341.

4. For the location of Ray see Schmidt, Iran 29ff. and pls. 31–33; and A. F. von Stahl, GJ 64 (1924) 318.

HEKATOMPYLOS

It is not clear whether Hekatompylos in Comisene (in western Parthia) was colonized by Seleukos I Nikator or whether its founding predates him. According to Curtius Rufus (6.2.15), who is describing Alexander’s sojourn in Parthia, Hekatompylos was “founded by the Greeks,” and Alexander stayed there. Unfortunately he is no more specific than that. Diodorus said (17.75.1) that on his way to Hyrcania Alexander camped near a city called Hekatontapylos; Diodorus adds that it was particularly rich.1 On the other hand, Appian (Syr. 57)—who occasionally committed errors in his ascription of settlements to Seleukos—included Hekatompylos/Hekatompolis among the settlements he says were founded by Seleukos (the variant spellings are found in different manuscript traditions).2 If the latter form is not an error, then the Hekatompolis of Seleukos would be different from the Hekatompylos of Curtius and Diodorus. On the other hand, if—as likely—the reading “Hekatompylos” in Appian is correct, then we should have the difficulty of reconciling Appian’s statement that Seleukos founded Hekatompylos with the evidence of Diodorus that the town was already in existence when Alexander was in the area. A possible—speculative—solution to the problem is to suggest that Diodorus was referring retrospectively to the city, that is, to an already existing native city that subsequently was renamed/refounded as Hekatompylos by Seleukos.3 In this connection we may note that although the site of Hekatompylos has not been definitely identified (see below), most scholars locate it at Shahr-i Qumis. In area A at the site, surface survey has revealed evidence for intermittent occupation during the Iron Age and Achaemenid period.4

According to Polybius (10.28.7; see also 29.1), in the course of his expedition against Arsakes II in 210 B.C. Antiochos III rested his army at Hekatompylos. Polybius adds that the city was in the middle of Parthia and was so named because all the roads from the surrounding areas converged on it. Strabo, quoting Apollodorus of Artemita (11.9.1), describes Hekatompylos as the royal residence of the Parthians (τὸ τῶν Παρθυαίων βασίλειον). Pliny (NH 6.44) describes it as the capital of Parthia (“ipsum vero Parthiae caput Hecatompylos”) and says it was in the middle of that region (NH 6.113; see also 6.61). Ptolemy (6.5.2) refers to it as Ἑκατόν/μπυλος βασίλειον, and Ammianus (23.6.44) also mentions it.5 Isidore of Charax (9), writing in the first century A.D., remarks that in Comisene there were eight villages in which there were stations, but no cities.

There may have been a royal mint at Hekatompylos that produced coins under Antiochos I and II and Seleukos II.6 The location of Hekatompylos is a major crux; the consensus of scholarly opinion would place it 32 kilometers southwest of Damghan at the mounds of Shahr-i Qumis.7

*    *    *    *

In general see A. D. Mordtmann, SBAW (1869) 497–536; Droysen, Hist. 2:750; Kiessling, RE s.v.”Hekatompylos”; Miller, Itineraria 793; Tcherikover, HS 101; Markwart, Provincial Capitals 55–56; Walbank, Comment. 2:236– 38; Matheson, Persia 193–94; J. Hansman, JRAS (1968) 111–39; Bosworth, Comment. 1:342–43; M.-L. Chaumont, Syria 50 (1973) 217–22; Brodersen, Komment. 160; Fraser, Cities 107–9; Colledge, OCD3 s.v. “Hecatompylos”; Orth, Diadochenzeit 121; Cohen in Cultural Horizons 84–85; cais-soas.com/ cais/geography/damghan.htm.

For the results of excavation at Shahr-i Qumis see J. Hansman and D. Stronach, JRAS (1970) 29–62 and (1974) 8–22.

1. If I understand him correctly, Fraser (Cities 29 and n. 61) has suggested that there was an Alexandreia or Alexandropolis at Hekatompylos and that this may perhaps be identified with the “Alexandria oppidum” recorded by Julius Honorius (A6, ed. A. Reise, Geographi Latini Minores p. 26) between “Carrha oppidum” and “Nisibi oppidum.” Nevertheless, Fraser noted: “There is no suggestion in any Greek source . . . of a city founded by Alexander after his passage through the Caspian Gates”; furthermore, he correctly dismissed Honorius as a reliable source. In any event, I fail to see the basis for positing an identification of Hekatompylos with Honorius’s “Alexandria oppidum.” In his listing of cities Honorius moves in a generally westward direction. As I mentioned, this particular Alexandreia is listed between “Carrha oppidum” and “Nisibi oppidum,” both of which are in northern Mesopotamia. This is followed by Arbaei, Commagene, Dolicha, Palmyra, and Damascus. Thus, if Honorius can be relied on—which is unlikely—this Alexandreia would appear to have been in northeastern Mesopotamia rather than in Parthia.

As for Curtius Rufus, we may note that he says Hekatompylos was “founded by the Greeks.” He does not say it was founded by Alexander. But this is an argument from silence.

For the Caspian Gates see CHARAX in Media, n. 1.

2. According to Markwart, in the Pahlavi Provincial Capitals of Eranshahr (18, ed. Markwart), the “chief of the sorcerers (?)” Az I dahak “appears as mythical representant of the Seleucid ruler,” i.e., Seleukos I Nikator (p. 55); see also Marquart, ZDMG 49 (1895) 644 n. 1.

Among the foundations that he ascribes to Seleukos Nikator, Appian mentions various settlements that he says were given names from Greece and Macedonia (Syr. 57). Among these were SOTEIRA, CHARIS, KALLIOPE, HEKATOMPYLOS, and ACHAIA. Tarn noted (GBI2 13–14) that no such Greek cities are known. Therefore, he suggested that Appian has given the nicknames rather than the real names. According to Tarn, Hekatompylos is attested in the literature only as the Homeric epithet for Thebes “of the hundred gates.” Thus, according to Tarn, the nickname means that the town had more gates than the normal four found in Hellenistic town planning. The real name of the town is unknown, and “Hekatompylos” found in the late Alexander historians is simply an example of “the usual proleptic use of names of a later day.” Two comments: (a) Hekatompylos is referred to by Diodorus as well as Pliny, Curtius Rufus, and Ptolemy in addition to Appian. That is to say, it is found in a number of disparate sources dating from as early as the mid-first century B.C. (b) Although the toponym is not attested in Greece it is found—not as a nickname but as a toponym—in Libya (Polyb. 1.73.1; Diod. 4.18.1, 24.10.2). Diodorus gives a mythological origin for the name: he says Herakles founded the city. In any event, the existence of the city is beyond dispute: both Diodorus and Polybius mention the capture of Hekatompylos by the Carthaginian Hanno. See also Appendix VIII. On errors in Appian see Cohen, Settlements in Syria 3.

There are at least four variant spellings attested for the toponym:

  1. Hekatompylos in Parthia: Polyb. 10.28.7, 29.1; Strabo 11.9.1; Pliny NH 6.44, 61, 113; Amm. 23.6.44; Ptol. 6.5.2; Plethon’s excerpt of Appian (in Brodersen, Antiochike 55). Hekatompylos in Libya: Diod. 4.18.1, 24.10.2.

  2. Hekatontapylos in Parthia: Diod. 17.75.1. Hekatontapylos in Libya: Polyb. 1.73.1.

  3. Hecantopolis in Parthia: Tab. Peut. XI.2 (note that Droysen [Hist. 2:749] believed that one should distinguish Hecantopolis [which he called “Hecatompolis”] recorded in the Tab. Peut. from the “well known Hecatompylon”).

  4. Hekatompylos/Hekatompolis: App. Syr. 57.

3. Assuming—reasonably—that Hekatompylos was the refounding of a native town, Hansman suggested that the Old Persian name of the native town might have been *Komisha (JRAS [1968] 133–35). Briefly, he noted the following: Seleucid eparchies were often named after pre-Hellenistic cities of the districts; thus Rhagiana from Rhagai (Old Persian, Raga), Gabiane from Gabai (Old Persian, Gaba?) and Susiana/e from Susa (Old Persian, Çusha). Hekatompylos was located in the eparchy of Comisene. Futhermore, Yakut says that Arabic Qumis is the equivalent of the Persian Komish (Mu’jam al-Buldan p. 464, trans. Meynard). Finally, he pointed out that in the transition to Middle Persian the final vowel of an Old Persian word is dropped. Thus, Raga and Çusha (Old Persian) become, respectively, Ray and Shush (Middle Persian). Hence, the possibility that the Old Persian name for the town might have been Komisha.

4. J. Hansman and D. Stronach, JRAS (1970) 34.

5. For the establishment of the Parthian capital at Hekatompylos after 217 B.C. see, for example, Colledge, Parthians 27.

For Hekatompylos in the Chinese histories see Hirth, China 141.

6. The question of whether there was a Seleucid royal mint at Hekatompylos or ARTAKOANA remains unresolved. In ESM 255–56 (which was published in 1938) Newell tentatively assigned tetradrachms and drachms nos. 727–45 (in an addendum in WSM—which was published in 1941—he added WSM 727A-40B) to a possible Seleucid mint at Hekatompylos but finally opted for ARTAKOANA (which he identified with ALEXANDREIA in Aria). Newell hesitated to claim the existence of a Seleucid mint at Hekatompylos because the group of coins contained so many examples (nos. 733–45) of issues of Seleukos II Kallinikos. The problem centers around the date of the Parthian conquest of Hekatompylos. There have been two chronologies offered by scholars: a “high chronology” (in the decade of the 240s, at the end of the reign of Antiochos II) and a “low chronology” (in the early 230s, under the reign of Seleukos II); see further, p. 31, n. 136. If the “high chronology” is followed this would eliminate the possibility that Seleukos II controlled Hekatompylos, and would necessitate assigning the coins to Artakoana. If the “low chronology” is followed this would leave open the possibility that coin nos. 733–45 had been minted at Hekatompylos. Newell concluded (ESM 255–56): “Until our dates are definitely established, or until further evidence in its favor turns up, the writer would not advocate the existence of a Seleucid mint at Hecatompylos, although such a possibility should always be kept clearly in mind.”

However, after Tarn reviewed ESM (in JHS 59 [1939) 322) and expressed a preference for Hekatompylos as the site of the mint, Newell softened his claim for Artakoana (see WSM [34], which was published in 1941: “Dr. Tarn’s interesting remarks on the choice between Hecatompylos or Artacoana as the mint of Nos. 727–745, increases the probabilities for the former”). A. Houghton and W. Moore (ANS MN 29 [1984] 6 n. 13) assigned these coins to a mint at Alexandreia in Aria/Artakoana rather than at Hecatompylos, as did K. Ehling, SNR 76 (1997) 29–38 (coin catalogue: 34–37). Ehling’s claims for the “high chronology” prompted Houghton and Lorber (Seleucid Coins 1.1:213 and nos. 612–13, 830) to assign the coins to Artakoana. See also Houghton, CSE 1276–79 (“Hecatompylos or Artacoana”).

For Hekatompylos as the probable site of the mint see, for example, Tarn, JHS [1939) 322; and Newell (above); M. T. Abgarians and D. G. Sellwood, NC (1971) 117; O. Mørkholm, EHC 118.

In Seleucid Coins 2.1:XLVII, pp. 694–98, Houghton, Lorber, and Hoover reattributed most of the drachm coinage formerly assigned to a second workshop at Ekbatana to a new mint in northern Media or Hyrcania (possibly at CHARAX or, more probably, Hekatompylos); the new mint would have been opened in the course of Antiochos III’s eastern campaign.

7. Any attempt to fix the location of Hekatompylos relies on the literary evidence and that evidence is, unfortunately, inconsistent. In what follows I attempt to give a brief summary of the evidence and the problems relating to it. For fuller discussions consult the works cited below.

All of the extant sources use the Caspian Gates—which separated Media from Hyrcania and Parthia—as a reference point for fixing the location of Hekatompylos (for the likely equation of the Caspian Gates with the Sar-Darrah valley, which cuts though the Elburz Mountains, see CHARAX, n. 1). Briefly, the reported figures for the distance from the Caspian Gates to Hekatompylos are as follows:

1,960 stades (Strabo 11.8.9, citing Eratosthenes)

1,260 stades (Strabo 11.9.1, citing Apollodorus of Artemita)

1,064 stades ( = 133 m.p.; Pliny NH 6.44)

1,040 stades (Amm. 23.6.43)

In evaluating the information given by Strabo it is important to bear in mind that in antiquity there was no fixed and universally accepted length of the stade. The stade itself was always 600 feet in length; however, there was no standard length for the Greek foot. This could vary (slightly) in different localities. Thus, the Olympic foot was 320 mm, the Pergamene was 330 mm, and the Aeginetan, 333 mm (Pryce et al., OCD3 s.v. “Measures”). Furthermore, Strabo relied on various sources for much of his work; as a result, there is no assurance that throughout his work he consistently used the same measurement for the stade. Various textual emendations have been proposed, none of them convincing (see, for example, J. Marquart, Untersuchungen 2:21–23; Kiessling, RE s.v. “Hekatompylos,” 2794; Brunt, Arrian 1:496–97; and contra: Bosworth, Comment. 1:342–43). On the other hand, the information given by Strabo from Apollodorus (1,260 stades) may be reconciled with that given by Pliny (1,064 stades) and Ammianus (1,040 stades). The resulting distances from these three latter sources suggest locating Hekatompylos at Shahr-i Qumis.

On the location of Hekatompylos see, for example, the following: Mordtmann, SBAW (1869, vol. 1) 497–536 (Shahrud); Kiessling, RE s.v.”Hekatompylos” (Shahrud); von Stahl, GJ 64 (1924) 323–25 (“Only Damghan corresponds to the facts mentioned below, and even Damghan leaves a certain doubt”); P. Pédech, REA (1958) 74–75 (Shahr-i Qumis); Walbank, Comment. 2:236–38 (Shahr-i Qumis); Matheson, Persia 191–92 (Shahr-i Qumis; map on p. 190); Hansman, JRAS (1968) 111–39, esp. 116–19 (Shahr-i Qumis; photographs; map on p. 117); Hansman and Stronach, JRAS (1970) 30–33, 61 (“Thus, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, and indeed lacking any known alternative site, it would seem not unreasonable to reaffirm the proposal . . . that the site of Shahr-i Qûmis Area B is, in fact, Parthian Hecatompylos”); A. J. Boyle, BJRUL 60 (1977) 25 (Damghan); Bosworth, Comment. 1:342–43 (Shahr-i Qumis); Fraser, Cities 107–9 (Shahr-i Qumis). F. Hirth (China 143 n. 1), writing in the nineteenth century, observed that the Chinese historians also located Hekatompylos in the neighborhood of Damghan. Lastly, we may note Chaumont’s observation: “L’emplacement d’Hécatompylos reste toujours incertain” (Syria 50 [1973] 220).

HERAKLEIA

Strabo says (11.9.1) that Herakleia and APAMEIA were located in the vicinity of RHAGAI.1 Ammianus (23.6.39) refers to Herakleia and notes that—along with Arsakia, EUROPOS, Cyropolis, and EKBATANA—it was conspicuous for its wealth and the strength of its walls. Finally, Ptolemy (6.2.16) also mentions Herakleia.2

*    *    *    *

In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:670–71, 3:749; Bevan, Seleucus 1:265; Tcherikover, HS 100; Hakkert, LGRC s.v. “Achais 1”; Kiessling, RE s.v. “Herakleia 22.”

1. At 11.13.6 (a corrupt passage) Strabo says that among the Greek cities in Media that were founded by the Macedonians were LAODIKEIA, APAMEIA, the [city] near RHAGAI (καὶ ἡ πρὸς Ῥάγαις), and Rhagai itself. In his edition of Strabo, Meineke, following the earlier suggestion of G. Kramer in his edition (Berlin, 1847) and Groskurd, inserted [῾Ηράκλεια] after Ῥάγαις; see also K. Müller’s translation (Paris, 1853). Cf. Kiessling (RE s.v. “Herakleia 22”), who rejected the restoration.

2. See also HERAKLEIA/ACHAIS and ACHAIA in Aria.

KALLIOPE

Appian (Syr. 57) includes Kalliope among the settlements in Parthia that were founded by Seleukos I Nikator and named for places in Greece and Macedonia.1 It clearly had strategic importance: Pliny says (NH 6.44) that it had formerly served as a bulwark against the Medes. The town is also mentioned by Stephanos (s.v. “Kalliope,” citing Polybius). There is no other extant information about this settlement.

*    *    *    *

In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:750; Tcherikover, HS 101; Walbank, Comment. 2:242; Brodersen, Komment. 159.

1. Tarn has suggested (GBI2 13–15, followed by Walbank, Comment. 2:242) that inasmuch as the toponyms SOTEIRA, CHARIS, and HEKATOMPYLOS as well as Kalliope are not attested in Greece as toponyms (“There were no such Greek cities”), they were, in fact, nicknames. Note, however, that in the case of Hekatompylos a like-named city in Libya is firmly attested; in fact, according to Diodorus ( 4.18.1), the latter town received its name from Herakles!

KANGAVAR

At modern Kangavar (Konkobar, Concobar), 75 kilometers east of Kirmanshah, archaeologists have discovered the fragmentary remains of a large temple dated to c. 200 B.C. The fragments indicate that the columns had Doric capitals, though the temple was most likely not Hellenistic in style.1 In fact, Isidore of Charax (6) noted that there was a temple of Artemis near Kangavar. It has been thought that the temple was dedicated to Anahita.2

We do not know whether there was a Hellenistic colony at or near the site.3

*    *    *    *

In general see Mannert, Geographie 5.2:168; Schippmann, Feuerheiligtümer 298–308; Jackson, Persia 234–42; Wilber, PECS s.v. “Concobar”; Matheson, Persia 124; Colledge in Hellenism 149, 154, 156; Sherwin-White and Kuhrt, Samarkhand 74.

For the results of excavation at Kangavar see M. Azarnoush, AMI 14 (1981) 69–94.

1. For the temple at Kangavar see, for example, Colledge in Hellenism 156; Ball, Rome 330–32; Azarnoush, AMI 14 (1981) 69–94.

2. On Anahita see, for example, Raditsa in CHIr 3(1) 100–101. Note that Azarnoush (AMI 14 [1981] 83–84) has questioned the attribution of the temple to either Anhaita or Artemis.

3. Grainger (Seleukos 149) assumed there was a Greek city at Kangavar; see, earlier, Tarn, GBI2 63. The extant evidence does not support that assumption. Cf. Sherwin-White and Kuhrt, Samarkhand 74: “Kangavar, a huge ‘post-Achaemenid’ site, which may be a city.”

For a hoard of fourth- and third-century gold coins found at Tarik Darreh, 8 km south of Kangavar see A. Houghton, ANS MN 25 (1980) 31–44.

KARAFTO

A Greek inscription dated palaeographically to the late fourth/early third century B.C. over the entrance of a grotto at Karafto records the popular formulaic phrase that Herakles lived there.1 Clearly, this reflects the presence of Greeks or Macedonians in the region. However, we should need additional evidence in order to posit the existence of a Greco-Macedonian settlement in the area.

Karafto is located in northwest Iran, approximately 150 kilometers southeast of Lake Urmia.

*    *    *    *

In general see Stein, Old Routes 324–39; W. W. Tarn, CR (1940) 215–16; H. Seyrig, Syria 24 (1944–1945) 78–79; L. Robert, BE (1946–1947) 227; P. Bernard, St. Iran. 9 (1980) 301–24; H. von Gall, AMI 11 (1978) 91–112; id., EIr s.v. “Karafto Caves”; Potts, Elam 373.

1. CIG 4673 = SEG 7:36 = I. Estremo Oriente 269 = IGIAC 75. See also Seyrig, Syria 9 (1944–1945) 79 n. 1; and von Gall, AMI 11 (1978) 91–95. For the worship of Herakles on Mount Sanbulos ( = the modern Sunbulah) west of Kirmanshah see Tac. Ann. 12.13; and Seyrig, 69 n. 1.

KHURHA

To the west of the village of Khurha (Khorheh), southwest of Qum, are the remains of a temple. However, there is no agreement regarding the architecture. For example, D. Schlumberger thought the column bases were of Achaemenid type. A Seleucid attribution has found most—if not universal —favor. Thus, E. Herzfeld, who remarked that the ruins were Seleucid, conjectured that the temple was dedicated to Dionysos. B. Rowland Jr. also believed the temple was Seleucid, but suggested it was devoted to fire worship, rather than to Dionysos. On the other hand, K. Schippmann considered it to be a Parthian temple.1

J. D. Grainger observed without further discussion that this was the site of a “Greek city.”2 We should need further information before affirming this suggestion.

Khurha is located on the road between Qum and Arak.

*    *    *    *

In general see Matheson, Persia 189 and map 6 on p. 168; Herzfeld, Archaeological History 50–51; D.N. Wilber, PECS s.v. “Khurha”; Colledge in Hellenism 156; Grainger, Seleukos 149.

1. Schlumberger in CHIr 3(2):1047 (who also suggested that this might have reflected “Greek art modified to a certain extent by a survival of Achaemenian art”; Herzfeld, Archaeological History 50–51); see also B. Rowland Jr., AJA 39 (1935) 489–95 (“The comparative crudity of the capitals at Khurha leads me to date this temple late in the Seleucid Period, that is, shortly before 250 B.C., if not actually in the time of the Philhellenic Parthians,” 493); and E. Porada, The Art of Ancient Iran 180 (“Only two rather barbaric Ionian columns, remains of a structure at Khurha near Qum, are admitted generally to belong to the Seleucid period”). See also Schippmann, Feuerheiligtümer 424–30 and figs. 66–68; W. Kleiss, AMI (1973) 180–81; A. Hakemi, East and West 40 (1990) 11–41.

2. Grainger, Seleukos 149.

LAODIKEIA IN MEDIA

According to Strabo (11.13.6), among the Greek cities in Media founded by the Macedonians were APAMEIA, Laodikeia, the [city] near Rhagai, and RHAGA[I] itself. Presumably this Laodikeia is to be identified with the Laodikeia mentioned by Pliny (NH 6.115). According to Pliny, the settlement—a foundation of Antiochos—was located in the frontier region of Media, west of Pasargadai.1 Laodikeia in Media was also mentioned by Stephanos (s.v. “Laodikeia”) and Eustathius (918 in GGM 2:379).

It is quite possible that this settlement is identical with LAODIKEIA Nihavand. If so, we may also suggest that the founder—identified only as “Antiochos” by Pliny—might have been Antiochos I Soter.

*    *    *    *

In general see Droysen, Hist. 2:749; Weissbach, RE s.v. “Laodikeia 6”; Tcherikover, HS 100; L. Robert, Hellenica 7 (1949) 19; Walbank, Comment. 2:232–33; Fraser, Terminology 357.

1. On the name Pasargadai see Stronach, Pasargadae 280–81.

LAODIKEIA NIHAVAND

We learn about the existence of Laodikeia from an inscription found near the town of Nihavand.1 The inscription records a letter from Antiochos III to Menedemos (presumably the governor of the satrapy) establishing a high-priestess-hood for his wife, Laodike, and a cover letter from Menedemos to Apollodoros and Λαοδικέων τοῖς ἄρχουσι καὶ τῆι πόλει.2 The letter is dated to 193 B.C. Apollodoros was undoubtedly the epistates of the city.3 As L. Robert suggests, Laodikeia would probably have been included in the list of poleis appended to the end of the decree of ANTIOCH in Persis that voted to recognize the festival of Artemis Leukophryene at Magnesia at the end of the third century B.C. (OGIS 233 = Rigsby, Asylia 111 = I. Estremo Oriente 252 = Euphrat 306 = IGIAC 53). A limestone altar decorated with garlands in relief has also been discovered there.4 We do not definitely know the founder. It is possible that this settlement is identical with LAODIKEIA in Media, which Pliny says (NH 6.115) was founded by “Antiochos.” It is possible, therefore, that the founder was Antiochos I Soter.5

Nihavand is in west-central Iran, c. 65 kilometers south of Hamadan.6

*    *    *    *

1. For the letter from Antiochos III to Menedemos and the cover letter from Menedemos to Laodikeia see L. Robert, Hellenica 7 (1949) 5–29; I. Estremo Oriente 277–78 = Euphrat 301 = IGIAC 66; see also R. Sherk, ZPE 93 (1992) 257–58. This inscription is the second of three copies of Antiochos III’s letter regarding the establishment of a high-priestess-hood for his wife; the other two were found in the modern village of Durdurkar, between Karayık-Bazar and Korzum in southwest Turkey (RC 36/7; Ma, Antiochos III p. 354, no. 37 = I. Estremo Oriente 452–53 = Euphrat 302), and in Kirmanshah in northwest Iran (L. Robert, CRAI [1967] 281–97; I. Estremo Oriente 271–72 = Euphrat 303 = IGIAC 68).

2. The formula τοῖς ἄρχουσι καὶ τῆι πόλει is the same as that found, for example, in the letter sent by King Seleukos IV to SELEUKEIA in Pieria (RC 45) and in a letter from Thraseas to ARSINOE in Cilicia (C. P. Jones and C. Habicht, Phoenix 43 [1989] 319–20 = SEG 39:1426).

According to M. Holleaux (Études 3:211–15) the formula τοῖς ἄρχουσι καὶ τῆι πόλει χαίρειν represents both a later development than τῆι βουλῆι καὶ τῶι δῆμωι and a reflection of the more influential role played by the magistrates. See also Dmitriev, City Government 13–17.

3. For the date—according to the Macedonian Seleucid era—see Robert, Hellenica 7 (1949) 15; and Le Rider, Suse 38.

4. For the limestone altar see Colledge in Hellenism 145.

5. Sherwin-White and Kuhrt have suggested (Samarkhand 74) that the site could date from the reign of Antiochos I.

6. For the location of Nihavand see Le Strange, Caliphate 196–97 and map opp. p. 185; Matheson, Persia 108, map 5; and Fraser, Terminology 357. For a brief description of the site see Ghirshman in Robert, Hellenica 7 (1949) 21.

NISAIA (NIGAIA)

According to Ammianus (23.6.54) there were three prominent cities in Margiana—Nisea/Nigaea, IASONION , and ANTIOCH. The MSS of Ptolemy (6.10.4, 8.23.6) give the toponym as either Nisaia or Nigaia. Isidore of Charax (12) says that Parthaunisa—namely, Nisa, the capital of the Parthian empire—was called “Nisaia” by the Greeks.1 Coins of Seleukos I or Antiochos I, Antiochos III, and Alexander Balas as well as the Greco-Bactrian kings Euthydemos I and Eukratides I have been found at Nisaia. The fact that almost all the coins found at Nisaia were silver, whereas those found at Gyaur Kala in the Merv oasis were bronze, undoubtedly reflects the fact that Nisaia was a royal residence.2 The extant ancient sources offer differing opinions as to the region in which the town was located. As mentioned above, Ammianus placed it in Margiana, as did Ptolemy. On the other hand, Strabo (11.7.2) located it in Hyrcania.3

Nisaia was, of course, an early royal residence of the Parthians. On the other hand, it is not clear whether Nisaia and Iasonion were Hellenistic foundations. Nisaia was located near the modern Ashgabat (Ashkhabad) in Turkmenistan.4

*    *    *    *

In general see Tcherikover, HS 105; Weidner, RE s.v. “Nigaia”; Sturm, RE s.v. “Nisaia 2”; M.-L. Chaumont, Syria 50 (1973) 211–15; Fontaine, Ammien XXIII-XXV 2:101–2; Den Boeft et al. in Comment. on Ammianus XXIII 191.

1. See I. Khlopin, IrAnt 12 (1977) 117–49; and ALEXANDROPOLIS in the region of Nisaia.

2. For the coins found at Nisaia see N. M. Smirnova, AC3 (1996) 260–85, nos. 8–14 (Seleukos I or Antiochos I), 15 (Antiochos I), 19 (Antiochos III), 20 (Alexander Balas), 26–27 (Euthydemos I), 36 (Eukratides I). For coins found at Gyaur Kala see ALEXANDREIA/ANTIOCH IN MARGIANA, n. 8.

3. See, for example, Sturm, RE s.v. “Nisaia 2”; and Chaumont, Syria 50 (1973) 211 n. 7.

4. For the archaeological remains and the results of excavation see various articles in Parthica. See also, for example, Schlumberger, L’Orient hellénisé 34–38; Frumkin, Archaeology 144–45; Invernizzi in La Persia (1996) 237–49; id. in Das Partherreich 45–60 and bibliography cited there; id. in After Alexander 163–77; id., Mesopotamia 25 (1990) 47–50; id., Scultura di metallo da Nisa; id., Nisa partica: Le sculture ellenistiche; Wiesehöfer, Ancient Persia 125–26 et passim. See also Masson, Das Land 119–39; id., Old Nisa—A Parthian Royal Residence (Leningrad, n.d.) 1–12; A. Gabutti Roncalli, Mesopotamia 31 (1996) 161–77; V. N . Pilipko, Staraja Nisa (Moscow, 2001); P. Mollo, Mesopotamia 31 (1996) 179–88; C. Lippolis and V. Messina, Parthica 10 (2008) 53–61.

For the location see the map in Wiesehöfer, Ancient Persia 104.

SETTLEMENTS FOUNDED BY ALEXANDER AMONG THE KOSSAIOI

In the Indika (40.6–7) Arrian says: “The Uxians are neighbours to the Susians . . . as the Mardians . . . live next to the Persians and the Cossaeans next to the Medes. Alexander pacified all these tribes. . . . He also founded cities” (trans. Brunt).1

*    *    *    *

1. On the Kossaians see, for example, Weissbach, RE s.v. “Kossaioi”; Brinkman, Reallexikon s.v. “Kassiten”; Bosworth, Commentary 2:120; Biffi, Indiké 232; Dognini, Indiké 186–87.

SIRYNX

Polybius (10.31.6) described the polis of Sirynx near Tambrax as the capital or royal residence (βασίλειον) of Hyrcania because of its strength—it was surrounded by three ditches—and favorable location.1 The population included Greeks (10.31.11), who were apparently a minority.2 In the course of his expedition against Arsakes II, Antiochos III besieged and captured the city.

Although the exact location is not known, the most likely suggestion would place Sirynx near the southeast corner of the Caspian Sea, on a hill near Astrabad.3

*    *    *    *

In general see Tcherikover, HS 100–101; Tarn, GBI2 16, 20; Walbank, Comment. 2:241; M.-L. Chaumont, Syria 50 (1973) 207–10.

1. On the toponym see Walbank, Comment. 2:24; and Appendix VIII.

2. On the small size of the Greek population in Sirynx see Tarn, GBI2 20 and n. 4. For the Greek quarter—the Hellenion—at Memphis see, for example, P. Lond. 50.6; and Thompson, Memphis 80, 97; PCZ 1:59034; K.J. Rigsby, GRBS 42 (2001) 117–24.

Tcherikover (HS 100–101) was uncertain as to whether Sirynx was a real polis. According to Tarn (GBI2 20), “One cannot rely on Polybius’ use of the word polis, but the fortifications of the town show that it cannot well have been anything less.” On the other hand, Bickerman (in La Persia [1966] 107) thought it was a “walled native town called Syrinx [sic] by the Greeks.”

3. On the suggested location of Sirynx near Astrabad see for example, B. Dorn, Mémoires de l’Académie des Sciences de Saint-Pétersbourg7 23 (1875) 134; A. F. von Stahl, GJ 64 (1924) 315 (map); P. Pédech, REA (1958) 80–81 and map opp. p. 74; Walbank, Comment. 2:241; Seyrig, Syria 50 (1973) 207–10 and map on p. 204. Less likely are the suggested locations near Sari (i.e., in the Caspian region of northern Iran; Marquart, Untersuchungen 2:62) or at Sarakhs on the northeastern Iranian frontier (E. Herzfeld, AMI 1 [1929] 109–10; id., AMI 4 [1932] 38, 62).

SOTEIRA

See SOTEIRA in Aria.